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120. Election Day - Leading up to the Election
Rome
September 1, 1936


Consul Giuseppe Lombardi sat at his desk, leafing through the pile of paperwork in front of him. It was the less glamorous part of his job, but no less important, especially with the additional powers granted to him. He had already overseen several investigations into the former Squadristi, rooting out the troublemakers who had gone into hiding following the failed attempt on his life. It still irked him that these men had once been his loyal followers, but he could not grant them leniency without looking weak. They had faced the full extent of the law, with many having faced trial or having been thrown in jail. The remaining Squadristi who had not been implicated in any crimes had seamlessly been integrated into his personal staff, the army, or some other branch of the administration. As long as they didn’t prove troublemakers, their loyalty would prove a great boon.

Skimming through a few financial records, Giuseppe came to a report that mattered greatly to him. It was an update on the fortification effort in the Alps. Construction was going smoothly and on budget. The line of forts dotting the Alps would prove a great deterrent to anyone daring to attack Italy from the north. These defensive plans would not stop with these forts though. Giuseppe had already started drafting up plans for the expansion of several key shipyards across the Roman Republic, something he hoped to present to the Senate sometime next month. He technically did not need their approval, but he found that everything went more smoothly for all involved if they felt they had some say in these matters.

As Giuseppe reviewed the costs for the mountain fortresses, his office door opened and Paolo Favero stuck his head in. “May I interrupt?”

Giuseppe briefly glanced up from his paperwork, but otherwise gave no sign of acknowledgement other than a small beckoning wave of his hand. Paolo grinned and strutted into the room.

“You know it’s not good for your eyes to be staring at all those papers all day,” Paolo said, standing before Giuseppe’s desk with his hands on his hips.

Without looking up, Giuseppe said, “This isn’t the Dark Ages. I’m not reading these by candlelight.”

“Yes, but the contents are so boring that you’re liable to go cross-eyed.”

Giuseppe slowly lowered the paper he was holding, the barest hint of a smirk showing at the corner of his mouth. “Is there a reason you’re here, other than to interrupt my work?”

“You mean other than to visit my dear friend?” Paolo held his hands out to his side, a smile still on his face. “Do I need any other reason?”

Giuseppe leaned back in his chair and crossed his legs. “I suppose not.”

“Good,” Paolo said, plopping down in a nearby armchair, “because I have something important to discuss with you.”

Giuseppe blinked but otherwise said nothing. Usually when Paolo had something to discuss, it was a personal matter or about one of his hobbies, not something worth disturbing the Consul during his working hours. Giuseppe nodded for Paolo to proceed, not wanting to take away even more time from his day.

Paolo licked his lips, leaning forward in his chair and clasping his hands together. “I’ve been thinking….”

“Ah, so that’s where that burning smell is coming from,” Giuseppe said, not missing a beat, gently biting his lip to hold back a laugh.

It took Paolo a second until he caught on, his nose scrunching up before he let out a light chuckle. “Very funny, but this is serious. I’ve been thinking about you, about your role here and how you can best lead us forward. Do you have a plan? Do you know what you intend to achieve and how to get there?”

Giuseppe took a moment to mull over Paolo’s words. It was not often that his friend brought up such topics. He was not usually one to go too deeply into politics, although he had clearly bought into Giuseppe’s political views over the years. Most of the time he left such thinking to Giuseppe and provided financial backing when needed. It was not often he wanted to know the details.

“Of course I know what I want to achieve. I made that clear during my election campaign, and I fully intend to fulfill those promises. I will see our nation reborn anew, turned into something great. Our nation grows more stable by the day, and soon we will be a formidable power on the world stage.”

Paolo nodded. “I see. But have you thought about how you will achieve that?”

Giuseppe took a good look at his friend, trying to get a better sense of his thoughts. He had clearly brought this up for a reason, but why? Usually Paolo was so easy to read, but not today. His expression remained intense yet thoughtful.

“I have already made great gains towards that. Corruption in government has all but been rooted out, and the Senate is fully behind me. Efforts to fortify the country are progressing as planned, and soon we can move on to other efforts to strengthen the nation. It will take time, but we are building this country into something great.”

“But how long will that last?” Paolo said, shuffling in his seat. “Sure, the Senate may have granted you emergency powers to aid your efforts, but who is to say they won’t change their minds months down the road when the initial crisis dissipates. And what of an election? One day you will need to face re-election, and who is to say the people’s minds won’t have changed since then. The people are fickle, and they will focus on your few mistakes rather than your many successes when the time comes. Despite your best intentions and all the good you have done and will do, you may find your journey cut short by the very people that put you into power.”

Giuseppe tried to read Paolo again, but the man was now staring down at the floor, his usually peppy demeaner having dampened considerably. It was not like the man to be so pessimistic. “What has brought this on?”

“Nothing in particular,” Paolo said. “I’ve just been thinking about the future, and I worry that despite everything you intend to do, you will fall short because people are too short-sighted to recognize the good you will do for Italy.”

“I assure you,” Giuseppe said, “I do not intend to go down quietly, if at all. I will fight for this country until the end.”

“I know,” Paolo said, finally making eye contact with his friend. “I just worry that you are so focused on the goal and getting there that you aren’t securing your flank. You need to secure your base, before they turn on you.” He licked his lips nervously. “You already faced a significant setback with the Squadristi, and I feel you may be neglecting the rest of your supporters now that you are in power.”

Giuseppe was taken aback by the boldness of Paolo’s statement, although he did not show it. He was fully aware of the damage the Squadristi had caused, and had spent a great effort not only cleaning up the aftermath but turning that betrayal to his advantage. Still, he could recognize some truth to Paolo’s words. He had been fixated on other things, as well as pacifying the more troublesome Squadristi, that he had not paid much attention to those who put him in power.

“What do you suggest?” Giuseppe said.

“Too much time has been spent trying to win over or pacify the more militaristic and jingoist members of your support base. You need to work on the more traditional-minded members, those from old families and distinguished backgrounds, whose roots are deeply tied to this nation. They hold vast power and wealth, and their loyalty will secure you great resources to be used to keep you in power. You neglect them to your detriment.”

Giuseppe nodded, seeing Paolo’s point. Indeed, he had been consumed with trying to keep the Squadristi in line that he had ignored the less boisterous supporters who had backed him. Looking over at Paolo, he could tell that he had more to say but was holding it back for some reason. With a gentle wave of his hand, Giuseppe said, “Go on.”

“To win them over—” Paolo said, pausing mid-sentence as his voice cracked and he needed to clear his throat. “—you need to remind them that you are as deeply tied to this nation as they are. You need to show them that you and your family has played an integral role in the region, and that you are the continuation of a prestigious lineage that they can recognize and support. You need to acknowledge where you came from and embrace it. You need to—”

Giuseppe raised a hand, cutting Paolo off with a stern look. He knew where this was going, for this had been a discussion he had had with Paolo many times before the election. “No, I will not acknowledge my father or invoke his name for some petty political play.”

“But you must,” Paolo said, pleading with his eyes. “You are the only child of Italy’s first and only king, the man who liberated us from imperial rule. Your father saved the Italian people and is an example for us all.”

Giuseppe abruptly rose to his feet, slamming his hands on his desk and startling Paolo. “My father was an egotistical fool who only cast off imperial rule so he could play king. He cared nothing for the Italian people other than as a source of tax dollars to fund his many vanity projects. The only reason his rule is remembered fondly is because he died before anyone noticed what an idiot he was.”

“You don’t mean that,” Paolo said with a frown. “He was your father.”

Giuseppe’s lip twitched, and Paolo recoiled ever so slightly. “My father,” Giuseppe said, clenching his teeth tightly. “The only reason that man kept me around is because I was the only child he managed to sire. If he had fathered a legitimate son, he would have cast me out into the street without hesitation. I was merely a backup plan to him.”

Paolo was practically sinking into his seat at this moment. With a sheepish look, he said, “Well surely you must recognize that without him we wouldn’t have managed to free ourselves from the Empire. Regardless of his motives, he was the one that led the charge for freedom. He even freed us from the imperial puppet that is the Church, guiding us towards the true faith, Catholicism. It is because of him that we are freed from these ties and can live as an independent country.”

Giuseppe let out a strained laugh, and Paolo somehow managed to sink further into his chair. “Do not remind me of his deal with the Devil. That man, in his infinite wisdom, decided to play God and cast aside over a millennium of religious tradition in the vain hope that cozying up to another religious leader would further legitimize his rule. Instead, it allowed that papal imposter to waltz right into Rome and seize power before my father’s corpse was even cold. Because of his short-sided ambitions, we were subjugated to Burgundian rule for two decades. Now remind me, how exactly did he win us our freedom?”

Paolo raised his hands in the air, finally submitting to Giuseppe’s arguments. “Fine, we won’t bring your father’s memory into this, although I still believe you should think on it.”

Giuseppe let out an angry but satisfied huff and returned to his seat. “Is there anything else you wished to discuss?”

Paolo’s went to shake his head, but then his face went white and he let out a nervous laugh. “Actually, there was one thing I meant to mention to you.”

“Well, what is it?” Giuseppe said rather rudely, his temper having risen after the last conversation.

Paolo’s lip trembled and he plastered on an anxious grin. “Well, the other day I was thinking of ways to help your cause, and I thought of a way to help secure some of your support base.” He tugged at his collar, sweat beads now showing on his forehead. “Your Catholic support base.”

Giuseppe’s eyes narrowed. He didn’t like where this was going. “Go on.”

Paolo let out another nervous laugh. “I may have sent a letter on your behalf to the Pope inviting him to Rome.” Giuseppe’s mouth curled up into a snarl, but Paolo kept going. “And His Holiness may have accepted that invitation.”

“You what?” Giuseppe said, bolting from his seat, sending several papers flying off his desk. He glared down at Paolo. “You thought it a good idea to invite that arrogant piece of filth to Rome and didn’t bother to ask me first?”

“He is the head of the Catholic Church,” Paolo said, his face growing surprisingly resolute in the face of Giuseppe’s anger. “He is God’s representative on Earth to many people in Italy, including yourself I may add, or did you forget that you’re Catholic too.”

“Not by choice,” Giuseppe said between clenched teeth, annoyed at being reminded of another of his father’s misguided legacies. “And a pile of horse shit would serve as a better representative for God than that man.”

Paolo’s face reddened, although Giuseppe couldn’t tell if it was from anger or embarrassment. His friend did his best to maintain his composure as he rose to his feet. “Regardless of what you think, he is coming to Rome in two weeks. You should use this opportunity to smooth relations with the Catholic Church and its followers.”

Paolo gave a polite nod, and with that, excused himself from the room. Giuseppe, stewing in his own anger, was left to contemplate what he was going to do about the impending state visit from a man he absolutely loathed.

Constantinople - October 9

The summer of 1936 went by in a blur. After Alvértos had made his declaration, Theodora immediately set to work helping set up election infrastructure across the imperial provinces. Irene held down the fort in the Senate, filling in for her once again. This time, there would be no fascist brothers lurking in the shadows, so things went smoothly there. Confident that Irene could do the job without anybody getting in the way, Theodora could devote her full attention to the election. She first went to Hellas, where she took notes on the pilot elections happening iin Athens under Ioannes' supervision. Where better to experience the democratic process than the city where democracy first emerged millennia ago?

While the election itself went smoothly, all of the infrastructure and institutions Ioannes set up doing their jobs perfectly, Theodora noticed that the primary flaws came from the people. There had been elections in Athens before, but they were only on the local level, for offices such as mayor. Modern Athenians hadn't cast votes for any political office higher than that, so they were predictably confused when Ioannes had, several months ago, told them they could now pick someone to lead the province and a political party to represent their interests in the capital. It took a while for Theodora to explain to them what a political party even was. They had only just shifted from "factions of like-minded senators," after all. Even after that, Theodora felt that most of the concepts and ideas being thrown around by various campaigns went over the heads of the average Athenian. Just a few months ago, these Athenians had been content with just picking a mayor every so often, but now a bunch of people they barely knew were talking things like tax brackets, military rearmament, national budgets, the legal privileges of the Church, educational reform, and so on. Theodora suspected a lot of them simply voted for the party with the most appealing name, nicest logo, or loudest campaigners. She didn't blame them—if she were in their shoes, she would have done the same. And this was in Athens, one of the Empire's largest cities. Local elections with dedicated infrastructure were common in the larger cities, but smaller cities and towns had no such luck. The village of Kodima, even though it laid on the outskirts of the capital and hosted the largest Imperial Army base in the Empire, chose its mayor by spoken consensus among adult citizens. And there were other towns run by local nobles or even bishops. No doubt their inhabitants would be even more confused.

October 9 was too soon, by her reckoning. She could set up the bare minimum infrastructure by then, but cultivating the right mindset in the people so they understood what the new system was would take much longer. The Empire had not had a democratic tradition since the days of the Republic. True, the emperors of late Antiquity had always tried to maintain the illusion of the Republic's continuation, but that fiction had been largely dropped by the time the seat of power shifted east to Constantinople. By then, the Senate had split in two—one in Rome, which died a slow death as the city was repeatedly sacked and various medieval powers conquered Italy, and the other in Constantinople, which became staffed with nobles and bureaucrats all with an interest in not undermining the Emperor's divine right to rule. For centuries, everything had been decided by those at the top: the Emperor, the nobility, the Church. Nobody else had the chance to decide for themselves how things should be run. This had gone on for so long that the average person couldn't think such an option was possible. It would take years to change that mindset. But she would try. As someone born with the privilege to decide, she wanted to use that privilege to give it to everybody else. That way, they could achieve Alithiní Anástasi.

Still, it was what it was. If His Majesty decided on October 9, then she would have to make do with October 9. She would have to work even harder.

After Athens, she toured the other provinces under imperial control, making sure to set up infrastructure in as many important population centers as she could. She reached out to local authorities—mayors, nobles, and clergy—and utilized their resources and influence to not only make sure the infrastructure was in place but also ensure people were informed of what was happening. The exact details differed on the area. What worked in Athens couldn't be directly applied to Smyrna but slightly adjusted to fit local conditions. And as she traveled, she took down notes on each region's culture and society, to be used when writing up the new constitution. A less scrupulous individual would have used those notes and the infrastructure to ensure the KRA dominated imperial politics for all time, but she knew how self-defeating that would be, both for the KRA and the Empire at large. They would do things legitimately and fairly, and the people would decide for themselves who would represent them.

Funnily enough, although she had devoted weeks to setting up election infrastructure and teaching the people about the basics of representative democracy, she herself had barely campaigned. Most of the KRA's campaigns were handled by the others in her party, separate from her own work, allowing her to do her work without worrying about the KRA's performance or any potential conflicts of interest.

Finally, October 9 arrived. All of the preparations were now in place. Compared to the work she had just done, the actual election day itself was fairly normal. She first visited the polling office in Constantinople where Alvértos cast the ceremonial first vote. After that, she and Alvértos made their way to the Senate, where the senators ceremonially acclaimed him as the Emperor. Next came the coronation at Hagia Sophia, and afterwards they attended the Hippodrome to receive the people's homage. There wasn't much walking to be done during all this, as all of these buildings were very close to each other. They were done by lunchtime. With all of the ceremonies concluded, Theodora went back to the polling office, set up in a wing of the Great Palace, to greet other voters and help serve food. It was Irene's idea to call on the Arcadia for catering, and it was a good decision, because the promise of quality steak after voting brought far more people to the polls than Theodora had previously expected. Arcadia, I at least expect a discount after all of the business I brought to you guys.

Eating alongside other Constantinopolitans, the infrastructure she set up sprung into action as the results came in. To ensure a fair and transparent vote counting process, she had helped set up a nonpartisan Imperial Elections Commission. There was an extremely complicated process by which it would verify the integrity of ballots, prevent repeats by the same person, crack down on attempted fraud on both the personal and institutional level, certify the results as being valid, and hold recounts if absolutely necessary. She would explain it, but it would take way too long, and she had intentionally separated herself from the commission's own inner workings to avoid taking advantage of it. Suffice it to say that the commission, although it wasn't perfect, would serve its purpose and make sure the final tally was as accurate and fair as possible. Close integration with news networks allowed the results to be broadcast across the Empire via radio and telegram nearly as soon as they came in, adding a bit of spectacle. By the time the sun set, a majority of polling stations had counted a majority of their votes, and their results had been certified by the Imperial Elections Commission.

In the end, five parties dominated the results. The KRA came in first place, with nearly a quarter of all votes at 24%. Next was the Klenoi with 23%. After that was the ANE at 22%. The socialists and farmers took the rest. Nobody had gotten a clear majority, which was expected. As the party with the most votes, the KRA would have first pick of forming a governing coalition. The Klenoi were open to an alliance. She did plan to reach out to them the next day, but even if the two of them joined forces, that would still only net them 47%. Working with the ANE was out of the question, which meant they would have to work with either the Koinonistikai or the Georgikó Komma. That was where the problem laid. She personally had no issues bringing either or both of them into the alliance, but the Klenoi might object to the Koinonistikai, while some of the KRA's constituent parties might not be willing to work with the Georgikó Komma. She would have to discuss it with the Klenoi and the other KRA leaders. If worst came to worst, they would have to form a minority government. Which wasn't a bad thing, but they would have to tread carefully in such a scenario. With tensions rising in Europe, she would prefer if the government had a solid mandate to confront the coming crises.

Oh well. She would handle that in the Senate on October 10.

Rome
September 16, 1936


Consul Giuseppe Lombardi looked up at the clock on the wall for perhaps the third time in the past hour. Arrangements had been made for Pope Rhaban VII, or Albrecht Held in less Catholic circles, to meet Giuseppe at the Palazzo del Quirinale at noon; it was now half past twelve. As a man who had spent time in the military, tardiness was not something he allowed in himself or others. Yet he was dealing with the head of the Catholic Church and could thus do nothing but stew in anger as he was forced to wait for the Burgundian leader to arrive.

“Where the hell is he?” Giuseppe muttered under his breath, pacing back and forth in the entryway. He adjusted the collar of his uniform, for he had put on his ceremonial military attire just for this occasion. He was just about to storm off to find someone who could look into the Pope’s lateness when he heard a phone ring in the other room. It was soon picked up and he could hear muted conversation. Then there was silence.

Giovanni, Giuseppe’s personal aide, stepped through the door from the other room. He gave a polite nod to the Consul and said, “Sir, we just received a message from the Pope. He apologizes for his tardiness, for the morning mass he was holding went longer than expected. He finds himself fatigued from the sermon and thus requests that you join him at St. Peter’s Basilica this afternoon for your meeting.”

Giuseppe held back a scowl. The Pope had been in Rome less than a day and the power plays were already beginning. Sure, the request on the surface seemed innocent enough to the untrained observer, but Giuseppe knew that the Rhaban would not have been worn out by a simple sermon. No, he wanted Giuseppe to come to him, not the other way around. He wanted to play host, even though he was the visitor in this country he once ruled. He was trying to establish dominance in a conversation that had not even started.

Despite his reluctance to give any ground to the Pope, Giuseppe could not simply ignore the request. If he held off on the meeting for too long, it would reflect poorly on him, especially since it had been Giuseppe, through Paolo’s misguided actions, who had invited the Pope to the Roman Republic. He would have to concede this round but would make sure it did not happen again.

“Fetch a car,” Giuseppe said to Giovanni. “I need to get to St. Peter’s Basilica immediately.” Giovanni nodded and set off to fulfill the request.

Less than an hour later, the Consul’s car drove up towards St. Peter’s Basilica. A group of a few hundred people were gathered outside in the courtyard. As Giuseppe’s car rolled up, dozens of excited onlookers waved. Their exuberance was over-exaggerated, and Giuseppe wondered if they had been instructed to act this way. Their attitude stood out against the rest of the crowd, which milled around silently, making mock gestures of excitement but seeming anything but. It almost appeared as if they had been coerced into attending, and Giuseppe was wondering just that as his car come to a stop.

As he stepped out of the car, Giuseppe was met with the flash of cameras as a group of reporters snapped his photo. He did his best to smile and wave as the constant flashes nearly blinded him. The fact that he had not even known he was going to appear here until an hour ago meant that there could only be one person who knew to warn the reporters ahead of time.

As if summoned by Giuseppe’s thoughts, Pope Rhaban VII stepped through the large doorway of the basilica. He wore his papal vestments, a white alb (robe) covered by a red and gold mantum (cloak). Atop his head he wore a gaudy papal tiara, with every inch of its surface covered in gold and gems. As Rhaban stepped out onto the top step, Giuseppe noticed four altar boys following behind, holding his trailing falda that dragged behind him. The Pope waved to the crowd below, who broke out into a wild frenzy of fanfare. Yes, they had definitely been paid to be here.

After waving to the crowd, Rhaban noticed Giuseppe standing at the bottom of the steps and offered him an overly friendly smile. “Ah, you have finally arrived, my child. Come closer and pay your respects.”

Giuseppe resisted the urge to roll his eyes. He should have expected no less of a pompous show from this man. Maintaining his composure, he made his way up the steps to the Pope. He kept his eyes on Rhaban, knowing that the man surely had another plan in motion to establish his dominance over the Consul.

As expected, as soon as Giuseppe drew near, the Pope held out his hand, displaying a golden ring with the most enormous ruby upon it. He presented it directly to the Consul, and it did not take long for Giuseppe to catch on what Rhaban wanted. He wanted the Consul to kiss his ring, clearly establishing who held the power here. Giuseppe also couldn’t help but notice that the reporters had followed behind him, ready to snap a photo of the two’s meeting. He wasn’t about to give this man such an easy victory.

Without hesitation, Giuseppe went past the proffered hand, moving to stand beside Rhaban instead. He then reached out and took the Pope’s hand in a firm handshake. Before Rhaban could turn things in his favour again, Giuseppe turned to face the reporters and smiled. As he turned, he caught the moment of surprise on the Pope’s face, one that was quickly replaced with the usual fake smile as he realized what was about to happen. The cameras immediately started flashing as soon as the two faced the reporters, capturing the image of the two locked in a handshake as equals. One victory for the Consul.

Once the reporters were done, Rhaban beckoned Giuseppe to follow, leading the way into the basilica. Giuseppe had to follow off to the side, for the trailing falda took up all the space behind him, along with the altar boys carrying the long piece of fabric. As they walked, the two admired the architecture and artistry of the building. Giuseppe had not set foot in St. Peter’s Basilica since he was a child, so his memories of the exquisite building were vague at best. It was truly a wonder to behold, every surface covered with gilded decorations, elaborate stonework carvings, and paintings dating back centuries.

Noticing Giuseppe’s admiring gaze, Rhaban smiled and said, “I do so love seeing everyone’s impression of this monument to God. Truly it is one of the greatest works of the Church.”

“And surely they would love it back,” Giuseppe said, not missing the opportunity to dig in that this building was not the product of the Catholic Church and had been stolen from its true owners. The scowl on Rhaban’s face showed that that point had not gone over his head.

“Those heretics want a lot of things,” the Pope said, calming his expression. “But God has favoured the faithful and granted this monument to the true believers.”

Giuseppe wanted to comment that most of the people who called themselves Catholics these days were hardly that but held his tongue. The two walked in silence from then on until the Pope escorted Giuseppe into a side room. He beckoned for the Consul to take a seat in a comfortable-looking armchair and said, “Please wait here. I will return shortly.” Without another word, Rhaban exited through a door across the room, the altar boys following behind him.

For the next twenty minutes, Giuseppe sat alone, growing less patient by the minute. He was growing tired of being made to wait and felt that this might be just another power play. When Rhaban eventually returned, he decided that perhaps this wait had been justified.

The Pope had removed his papal vestments, and now wore a fine military uniform, much like the one Giuseppe himself wore. It was a stark contrast to his former outfit, much less cumbersome and far more utilitarian. The fabric had been dyed a deep burgundy, to match the same-named country that its owner led. Well over a dozen medals were pinned across his chest, and Giuseppe suspected that only half of them were honorary. Here stood the war hero Albrecht Held, a man who if a stranger met him in another setting would never guess he was also Pope Rhaban VII. Despite his hatred for this man, Giuseppe could not fail to respect that he had played an integral role in achieving Burgundy’s independence from the Empire through service in the rebel army. If he had not done that, perhaps he might not have become Burgundy’s leader to begin with.

“My apologies for the delay,” Albrecht said, taking a seat across from Giuseppe. “Despite my decades serving as head of the Church, I still find a uniform more comfortable.”

Giuseppe took the opportunity to assess the man across from him. Albrecht must have been in his 70s by now, yet he maintained the stature and vigour of a much younger man. Giuseppe very much doubted that he had failed to visit him at the Palazzo del Quirinale because of fatigue. That vigour extended to his eyes, for they were the eyes of a man who had fought tooth and nail to get to where he was. It was no wonder that he had managed to stay in power for over two decades. Giuseppe would have to be very careful.

“I would like to thank you for extending your offer of a visit,” Albrecht said. “I have always enjoyed this city. Rome is like a second home to me.”

Giuseppe did his best to appear unbothered by Albrecht’s statement. He was not oblivious to the fact that the man had once ruled over Italy, and not so long ago either. He silently cursed Paolo for inviting this viper back into the country. Not letting any of his thoughts spread to his expression, Giuseppe said, “Of course. It is the least I could do.”

“I also wish to offer my sincerest condolences regarding your father,” Albrecht said, plastering on a look of concern that was anything but sincere. “You were so young, and I don’t think I ever had the opportunity to speak to you at the time. I knew him quite well during his time as king, and he was one of the most devout followers of the faith. Often times I have contemplated granting him sainthood for his contribution to the holy church.”

“That is most kind of you to say,” Giuseppe said, returning a look that was equally as sincere. “I know he thought highly of you too.”

Albrecht perked up at the last statement, and Giuseppe resisted the urge to lambast the man for leading his father to his death. “That is good to hear,” Albrecht said, “and I’m certain that he would be very proud of you and your accomplishments.” Giuseppe highly doubted that was the case but kept silent anyway.

Straightening in his chair, Albrecht looked Giuseppe up and down, and he had the impression that the man was assessing him much as he had done earlier. He did his best to remain neutral, trying not to give anything away. After a moment of intense scrutiny, Albrecht said, “I believe we two are very much alike. We are men of action, who wish to serve our countries to the best of our ability and make our mark on the world.”

Giuseppe resisted the urge to laugh in Albrecht’s face. The very concept that they were anything alike revolted him. Albrecht didn’t seem to catch on to Giuseppe’s true feelings and kept speaking. “I have been watching your first steps into power and have been greatly pleased by your choices. You have shown great foresight and wisdom, especially when it comes to dealing with those who would stand in your way.”

Giuseppe leaned back in his chair, trying to puzzle out why the Pope was offering him such a compliment. There had to be an ulterior motive; there always was. He decided to remain silent, expecting an explanation would follow.

“It must not have been easy to turn on your own followers,” Albrecht said, “but it was the right decision. These jingoist ruffians, the ones people have begun calling fascists, are a dangerous element to those of us in power. They may help you if your goals align, but they are just as likely to push you too far and to a point where there is no turning back. I saw as much from those fascists in Burgundy and dealt with the threat before I could no longer contain them. I imagine you foresaw much the same and acted in a similar fashion.”

Giuseppe was still wary of Albrecht’s intent, but he supposed there was no harm in talking politics for now. “Your assessment is correct. The Squadristi were proving a liability, so I handled them before they spiralled out of control.”

Albrecht nodded, giving the faintest hint of a smile. “And turned their demise to your advantage too. Just how long are you to be granted these emergency powers of yours?”

“Long enough to deal with any threat that presents itself,” Giuseppe said, his eyes blazing with intensity. He wanted to make it clear that he would not allow anyone, especially the Pope, to contest his position.

Albrecht let out a light chuckle, seemingly unconcerned by Giuseppe’s statement. He waved his hand off to the side and said, “I also noticed on the way south the fortifications being constructed in the Alps. Are you preparing for an invasion?”

Giuseppe stiffened and carefully tried to judge the level of hostility in Albrecht’s voice. The Pope did not sound accusatory, although it would not be unsurprising since these defences would also be along the Burgundian border. He sounded more curious than anything. “It is better to be prepared, and the Roman Republic is ready to deal with any threats that present themselves.”

The Pope nodded thoughtfully at that, tapping his fingers along his armrest. After a moment, he looked towards Giuseppe, showing the slightest hint of concern. “Then you have noticed the growing threat too?”

Giuseppe was somewhat off put by that statement, although he relaxed somewhat that Burgundy did not interpret the fortification efforts as a threat. Was this about the Empire then? Indeed, they were the eternal bogeyman for any former imperial state, and the main impetus for all of the Roman Republic’s defensive plans. They needed to be ready if the Empire decided to reclaim its lost provinces.

Giuseppe was going to say as much when Albrecht spoke first. “The Germans,” he said, little more than a whisper, as if the Germans were listening in on their conversation. Giuseppe scrunched up his brow, for Germany certainly would not be on the top of his list of threats. While they had long been the enemy of the imperial provinces, he did not anticipate hostility with them unless either started expanding. Indeed, there could even be an opportunity to work together at some point in the future, assuming matters did not go downhill before then. The fortifications, while well placed to fend off a German invasion, were more a deterrent than an actual defensive measure for the neighbouring nations.

Not seeming to notice Giuseppe’s contemplations, Albrecht continued. “When I expelled the fascists from Burgundian politics, I placed several men loyal to me within their ranks. I had hoped to keep an eye on them in case they chose to retaliate, but what I learned instead was that many of them were migrating to Germany instead. And there rests the true threat. Fascist forces are gathering there, stirring up trouble in an already fragile political environment. I fear soon that they shall seize power and we will have war-hungry neighbour on our border. It is best that those of us of a more reasonable and civilized mindset stand together against such a threat when they finally decide that war is the only path forward.”

At last, there it was, the reason for this whole charade. Honestly, it was not one he had anticipated, for he had never expected for the Pope to come here looking for an ally. Such action from a man so vain spoke to the seriousness of the threat. Albrecht genuinely believed that Germany would soon be gearing up for war, and that Burgundy would be a potential target. Giuseppe felt a coldness in the pit of his stomach. Had he been so fixated on the Empire that he had underestimated the German threat? If Albrecht was right, would Italy be next?

Despite his feelings towards Albrecht, despite everything the man had put Italy through, there was little genuine threat from Burgundy. The two retained cordial relations, albeit someone strained based on recent history. It was not entirely impossible that the two countries could work together at some point in the future. Giuseppe hated to admit it, but he might just have to put aside his loathing of the Pope for the good of his country if the German threat turned out to be real.

With great effort, Giuseppe said, “You have given me much to think about. I will need time to think it over.”

“Of course,” Albrecht said, giving a nod. “I did not mean to suggest anything formal at this time, but merely wished to convey that such a thing may be required in the future.”

Albrecht rose from his seat, and Giuseppe soon followed. After smoothing his uniform, Albrecht said, “I know the two of us have not always seen eye to eye, but we may need to set aside such differences in the face of the German menace.” He offered Giuseppe his hand, and the Consul somewhat reluctantly clasped it in a handshake. “I hope this to be the start of a more beneficial relationship, for both our countries.”

Giuseppe could only nod along, his head reeling with all that had been said. He was practically on autopilot as Albrecht had him escorted to the exit and the two offered their farewells. The ride back to the Palazzo del Quirinale was quiet, with Giuseppe deep in his thoughts. Was this all another power play or was this a legitimate offer? There was this nagging sensation that Albrecht meant to use this to undermine the Consul and worm his way back into Italian politics. Yet he couldn’t deny that Albrecht’s concerns regarding Germany were legitimate. The growing nationalist fervour in Germany would likely prove a great threat to Burgundy. This offer by the Pope may well be him reaching out in desperation, seeking anyone that could aid him if the Germans resorted to war. Giuseppe did not think this was likely to happen soon, but it could be an eventual possibility.

The real dilemma was whether such an offer was worth pursuing. Did he even want to help Burgundy? Perhaps Germany would do him a favour by running the Pope out of Burgundy. Then he realized that if that happened, the Pope would inevitably come running back to Rome. That brought a scowl to his face. Perhaps this offer was worth considering just to avoid that possibility alone. As his car finally reached the front steps of Palazzo del Quirinale, Giuseppe knew he would spend many evenings thinking over this one conversation.

Constantinople

Despite having spent the past several months in Constantinople, Timon couldn't say that he had spent much of that time enjoying the city in its fullest. If he wasn't spending time heading to places to acquaint himself with stuff he has to know about now that he was the head of the estate here, he was largely spending his time back at the estate, reading up and catching up, and if not, being dragged into amusing shenanigans with friends and colleagues.

As he examined the itinerary for Coronation Day and Election Day, the young Thaddai came to a peculiar realization - he had yet to step foot in the Temple District within the historic center of the city. At that moment, he recalled something Father Erasmos had told him in private, that being that those in the Imperial core territories were far closer to the faith than those in Aotearoa, even with the recent boons the Archbishopric had received. Though the faith had always been a part of his life, given that the estate in Komnenion had its own chapel, and a room for Erasmos to stay in, but he was never told to be more active a believer. The family attended church service, and that's about as much he could say. His father was more active, but only to an extent, and his mother never really discussed it much either. None of his friends had been strong faithful either. He could attribute some of this to the legacy of the church in Aotearoa, as well as the separation of church and state practiced by the Exarchate. As a result however, given how swamped he's been with work, he's fairly certain he hadn't attended church service whatsoever since arriving in the mainland.

Thinking on it, Timon was sure that some of the stares he had received back in Trebizond, as well as some here in the capital, was because no one locally recognized/knew him from attending church service. He could only wonder what sort of implications that might raise in the eyes of others. Putting all that aside, as the coronation would continue after the Senate at the Hagia Sophia, that would be his first time visiting.

Soon enough, the day came, October 9th. The whole Thaddai delegation, of Timon, Franco, Konstas and Halia, were present for the festivities. Watching the ceremonial first vote, granting homage to Michael the Eighth in the senate, and then soon thereafter, heading to the Hagia Sophia. As they made their way to the cathedral, Timon was somewhat awestruck. Not even considering the sheer magnitude of the Hagia Sophia itself, he considered the very historical nature of the district - it was around these parts where the earliest form of the City, Byzantion, had been established. And now, today, it served as not just a major religious center, but as the historical core of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, with so many churches and monasteries, old and new, relatively. And the awe continued within the cathedral, and the scale within. The main cathedrals in Komnenion and Hilandaris pail in comparison. With his faith more casual than others, he couldn't deny the raw energy he sensed inside.

Following the end of the coronation, the Thaddai hung around a bit more, enjoying the festivities, but ultimately retired for the estate sooner than most. They would opt to hear the electoral results through the radio instead. Feelings were mixed at the estate over the results, especially that of ANE, but nothing could really be done about it.

The next day, the Thaddai delegation was once more present, this time for the senatorial session. As they waited for things to start, they enjoyed the morning paper.
 
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120. Election Day - The State of the Empire
“Welcome, senators and Representatives!” began Michael VIII, Emperor of the Romans. “Today I will start with my usual State of the Empire address, then I will share more about your role and set you a task.”

“At the start of August, the cities in the west were ready for a full return to civil control. The military was lightly reorganized, with all cavalry forces placed under the command of General Shelepov.”
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“On a broader scale, Anastasios Manos was designated as Megas Domestikos ((Chief of Army)) and Eleftherios Kriezis was designated as Megas Droungarios ((Chief of Navy)).”
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“Fronts were defined in the east and west to defend Rhomania. It’s unfortunate that they happen to be mostly against Roman territories, but they will position the legions to assist them against aggressors if need be. Even more unfortunate is that there aren’t enough forces to fully man those borders.”
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“This is also when the investigations against fascist organizations began and organizers of violence were brought to justice.”
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As with past addresses, Michael left out the efforts of the MSI - their recruitment of a new agent sent to gather intelligence on Burgundy, their creation of invisible inks, their research into how to assess the economic and civil sectors of a country, and their development of machines to more rapidly decrypt ciphers.
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“The following months saw further improvements for the legions. 2. Light Infantry Brigade was upgraded to be a full division and renamed 8. Infantry Division. Likewise 3. Light Infantry Brigade was upgraded to 9. Infantry Division and 4. Light Infantry Brigade upgraded to 10. Infantry Division.”

“By mid-September, John Loukas Picardie agreed to become Domestikos ton Aeras ((Chief of Sir Force)), and immediately implemented a training doctrine emphasizing the use of formation flying for effective battlefield support.
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“Within the economy, in mid-August a research group finished revising particle mechanical computers and was then tasked with devising all the equipment needed to provide each division of the legions with a signals company.”
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“In mid-September another group finished plans for more dispersed industry and was tasked with planning for each division of the legions to have a logistics company.”
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“At the start of October, there had been enough evidence uncovered during the investigations of fascists that it was prudent to ban the PIARO party and arrest the leaders, now known to have organized and instigated much of the violence against Romans of non-Greek heritage.”

“Yesterday, of course was my coronation and the elections.”

“In world affairs, there has been growing discontent against continued Roman rule in non-Greek lands. In Jolof, this rose to the point of expelling Greek administrators from the country in early August. For now these administrators have been given positions within the bureaucracy in Rhomania proper.”
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“As you can see on the maps, Japan has joined China’s GACPS. And Poland insisted on a referendum in Germany, leading to a fascist majority government.”

“So, those are the events of the past two months. Now I will speak of plans for the future. As you know, ever since Empress Veronica reconstituted the Senate, it has served to advise the Empress or Emperor and as a pool of trusted ministers at need.”
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Of course, this wasn’t the real purpose, it was just a continuation of the policies in place since Emperor Theodoros to distract the nobles and other powers of the Empire with pomp and courtly life so that they didn’t resist the Emperors. The more clever no doubt recognized this and went along with it, some because they saw the greater stability it gave the Empire and saw that as a safer way of gaining power and wealth, others due to a lack of ambition or not seeing a way free from the trap. The less clever fell for it completely and felt flattered by the opportunities. Nevertheless, the Senate had proved to be a fount of good advice and of trusted ministers, at least if one was discerning about which members they trusted.

“For the future of Rhomania, the Senators and Representatives will need to take on a greater role. The first task for you all is to determine just what that role will be. I wish you to work with me to devise a written constitution over the next few months.” He didn’t look, but he could imagine the look of consternation on Theodora’s face. That was a short time to invent a whole system of government. Even if one of the parties in the negotiation already had a plan to work from.

“This is a short time to develop one, but it does not need to be perfect, merely good enough. The provinces will want a say in the structure of the government when they return, and in a few years we will need to create a new one. But this will plot us a course forward and allow us to experiment in the arts of governance.”
 
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Constantinople
October 10, 1936


Senator Donatello Favero remained in deep contemplation as Emperor Michael VIII addressed the Senate. Yesterday had been an eventful day, witnessing the fruits of all their labour in the coronation of the new emperor. Donatello had felt a great sense of relief as the crown was placed on the emperor’s head, with that action signaling the finale to the civil war. Konstantinos was now exiled and a new emperor sat on the throne. Now they could focus on mending the rifts in the Empire.

Coronation day had been shared with the Empire’s first national election, and the results showed the divisions that would need to be fixed. No party held more than a quarter of the votes. Donatello had hoped to siphon away more votes from his former party, but the alliance of absolutist conservatives in the form of the Aléxides toú Nómou Empsýchou managed to hold their ground. It was a fairly even split and showed that conservative-minded individuals in the Empire were very mixed on the role of the emperor and democracy in this new government. He suspected that they would prove a great thorn in his side and resist whatever reforms were proposed.

The lack of a clear majority for any party also created a potential roadblock towards forming a stable government, a priority in these earlier stages. Donatello had not been surprised that the Kómma Romanítas Aftokratorikós had taken the most votes and he had gone into the election knowing that it would likely be his party, the Kleinoi, and the KRA forming a government. He had been optimistic and assumed that together they could muster at least 50% of the vote, but they had fallen short. They would need to rope in another party for a coalition or pick and choose who to work with for each vote. The ANE, with their support for absolutism and backwards views, were not even a consideration for cooperation, for they would sabotage any attempt at democratic reform. Donatello suspected the KRA would be willing to work with the Koinonistikai, but half his own party would likely rebel if he suggested they work with socialists. That left the Georgikó Kómma, an agrarian party focused on rural issues. They were at least moderate, but their focus would be very different from the other parties. It was possible though that they would be willing to support the necessary reforms, and at least were centrist enough that neither the KRA nor Kleinoi members would object to working with them. This would need to be something to discuss with Theodora in the coming days.

Donatello was at least grateful that action had been taken against the Pars Imperium Aecus Romani Operarii prior to the election. The fascists were a dangerous element, and their support for Konstantinos had put their loyalty in question. With the group having been found guilty of various crimes and violent acts, they had been banned as a party and removed as a competitor in the election. Donatello suspected though that those members who had escaped arrest had likely found refuge in the ANE, since their views were not too different.

Even if he could feel some relief at the swift disbanding of the PIARO party, fascism abroad was proving a more stubborn foe. Word was that the German fascists had won their recent election, and that the Polish were pushing them further down that path. Having two highly militaristic and aggressive fascist powers on the continent could only mean trouble, let alone if more joined their rank. He had at least heard of other nations in the west taking on fascists as the Empire just had, so not everyone was giving in to their jingoist views.

Despite the uncertain fate of fascism abroad, there were other threats presenting themselves. Jolof had expelled the Greeks from their lands, setting a dangerous precedent that may be followed by other former imperial provinces. Donatello could understand their discontent, especially with the Empire unable to maintain control or order in the region, but if others followed suit, it could spell the end of imperial rule in Africa. The greatest dilemma would come from determining the Empire’s next steps. If they did nothing, other former imperial provinces may well do the same and expel the Greeks. If they intervened, they may be perceived as too aggressive or willing to restore imperial rule by force. A diplomatic approach may well be best, but it could expose the Empire’s weakness if Jolof resisted and the Empire would have to choose between the former options of inaction or force.

Donatello tried to put this all in the back of his mind as Emperor Michael presented their next great challenge: a constitution. Such a feat had not been attempted before in recent Roman history, and they would all be going in blind, stumbling around in the dark in a rushed effort to produce a document that not only worked by satisfied all parties. That seemed likely to be an impossibility, but they were forced to attempt it, given only a few months to accomplish this task. Theodora likely already had an entire constitution written out, but he doubted everyone would accept it as is. There were too many disparate views. Donatello feared that with the short time given, whatever was created would be a rushed mess with many flaws and loopholes that would doom them down the road. Events were moving too fast, and rushing through reforms could bring down their whole effort. He suspected that in the coming days he would need to spend great effort assuaging his party’s concerns and convincing them that this was the best path forward. He could not afford for them to backslide at this critical juncture. His mind reeled as he considered the many possibilities and decisions to be made going forward, and he could only let out an exasperated sigh at the challenges they would be facing over the next few months.
 
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Constantinople - October 10

Theodora had no idea how the new Senate managed to convene so fast after the elections finished. As soon as the results were certified by the elections commission, all of the parties scrambled to select their representatives. Somehow, everybody chosen made it to the Great Palace in time for the session. And today, Theodora beheld the first of a new Senate. No longer would it be staffed almost entirely by nobility and imperial appointees, but by all Romans regardless of class. There were even a few female representatives too, most of them KRA representatives. This is only the beginning, too.

Alvértos began his speech. She still wasn't used to calling him Michael. Of course, she would refer to him as such in public, but privately, it would take a while before she stopped associating the name with his father.
“On a broader scale, Anastasios Manos was designated as Megas Domestikos ((Chief of Army)) and Eleftherios Kriezis was designated as Megas Droungarios ((Chief of Navy)).”
Ioannes had told Theodora he still wanted to command troops in the field, much to her and Mara's annoyance. They had tried convincing him to at least take a leave of absence, but he refused. "As long as I can still lead, I will. The Imperial Army still needs me." He said that even as there were no active conflicts the Empire was involved in. They ultimately arrived at a compromise—Ioannes would delegate one of his subordinates, General Anastasios Manos, to represent him and the Imperial Army in the cabinet. Officially, Ioannes would hold the military rank of stratarches, or field marshal, but everyone still called him the Megas Domestikos. General Manos may have been given the political office, but everyone knew he was just Ioannes' representative, there so that the old man could stay in the field.
“Fronts were defined in the east and west to defend Rhomania. It’s unfortunate that they happen to be mostly against Roman territories, but they will position the legions to assist them against aggressors if need be. Even more unfortunate is that there aren’t enough forces to fully man those borders.”
There was no helping that the majority of the front lines Ioannes laid out ran between imperial territories. Ideally, most of those territories would return to the fold without a fight. That was Theodora's prediction for much of the eastern front and a good chunk of the western front. Even so, the fronts were undermanned. The civil war had killed many experienced soldiers who would now need to be replaced with new recruits. She didn't want to resort to conscription, but the situation in the west was moving quickly and they had to react in kind.
“This is also when the investigations against fascist organizations began and organizers of violence were brought to justice.”
---
“At the start of October, there had been enough evidence uncovered during the investigations of fascists that it was prudent to ban the PIARO party and arrest the leaders, now known to have organized and instigated much of the violence against Romans of non-Greek heritage.”
After Konstantinos' defeat, the MSI and other law enforcement agencies began a general crackdown against other fascist organizations. All of the major ones, including the PIARO, had backed Konstantinos to varying degrees and thus constituted a threat to national security. Fortunately, with Konstantinos and his inner circle already apprehended, the remaining fascist groups were left disorganized and quickly turned on each other, blaming one another for Konstantinos' defeat or insufficient ideological purity. That made it easy to eliminate them. The MSI dealt with the PIARO, arresting its leaders and seizing its assets. The party would also be banned from future elections. That left only smaller groups, generally regional ones with strongholds either in the countryside or certain neighborhoods in the big cities. With the PIARO and other large groups already disbanded, many of these groups fell apart or dissolved on their own. Now all that was left was to make sure fascism never again attained such power that it could threaten the Empire's safety. A good constitutional amendment would do the trick, though she would have to work on the wording with everybody else.
As with past addresses, Michael left out the efforts of the MSI - their recruitment of a new agent sent to gather intelligence on Burgundy, their creation of invisible inks, their research into how to assess the economic and civil sectors of a country, and their development of machines to more rapidly decrypt ciphers.
The MSI, for its matter, had finally received the budget and time it needed to begin shifting operations overseas. Aggelike and her team were still in charge of the surveilling Giuseppe Lombardi and his government, but now Theodora could send more teams to other European rebel regimes and recognized countries. The one she was interested in the most was the team led by Agent Evangelia Metaxá, which had been sent to infiltrate the Burgundian capital of Cologne and gather intel on the Pope's actions. Last month, he had made a very public visit to Rome, where he met Lombardi. From Aggelike's reports, it seemed the two were cordial enough, yet wary of the other's true motives, as if trying to assert their dominance over the other. Perhaps they could exploit this—Evangelia and Aggelike could work to set the two men against each other. But it was more likely that they would join forces against the Empire, and then Theodora would have a problem.
“By mid-September, John Loukas Picardie agreed to become Domestikos ton Aeras ((Chief of Air Force)), and immediately implemented a training doctrine emphasizing the use of formation flying for effective battlefield support.
Theodora hadn't heard from John-Loukas much since the civil war wound down. The last major operation conducted by the Scipio was the rescue of Irene, Timon, and the Aotearoan delegation in the Eastern Mediterranean. Since then, there had been no reason to deploy it, so John-Loukas accepted a promotion to Domestikos ton Aeras. To be fair, there weren't many other choices to fill the newly created office—the Imperial Air Force had only recently been split off from the old Imperial Army Air Corps, after overcoming significant pushback from Ioannes and other generals who wanted to keep the Air Corps under the Army's jurisdiction. John-Loukas had made a compelling case in favor of making the Air Force its own service, believing that aerial warfare would only grown in importance in the future, even if the famous airships likely wouldn't.

((Don't worry, he'll get a POV chapter eventually...I hope.))
“In world affairs, there has been growing discontent against continued Roman rule in non-Greek lands. In Jolof, this rose to the point of expelling Greek administrators from the country in early August. For now these administrators have been given positions within the bureaucracy in Rhomania proper.”
The regime that called itself the "Jolof Empire," though it shared little in the way of continuity from the historical African empire, had made its stance on reunification quite clear when it expelled all Rhomaioi from territories under its control. It came at a bit of a shock to Theodora, because many of the other African and Middle Eastern provinces had stayed quiet so far. During the civil war, it was understandable as they would want to wait until either Konstantinos or Alvértos emerged victorious, but now the Empire was reunited and the new Emperor was officially crowned. The time for waiting was over—the provinces would now have to rejoin the Empire. It seemed a few of them had other ideas, and there would likely be more following in Jolof's footsteps. No matter. They were traitors as much as Konstantinos or the western rebels were, and they would be crushed just like them.
“As you can see on the maps, Japan has joined China’s GACPS. And Poland insisted on a referendum in Germany, leading to a fascist majority government.”
Even as fascism was stamped out in the Empire, it remained on the rise elsewhere. Poland had successfully engineered the rise of a fascist government in Germany. Two authoritarian regimes which subscribed to militarism and nationalism and had the military strength to force it on their neighbors was worrying. They could upset the delicate balance of power that had been frozen in place since the Time of Troubles. Theodora would have to keep an eye out on them, just as much as she did with Italy and Burgundy.
“For the future of Rhomania, the Senators and Representatives will need to take on a greater role. The first task for you all is to determine just what that role will be. I wish you to work with me to devise a written constitution over the next few months.” He didn’t look, but he could imagine the look of consternation on Theodora’s face. That was a short time to invent a whole system of government. Even if one of the parties in the negotiation already had a plan to work from.
Theodora almost sighed again. Several months was not enough time to write a whole constitution, even with all of the notes and proposals she already had in preparation for this.
“This is a short time to develop one, but it does not need to be perfect, merely good enough. The provinces will want a say in the structure of the government when they return, and in a few years we will need to create a new one. But this will plot us a course forward and allow us to experiment in the arts of governance.”
Theodora looked at her fellow senators, observing each of their faces. She saw annoyance, shock, concern, anger, hope, a wide range of emotions among the varied peoples that now filled the chamber. Even she was a little nervous, now that they had arrived at this point. But they could overcome this together, just as that angel had told her. If the world he liked so much had done it, then why couldn't she do it here as well? First, she would need to get allies. Timon and his delegation were obvious picks, as they could provide an "outside" view of the Empire. The socialists and farmers both had their own concerns she would like to hear out. And then there was Donatello Favero, who no doubt would be her biggest partner due to the Klenoi's share of seats. She didn't need Kira to know she would be working a lot with him in the future.
 
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With the festivities from yesterday and the morning paper in hand, Timon had already begun assuming that much of what was to be discussed today would be the usual affair, albeit likely featuring more discourse on what to do next with the election having come and gone. And, as per usual, he was largely justified. The papers had already mentioned the banning of PIARO, as well as the rise of fascism in northern Europe, but the news surrounding the expulsion of Greeks from Jolof seemed to have been presented differently in the papers compared to the Emperor's words. The papers emphasized it as the expulsion of all Greeks in the region, while here it was said to only go up to expelling administrators... the papers also failed to mention how many Greeks were in the region as well, so perhaps the only Greeks there were the banished administrators. That, along with another talking point, would prompt Timon to rise and speak.

"It is a shame to hear that Jolof had chosen to break its ties with the Empire in such a way, especially in light of the reforms we're organizing to make a better empire for all Romans," he started, hearing some muted agreement from others present, "But it does beg the question of why Jolof had chosen to do so," a comment which prompted some confusion.

"While the treatment of the people may have been per usual in the core territories, one has to consider what sort of mixed legacy Roman colonial rule has brought to not just Africa, but each corner of the Earth the Empire had touched. To speak from Aotearoa's experience, in specific my home islands had an immensely mixed history with the Church. Settlement of South Island was agitated by members of the colonial era Archeparchy that presided over all the islands adjacent to the Pacific, to become a model colony in replicating Mount Athos' stature, but in the East. By the time the Archeparchy was broken into individual archbishoprics in the last century, the local Archbishopric created held immense sway on the islands, which enabled corruption, abuse of indigenous and indigenous-descended peoples, and so much more. It was such that, when the dictatorship came to power there during the Time of Troubles, the first act committed was dissolving and repatriating all of the Church's assets back to 'the people of Aotearoa', a decision that was widely supported by the local populace. The local church resistance paled in comparison to even the Council Communists, and were it not for the actions of my father and mother, the Church of Aotearoa would have remained buried in the dirt, allowing for the 1915 Compromise that put power in the hands of the Exarchate along with Father Galaad, chosen to be the new Archbishop, to restore the Church and bring it to the height of success it has reached today," Timon monologued.

"All of this is to say, we have no idea on what grounds Jolof had chosen to expel Imperial administrators from its lands, only that they had done so. For all we know, they see it as rightful action after decades of Roman rule that had brought nothing to the native people living there. What action we take in response to this will likely influence whether or not other breakaway states choose to do so too. Do we want to extend our hand to them regardless, in a show of true Romanitas, or will we engage in petty revenge?" Timon concluded, opting to go with the assumption that fewer Greeks had been expelled than is being shared, though he hoped to get some correction on this.
 
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With the festivities from yesterday and the morning paper in hand, Timon had already begun assuming that much of what was to be discussed today would be the usual affair, albeit likely featuring more discourse on what to do next with the election having come and gone. And, as per usual, he was largely justified. The papers had already mentioned the banning of PIARO, as well as the rise of fascism in northern Europe, but the news surrounding the expulsion of Greeks from Jolof seemed to have been presented differently in the papers compared to the Emperor's words. The papers emphasized it as the expulsion of all Greeks in the region, while here it was said to only go up to expelling administrators... the papers also failed to mention how many Greeks were in the region as well, so perhaps the only Greeks there were the banished administrators. That, along with another talking point, would prompt Timon to rise and speak.

"It is a shame to hear that Jolof had chosen to break its ties with the Empire in such a way, especially in light of the reforms we're organizing to make a better empire for all Romans," he started, hearing some muted agreement from others present, "But it does beg the question of why Jolof had chosen to do so," a comment which prompted some confusion.

"While the treatment of the people may have been per usual in the core territories, one has to consider what sort of mixed legacy Roman colonial rule has brought to not just Africa, but each corner of the Earth the Empire had touched. To speak from Aotearoa's experience, in specific my home islands had an immensely mixed history with the Church. Settlement of South Island was agitated by members of the colonial era Archeparchy that presided over all the islands adjacent to the Pacific, to become a model colony in replicating Mount Athos' stature, but in the East. By the time the Archeparchy was broken into individual archbishoprics in the last century, the local Archbishopric created held immense sway on the islands, which enabled corruption, abuse of indigenous and indigenous-descended peoples, and so much more. It was such that, when the dictatorship came to power there during the Time of Troubles, the first act committed was dissolving and repatriating all of the Church's assets back to 'the people of Aotearoa', a decision that was widely supported by the local populace. The local church resistance paled in comparison to even the Council Communists, and were it not for the actions of my father and mother, the Church of Aotearoa would have remained buried in the dirt, allowing for the 1915 Compromise that put power in the hands of the Exarchate along with Father Galaad, chosen to be the new Archbishop, to restore the Church and bring it to the height of success it has reached today," Timon monologued.

"All of this is to say, we have no idea on what grounds Jolof had chosen to expel Imperial administrators from its lands, only that they had done so. For all we know, they see it as rightful action after decades of Roman rule that had brought nothing to the native people living there. What action we take in response to this will likely influence whether or not other breakaway states choose to do so too. Do we want to extend our hand to them regardless, in a show of true Romanitas, or will we engage in petty revenge?" Timon concluded, opting to go with the assumption that fewer Greeks had been expelled than is being shared, though he hoped to get some correction on this.
Timon was the first to speak up. As with before, he decided to bring up a topic not many native-born senators would have thought much about. That was one of the benefits of his Aotearoan background. He would see things those in the heartland would miss. Like with Jolof and its expulsion of Rhomaioi. Acting on her limited information, she had viewed the whole matter through the lens of the MSI. There was clearly a political statement being made behind the expulsion. No other European demographic had been expelled from Jolof, only Romans. So this was clearly meant as a message to Constantinople. Jolof wanted to sever ties with the Empire. She had no problem with that in the slightest, but it was the method that troubled her. The overseas colonies had long been a massive drain on the imperial budget that could no longer be tolerated with the rising of tensions in Europe and the need for reunification. Perhaps it would be better to let the colonies decide for themselves where they wanted to go so the Empire could focus back on Europe. However, this ran the risk of appearing hypocritical to the western rebels. After all, why would the Empire allow the colonies to go free but not the western provinces?

"I too would like to request more information on the Jolof situation. We know little of what's happening on the ground there, so we must not act too rashly for fear of worsening things and influencing our approach to other breakaway regimes. After all, our actions towards Jolof and other colonial states could influence our efforts towards reunification in Europe. We would do well to remember that. I call that we take a primarily diplomatic approach to start. Let's see if we can resolve the issue peacefully if we can."
 
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16th September 1936

…​

“Ah Rhaban. Here we are again.”

The pope paused mid-stride, and slowly turned to look at Patriarch Franciscus.

“Still alive, old man? I confess I am surprised.”

“The Lord looks out for his own, it seems.”

“And yet you were so easily swept from this place, and it remains the Catholic Church.”

Franciscus grinned. “And yet, here I am, healthy and beloved by Romans, whilst you have to pay to have people cheer your name.”

Rhaban waved off his retort. “A small indulgence, to promote goodwill.”

“Your…church…” the word was said with all the respect due, “would know all about indulgence.”

The pope bristled. “I will not be spoken to in such a manner.”

“Please, attempt to stop me with your guards. Ah, I forget,” Franciscus gasped, “you have no power here any longer. The people saw you for what you were and disposed of you much as they did to your supposed predecessors long ago.”

“I am the anointed descendant of St Peter and the line of holy fathers,” the pope said. “You are a crippled old fool with no palace nor church to tend to any longer. Your words have no bite from your toothless mouth.”

“God’s church is all around us. Found on the streets and in the hearts of men, not in decadent buildings such as these. A folly of my own order, I grant you, but we have grown beyond such pomp and circumstance, whilst you hide behind it. What is there to your claim but facades? The Latin Rite is of Orthodox Faith, as it has been for nearly one thousand years.”

“By God, I should have had them break your neck as well as your legs,” Rhaban muttered. “We stand firm against your false emperor, faith and alleged order, despite all notably failing in the past year.”

“And yet, again, God delivered us from it. I was there, Rhaban. I was there on the Bosphorus when the Lord came and blocked the bullets from the fascist guns. It is no lie or propaganda tool this time. The heavens are giving us all a direction.”

This, finally, seemed to give the pope some pause.

“I do not believe in your tale, nor do I recognise the supposed Patriarch in Constantinople. Nor do I believe you, as I would not believe any crazed beggar from the street.”

“Rhaban,” Franciscus urged, moving forwards slightly, “I am in earnest now. God is giving us sign after sign. Direct intervention on this level…it has not happened in…centuries. It must be portending to something coming…something great and terrible no doubt. We must put aside our grievances and prepare.”

The uniformed man glared at the patriarch but was silent. Perhaps in thought. Perhaps attempting to control his emotions.

“I say again that I do not believe you…but we too have seen signs. The fascist threat comes for us too in Burgundy. Perhaps from elsewhere also. I seek to stand firm against them but need the faithful to remain firm in their convictions. I need Italy to remember where their loyalties lie. Interfere with that, and I will strike you down as I did once before. I say no more.” He cut off the older man’s response and stalked away.



9th October 1936

…​

Alexander was tired, and the day had not yet truly begun. He adjusted his ceremonial senate robes and reflected on how busy the past few weeks had been. Overseeing a regency council and arranging for a coronation was already hard work. Atop that, the reformists had desired to strike whilst the iron was hot and hold the first democratic vote throughout the Empire on the same day, which meant a truly biblical level of organisation, paperwork, manpower and bureaucracy that the Imperial Government at its height several decades ago would have baulked at.

As it was, the irony that the only way the vote could proceed as planned was for the Church to facilitate it was…lost on quite a few people actually. Then again, not many had truly understood the level of separation the Church and Faith needed to take away from the political sphere, at least so openly, within the state.

Not that he himself was helping much, Alexander reflected. He was ostensibly head of state for another few hours, about to crown the permanent replacement, and then oversee a gigantic election. In future years, he imagined, this strange period of church independence and interdependence would probably be ironed out a bit in the history books.

Alvértos, for the brief time remaining that he would be known as such, came through looking a mixture of extremely satisfied and terrified. This was to be expected. The coronation oaths and ceremony still made the Emperor of Rome out to be essentially the ruler of the entire world…and though it had been some time since that had been the case, it was still a ridiculous ego boost. But the weight of responsibility that came when the crown settled down on a head was infamously crushing. Many a ruler snapped beneath it.

“Is everything prepared?”

“It is. You will address the Senate, cast the first vote, and then the procession will begin to the cathedral for mass and ceremony.” Alexander hesitated and then went on. “I understand your reasoning, but I again ask you to not cast a vote. It seems a strange precedent to begin.”

“Necessary for the whole ordeal to have any weight,” the Prince, the Emperor, replied, as he had before.

Alexander nodded. “Then let us go. Speak slowly, clearly, and loudly. It’s a bloody big building.”

Alvértos cracked a smile and the tension eased somewhat.

…​

The coronation was not as grand as others had been in the past, and there were far fewer dignitaries and representatives from the wider Empire and the lands beyond than usual. Whilst it was only to be expected, it still saddened Alexander somewhat as he peered out from the lectern. His concern was for the whole world and humanity, as their Shepard of the Faith, but he was also an Imperial and disliked seeing Rome’s decline as much as anyone else.

The Emperor was anointed with oil from Jerusalem, rose and holy water from Alexandria and Antioch, wreathed in leaves taken from the trees of the Temple District, and knelt upon the shroud weaved in Rome upon the Reformation and Reconciliation of the Latin Rite. He swore his vows before God, the Church and the People to love God, the Church, and the People of his Empire. And he accepted the crown of his ancestors, this the ceremonial imperial circlet forged nearly 900 years ago when Konstantine X retook Jerusalem.

A new addition, aside from the slightly reinforced and pointed assurances of Church protection, was one of circumstance; Alexander had been compelled to keep the white staff close to him at all times, and so a place for it was found in the ceremony. The Crown Jewels symbolically reflected the monarchy and its power, the staff and prayers for the Church, and the vast audience filling the largest hall in the city stood for the People.

Finally, Michael rose as Emperor, and left alongside his courtiers, senators, churchmen and citizens to be acclaimed in the Hippodrome.

All in all, despite the difficulties, it had been a good day. Certainly, Alexander could not help but reflect, better than the alternative.
 
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...
10th October 1936
...​

Alexander stood.

"Naturally, the Church will double its efforts to aid the people of this region, though our own position is under threat. I would argue that our first priority is to see to the safety of our people, whether they be citizen, churchman or otherwise. We have seen before what can happen when purges occur."

The Church position was debatable, and a reminder that it had become far too colonial in its attitudes in various areas. Owning land and overseeing various aspects of life such as education, healthcare and charity was one thing. Serving as imperial governors and ordering troops to crack down on dissidents was a medieval aspect of the Church's relationship with the Empire that they would do well to eject and apologise for.

Their wealth and privileged position in many countries, nations and states as regards to law, customs and taxation were boons and privileges, hard earned and useful for maintaining their mission of aiding people spiritually and temporally. It was not to build lavish palaces and revel in debauchery. Such thinking had led the Latin Church astray, and indeed, infected the wider Orthodox Church far too often in their history. The modern church would be wise and kind in their wealth and power, lest they have it taken away and given to those more deserving.

As ever, the light of God and the love of humanity would be their guides, not greed and avarice.
 
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120. Election Day - Responses to the Address
Constantinople
October 10, 1936


Senator Donatello Favero remained in deep contemplation as Emperor Michael VIII addressed the Senate. Yesterday had been an eventful day, witnessing the fruits of all their labour in the coronation of the new emperor. Donatello had felt a great sense of relief as the crown was placed on the emperor’s head, with that action signaling the finale to the civil war. Konstantinos was now exiled and a new emperor sat on the throne. Now they could focus on mending the rifts in the Empire.

Coronation day had been shared with the Empire’s first national election, and the results showed the divisions that would need to be fixed. No party held more than a quarter of the votes. Donatello had hoped to siphon away more votes from his former party, but the alliance of absolutist conservatives in the form of the Aléxides toú Nómou Empsýchou managed to hold their ground. It was a fairly even split and showed that conservative-minded individuals in the Empire were very mixed on the role of the emperor and democracy in this new government. He suspected that they would prove a great thorn in his side and resist whatever reforms were proposed.

The lack of a clear majority for any party also created a potential roadblock towards forming a stable government, a priority in these earlier stages. Donatello had not been surprised that the Kómma Romanítas Aftokratorikós had taken the most votes and he had gone into the election knowing that it would likely be his party, the Kleinoi, and the KRA forming a government. He had been optimistic and assumed that together they could muster at least 50% of the vote, but they had fallen short. They would need to rope in another party for a coalition or pick and choose who to work with for each vote. The ANE, with their support for absolutism and backwards views, were not even a consideration for cooperation, for they would sabotage any attempt at democratic reform. Donatello suspected the KRA would be willing to work with the Koinonistikai, but half his own party would likely rebel if he suggested they work with socialists. That left the Georgikó Kómma, an agrarian party focused on rural issues. They were at least moderate, but their focus would be very different from the other parties. It was possible though that they would be willing to support the necessary reforms, and at least were centrist enough that neither the KRA nor Kleinoi members would object to working with them. This would need to be something to discuss with Theodora in the coming days.

Donatello was at least grateful that action had been taken against the Pars Imperium Aecus Romani Operarii prior to the election. The fascists were a dangerous element, and their support for Konstantinos had put their loyalty in question. With the group having been found guilty of various crimes and violent acts, they had been banned as a party and removed as a competitor in the election. Donatello suspected though that those members who had escaped arrest had likely found refuge in the ANE, since their views were not too different.

Even if he could feel some relief at the swift disbanding of the PIARO party, fascism abroad was proving a more stubborn foe. Word was that the German fascists had won their recent election, and that the Polish were pushing them further down that path. Having two highly militaristic and aggressive fascist powers on the continent could only mean trouble, let alone if more joined their rank. He had at least heard of other nations in the west taking on fascists as the Empire just had, so not everyone was giving in to their jingoist views.

Despite the uncertain fate of fascism abroad, there were other threats presenting themselves. Jolof had expelled the Greeks from their lands, setting a dangerous precedent that may be followed by other former imperial provinces. Donatello could understand their discontent, especially with the Empire unable to maintain control or order in the region, but if others followed suit, it could spell the end of imperial rule in Africa. The greatest dilemma would come from determining the Empire’s next steps. If they did nothing, other former imperial provinces may well do the same and expel the Greeks. If they intervened, they may be perceived as too aggressive or willing to restore imperial rule by force. A diplomatic approach may well be best, but it could expose the Empire’s weakness if Jolof resisted and the Empire would have to choose between the former options of inaction or force.

Donatello tried to put this all in the back of his mind as Emperor Michael presented their next great challenge: a constitution. Such a feat had not been attempted before in recent Roman history, and they would all be going in blind, stumbling around in the dark in a rushed effort to produce a document that not only worked by satisfied all parties. That seemed likely to be an impossibility, but they were forced to attempt it, given only a few months to accomplish this task. Theodora likely already had an entire constitution written out, but he doubted everyone would accept it as is. There were too many disparate views. Donatello feared that with the short time given, whatever was created would be a rushed mess with many flaws and loopholes that would doom them down the road. Events were moving too fast, and rushing through reforms could bring down their whole effort. He suspected that in the coming days he would need to spend great effort assuaging his party’s concerns and convincing them that this was the best path forward. He could not afford for them to backslide at this critical juncture. His mind reeled as he considered the many possibilities and decisions to be made going forward, and he could only let out an exasperated sigh at the challenges they would be facing over the next few months.

Constantinople - October 10

Theodora had no idea how the new Senate managed to convene so fast after the elections finished. As soon as the results were certified by the elections commission, all of the parties scrambled to select their representatives. Somehow, everybody chosen made it to the Great Palace in time for the session. And today, Theodora beheld the first of a new Senate. No longer would it be staffed almost entirely by nobility and imperial appointees, but by all Romans regardless of class. There were even a few female representatives too, most of them KRA representatives. This is only the beginning, too.

Alvértos began his speech. She still wasn't used to calling him Michael. Of course, she would refer to him as such in public, but privately, it would take a while before she stopped associating the name with his father.

Ioannes had told Theodora he still wanted to command troops in the field, much to her and Mara's annoyance. They had tried convincing him to at least take a leave of absence, but he refused. "As long as I can still lead, I will. The Imperial Army still needs me." He said that even as there were no active conflicts the Empire was involved in. They ultimately arrived at a compromise—Ioannes would delegate one of his subordinates, General Anastasios Manos, to represent him and the Imperial Army in the cabinet. Officially, Ioannes would hold the military rank of stratarches, or field marshal, but everyone still called him the Megas Domestikos. General Manos may have been given the political office, but everyone knew he was just Ioannes' representative, there so that the old man could stay in the field.

There was no helping that the majority of the front lines Ioannes laid out ran between imperial territories. Ideally, most of those territories would return to the fold without a fight. That was Theodora's prediction for much of the eastern front and a good chunk of the western front. Even so, the fronts were undermanned. The civil war had killed many experienced soldiers who would now need to be replaced with new recruits. She didn't want to resort to conscription, but the situation in the west was moving quickly and they had to react in kind.

After Konstantinos' defeat, the MSI and other law enforcement agencies began a general crackdown against other fascist organizations. All of the major ones, including the PIARO, had backed Konstantinos to varying degrees and thus constituted a threat to national security. Fortunately, with Konstantinos and his inner circle already apprehended, the remaining fascist groups were left disorganized and quickly turned on each other, blaming one another for Konstantinos' defeat or insufficient ideological purity. That made it easy to eliminate them. The MSI dealt with the PIARO, arresting its leaders and seizing its assets. The party would also be banned from future elections. That left only smaller groups, generally regional ones with strongholds either in the countryside or certain neighborhoods in the big cities. With the PIARO and other large groups already disbanded, many of these groups fell apart or dissolved on their own. Now all that was left was to make sure fascism never again attained such power that it could threaten the Empire's safety. A good constitutional amendment would do the trick, though she would have to work on the wording with everybody else.

The MSI, for its matter, had finally received the budget and time it needed to begin shifting operations overseas. Aggelike and her team were still in charge of the surveilling Giuseppe Lombardi and his government, but now Theodora could send more teams to other European rebel regimes and recognized countries. The one she was interested in the most was the team led by Agent Evangelia Metaxá, which had been sent to infiltrate the Burgundian capital of Cologne and gather intel on the Pope's actions. Last month, he had made a very public visit to Rome, where he met Lombardi. From Aggelike's reports, it seemed the two were cordial enough, yet wary of the other's true motives, as if trying to assert their dominance over the other. Perhaps they could exploit this—Evangelia and Aggelike could work to set the two men against each other. But it was more likely that they would join forces against the Empire, and then Theodora would have a problem.

Theodora hadn't heard from John-Loukas much since the civil war wound down. The last major operation conducted by the Scipio was the rescue of Irene, Timon, and the Aotearoan delegation in the Eastern Mediterranean. Since then, there had been no reason to deploy it, so John-Loukas accepted a promotion to Domestikos ton Aeras. To be fair, there weren't many other choices to fill the newly created office—the Imperial Air Force had only recently been split off from the old Imperial Army Air Corps, after overcoming significant pushback from Ioannes and other generals who wanted to keep the Air Corps under the Army's jurisdiction. John-Loukas had made a compelling case in favor of making the Air Force its own service, believing that aerial warfare would only grown in importance in the future, even if the famous airships likely wouldn't.

((Don't worry, he'll get a POV chapter eventually...I hope.))

The regime that called itself the "Jolof Empire," though it shared little in the way of continuity from the historical African empire, had made its stance on reunification quite clear when it expelled all Rhomaioi from territories under its control. It came at a bit of a shock to Theodora, because many of the other African and Middle Eastern provinces had stayed quiet so far. During the civil war, it was understandable as they would want to wait until either Konstantinos or Alvértos emerged victorious, but now the Empire was reunited and the new Emperor was officially crowned. The time for waiting was over—the provinces would now have to rejoin the Empire. It seemed a few of them had other ideas, and there would likely be more following in Jolof's footsteps. No matter. They were traitors as much as Konstantinos or the western rebels were, and they would be crushed just like them.

Even as fascism was stamped out in the Empire, it remained on the rise elsewhere. Poland had successfully engineered the rise of a fascist government in Germany. Two authoritarian regimes which subscribed to militarism and nationalism and had the military strength to force it on their neighbors was worrying. They could upset the delicate balance of power that had been frozen in place since the Time of Troubles. Theodora would have to keep an eye out on them, just as much as she did with Italy and Burgundy.

Theodora almost sighed again. Several months was not enough time to write a whole constitution, even with all of the notes and proposals she already had in preparation for this.

Theodora looked at her fellow senators, observing each of their faces. She saw annoyance, shock, concern, anger, hope, a wide range of emotions among the varied peoples that now filled the chamber. Even she was a little nervous, now that they had arrived at this point. But they could overcome this together, just as that angel had told her. If the world he liked so much had done it, then why couldn't she do it here as well? First, she would need to get allies. Timon and his delegation were obvious picks, as they could provide an "outside" view of the Empire. The socialists and farmers both had their own concerns she would like to hear out. And then there was Donatello Favero, who no doubt would be her biggest partner due to the Klenoi's share of seats. She didn't need Kira to know she would be working a lot with him in the future.

With the festivities from yesterday and the morning paper in hand, Timon had already begun assuming that much of what was to be discussed today would be the usual affair, albeit likely featuring more discourse on what to do next with the election having come and gone. And, as per usual, he was largely justified. The papers had already mentioned the banning of PIARO, as well as the rise of fascism in northern Europe, but the news surrounding the expulsion of Greeks from Jolof seemed to have been presented differently in the papers compared to the Emperor's words. The papers emphasized it as the expulsion of all Greeks in the region, while here it was said to only go up to expelling administrators... the papers also failed to mention how many Greeks were in the region as well, so perhaps the only Greeks there were the banished administrators. That, along with another talking point, would prompt Timon to rise and speak.

"It is a shame to hear that Jolof had chosen to break its ties with the Empire in such a way, especially in light of the reforms we're organizing to make a better empire for all Romans," he started, hearing some muted agreement from others present, "But it does beg the question of why Jolof had chosen to do so," a comment which prompted some confusion.

"While the treatment of the people may have been per usual in the core territories, one has to consider what sort of mixed legacy Roman colonial rule has brought to not just Africa, but each corner of the Earth the Empire had touched. To speak from Aotearoa's experience, in specific my home islands had an immensely mixed history with the Church. Settlement of South Island was agitated by members of the colonial era Archeparchy that presided over all the islands adjacent to the Pacific, to become a model colony in replicating Mount Athos' stature, but in the East. By the time the Archeparchy was broken into individual archbishoprics in the last century, the local Archbishopric created held immense sway on the islands, which enabled corruption, abuse of indigenous and indigenous-descended peoples, and so much more. It was such that, when the dictatorship came to power there during the Time of Troubles, the first act committed was dissolving and repatriating all of the Church's assets back to 'the people of Aotearoa', a decision that was widely supported by the local populace. The local church resistance paled in comparison to even the Council Communists, and were it not for the actions of my father and mother, the Church of Aotearoa would have remained buried in the dirt, allowing for the 1915 Compromise that put power in the hands of the Exarchate along with Father Galaad, chosen to be the new Archbishop, to restore the Church and bring it to the height of success it has reached today," Timon monologued.

"All of this is to say, we have no idea on what grounds Jolof had chosen to expel Imperial administrators from its lands, only that they had done so. For all we know, they see it as rightful action after decades of Roman rule that had brought nothing to the native people living there. What action we take in response to this will likely influence whether or not other breakaway states choose to do so too. Do we want to extend our hand to them regardless, in a show of true Romanitas, or will we engage in petty revenge?" Timon concluded, opting to go with the assumption that fewer Greeks had been expelled than is being shared, though he hoped to get some correction on this.

Timon was the first to speak up. As with before, he decided to bring up a topic not many native-born senators would have thought much about. That was one of the benefits of his Aotearoan background. He would see things those in the heartland would miss. Like with Jolof and its expulsion of Rhomaioi. Acting on her limited information, she had viewed the whole matter through the lens of the MSI. There was clearly a political statement being made behind the expulsion. No other European demographic had been expelled from Jolof, only Romans. So this was clearly meant as a message to Constantinople. Jolof wanted to sever ties with the Empire. She had no problem with that in the slightest, but it was the method that troubled her. The overseas colonies had long been a massive drain on the imperial budget that could no longer be tolerated with the rising of tensions in Europe and the need for reunification. Perhaps it would be better to let the colonies decide for themselves where they wanted to go so the Empire could focus back on Europe. However, this ran the risk of appearing hypocritical to the western rebels. After all, why would the Empire allow the colonies to go free but not the western provinces?

"I too would like to request more information on the Jolof situation. We know little of what's happening on the ground there, so we must not act too rashly for fear of worsening things and influencing our approach to other breakaway regimes. After all, our actions towards Jolof and other colonial states could influence our efforts towards reunification in Europe. We would do well to remember that. I call that we take a primarily diplomatic approach to start. Let's see if we can resolve the issue peacefully if we can."



16th September 1936

…​

“Ah Rhaban. Here we are again.”

The pope paused mid-stride, and slowly turned to look at Patriarch Franciscus.

“Still alive, old man? I confess I am surprised.”

“The Lord looks out for his own, it seems.”

“And yet you were so easily swept from this place, and it remains the Catholic Church.”

Franciscus grinned. “And yet, here I am, healthy and beloved by Romans, whilst you have to pay to have people cheer your name.”

Rhaban waved off his retort. “A small indulgence, to promote goodwill.”

“Your…church…” the word was said with all the respect due, “would know all about indulgence.”

The pope bristled. “I will not be spoken to in such a manner.”

“Please, attempt to stop me with your guards. Ah, I forget,” Franciscus gasped, “you have no power here any longer. The people saw you for what you were and disposed of you much as they did to your supposed predecessors long ago.”

“I am the anointed descendant of St Peter and the line of holy fathers,” the pope said. “You are a crippled old fool with no palace nor church to tend to any longer. Your words have no bite from your toothless mouth.”

“God’s church is all around us. Found on the streets and in the hearts of men, not in decadent buildings such as these. A folly of my own order, I grant you, but we have grown beyond such pomp and circumstance, whilst you hide behind it. What is there to your claim but facades? The Latin Rite is of Orthodox Faith, as it has been for nearly one thousand years.”

“By God, I should have had them break your neck as well as your legs,” Rhaban muttered. “We stand firm against your false emperor, faith and alleged order, despite all notably failing in the past year.”

“And yet, again, God delivered us from it. I was there, Rhaban. I was there on the Bosphorus when the Lord came and blocked the bullets from the fascist guns. It is no lie or propaganda tool this time. The heavens are giving us all a direction.”

This, finally, seemed to give the pope some pause.

“I do not believe in your tale, nor do I recognise the supposed Patriarch in Constantinople. Nor do I believe you, as I would not believe any crazed beggar from the street.”

“Rhaban,” Franciscus urged, moving forwards slightly, “I am in earnest now. God is giving us sign after sign. Direct intervention on this level…it has not happened in…centuries. It must be portending to something coming…something great and terrible no doubt. We must put aside our grievances and prepare.”

The uniformed man glared at the patriarch but was silent. Perhaps in thought. Perhaps attempting to control his emotions.

“I say again that I do not believe you…but we too have seen signs. The fascist threat comes for us too in Burgundy. Perhaps from elsewhere also. I seek to stand firm against them but need the faithful to remain firm in their convictions. I need Italy to remember where their loyalties lie. Interfere with that, and I will strike you down as I did once before. I say no more.” He cut off the older man’s response and stalked away.



9th October 1936

…​

Alexander was tired, and the day had not yet truly begun. He adjusted his ceremonial senate robes and reflected on how busy the past few weeks had been. Overseeing a regency council and arranging for a coronation was already hard work. Atop that, the reformists had desired to strike whilst the iron was hot and hold the first democratic vote throughout the Empire on the same day, which meant a truly biblical level of organisation, paperwork, manpower and bureaucracy that the Imperial Government at its height several decades ago would have baulked at.

As it was, the irony that the only way the vote could proceed as planned was for the Church to facilitate it was…lost on quite a few people actually. Then again, not many had truly understood the level of separation the Church and Faith needed to take away from the political sphere, at least so openly, within the state.

Not that he himself was helping much, Alexander reflected. He was ostensibly head of state for another few hours, about to crown the permanent replacement, and then oversee a gigantic election. In future years, he imagined, this strange period of church independence and interdependence would probably be ironed out a bit in the history books.

Alvértos, for the brief time remaining that he would be known as such, came through looking a mixture of extremely satisfied and terrified. This was to be expected. The coronation oaths and ceremony still made the Emperor of Rome out to be essentially the ruler of the entire world…and though it had been some time since that had been the case, it was still a ridiculous ego boost. But the weight of responsibility that came when the crown settled down on a head was infamously crushing. Many a ruler snapped beneath it.

“Is everything prepared?”

“It is. You will address the Senate, cast the first vote, and then the procession will begin to the cathedral for mass and ceremony.” Alexander hesitated and then went on. “I understand your reasoning, but I again ask you to not cast a vote. It seems a strange precedent to begin.”

“Necessary for the whole ordeal to have any weight,” the Prince, the Emperor, replied, as he had before.

Alexander nodded. “Then let us go. Speak slowly, clearly, and loudly. It’s a bloody big building.”

Alvértos cracked a smile and the tension eased somewhat.

…​

The coronation was not as grand as others had been in the past, and there were far fewer dignitaries and representatives from the wider Empire and the lands beyond than usual. Whilst it was only to be expected, it still saddened Alexander somewhat as he peered out from the lectern. His concern was for the whole world and humanity, as their Shepard of the Faith, but he was also an Imperial and disliked seeing Rome’s decline as much as anyone else.

The Emperor was anointed with oil from Jerusalem, rose and holy water from Alexandria and Antioch, wreathed in leaves taken from the trees of the Temple District, and knelt upon the shroud weaved in Rome upon the Reformation and Reconciliation of the Latin Rite. He swore his vows before God, the Church and the People to love God, the Church, and the People of his Empire. And he accepted the crown of his ancestors, this the ceremonial imperial circlet forged nearly 900 years ago when Konstantine X retook Jerusalem.

A new addition, aside from the slightly reinforced and pointed assurances of Church protection, was one of circumstance; Alexander had been compelled to keep the white staff close to him at all times, and so a place for it was found in the ceremony. The Crown Jewels symbolically reflected the monarchy and its power, the staff and prayers for the Church, and the vast audience filling the largest hall in the city stood for the People.

Finally, Michael rose as Emperor, and left alongside his courtiers, senators, churchmen and citizens to be acclaimed in the Hippodrome.

All in all, despite the difficulties, it had been a good day. Certainly, Alexander could not help but reflect, better than the alternative.

...
10th October 1936
...​

Alexander stood.

"Naturally, the Church will double its efforts to aid the people of this region, though our own position is under threat. I would argue that our first priority is to see to the safety of our people, whether they be citizen, churchman or otherwise. We have seen before what can happen when purges occur."

The Church position was debatable, and a reminder that it had become far too colonial in its attitudes in various areas. Owning land and overseeing various aspects of life such as education, healthcare and charity was one thing. Serving as imperial governors and ordering troops to crack down on dissidents was a medieval aspect of the Church's relationship with the Empire that they would do well to eject and apologise for.

Their wealth and privileged position in many countries, nations and states as regards to law, customs and taxation were boons and privileges, hard earned and useful for maintaining their mission of aiding people spiritually and temporally. It was not to build lavish palaces and revel in debauchery. Such thinking had led the Latin Church astray, and indeed, infected the wider Orthodox Church far too often in their history. The modern church would be wise and kind in their wealth and power, lest they have it taken away and given to those more deserving.

As ever, the light of God and the love of humanity would be their guides, not greed and avarice.
 
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120. Election Day - Ending the Address
As he set the task of creating a constitution, Emperor Michael watched for responses. Donatello Favero looked stunned and overwhelmed, finally letting out a frustrated sigh. Theodora Doukas looked simultaneously stressed and exhilarated, and was immediately sizing up the room for alliances. Michael understood both of their frustrations, he would have preferred to have had years to implement reforms. But events were moving rapidly whatever he did, and he feared the consequences if a new government was not put into place quickly.

It was Timon Thaddas who first spoke, however, focusing on Jolof’s actions. And as much as it pained Michael to hear, he was right. Outside the old core of the Empire, Rome’s control of territories was too often one of a Greek minority ruling over a local population. Maybe the rule was kind, maybe it was even better than what had been before. But it was still outside rule, and easy to see why it’d be resented. At least once the history was pointed out by someone from a very loosely similar background.

Theodora requested more information on Jolof and Patriarch Alexander pledged aid to the people of the region. Michael noticed the purposeful lack of mention of a position on governments. Which was for the best, the church remaining neutral in political affairs would mean it could focus on the people.

“Our reports so far show that only Roman administrators have been expelled, seemingly as a means of further consolidating power and changing to a more locally-inspired regime. So far non-indigenous farmers and laborers have not been harassed. For now, We plan to express carefully neutral disapproval but take no stronger action. Whether they return to the fold or remain independent harsh words will not assist in useful relations.”

Some of the more hardline imperialists were clearly unhappy, but what did they really expect? A promise to forcibly conquer the territory while Rhomania lacked the troops to fully garrison its own borders? Completely foolish.

“We leave you now to begin discussion regarding the form of Rhomania’s government. In the coming days We will send our own suggestions, but you must have time to organize and form your own initial thoughts.”
 
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Timon visibly nodded as the Emperor confirmed from their reports that it had only been Roman administrators that had been expelled, but that there were non-indigenous populaces there that could be harassed in the future. So his initial assumption was correct - the papers misrepresented the issue. What reason would the papers have in not properly representing this issue and instead framing it as far worse than in actuality? Where did their interests lie? Pessimistically, he thought that the papers wanted to instigate a military intervention and get the people on their side. He would have to submit a complaint before leaving the building for someone to look into this. The last thing they needed was imperialist sentiments in the papers, sentiments that would above all else only benefit ANE.

At least now he had a non-personal grievance with the papers - first the tabloid-esque remarks about him shortly after the first session he attended, then them misspelling his name as Τίμων when it is Τιμόν (stressing the second syllable, not the first) - with this apparent misrepresentation of the facts. After he submits his complaint to the government, he'll send another letter about his name being typo'd to the papers. Maybe including a statement that he would support a coalition government which doesn't feature ANE, and encouraging those that support him to similarly support such a government, would aid in them actually responding to his complaints.

He knew there was a growing minority of folks who supported him specifically due to his representing a specific demographic generally unseen in mainstream circles - the middle-to-lower class Greeks, half-Greeks, non-Greeks and disenfranchised immigrants living in the Imperial homelands, those whose allegiance to the state was passively supportive due to the state not doing much for them but wanting to avoid the state worsening, and who may lean center-to-left politically. The papers preliminarily referred to such a grouping as the 'Timonists', but a quick complaint to the papers led to them retracting that term. Given his stances, he would rather not a local movement adopt his name. Someone who has greater interest in staying here can take that honor instead.
 
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Theodora appreciated the new information confirming it was only Rhomaioi bureaucrats and administrators who had been expelled. Currently, all other Rhomaioi settlers, as well as those from other non-native demographics, were allowed to stay, but she couldn't be sure if that would remain the case. She would task an MSI team with keeping watch there once some agents were freed up.

What was equally concerning, though, was the lack of nuance in how the papers were reporting it. Many of the leading newspapers had incorrect exaggerations of what had happened. A few claimed that all Rhomaioi were being expelled on pain of death. These weren't even the tabloids, but respected names. Theodora was sure others in the room had arrived at the same conclusions she did. Some of the newspapers wanted to rile up the public. Others pushed the fascist views of some on their staff. Some newspaper owners had ties to the arms industry and wanted to make a profit from a potential military response. And a few, she hoped, had made an honest mistake due to the same lack of information she had earlier. She would need to do a light investigation. Newspaper companies with fascist sympathies needed to be looked into, but she hesitated to shut them down. That would be what Konstantinos would have done. The Empire of the future could not suppress dissenting viewpoints in the same way. Suppression of fascists and other radicals would be done through the constitution, in a way that would not trample on the rights of other Romans. As for the others, surely there were complaints rolling in. After the Black Rebellion, the Roman people demanded accountability from those in power.

Theodora noted another peculiarity with the papers recently. For a couple weeks, they had been referring to a group known as the "Timonists." Even though Timon's name was misspelled—something she was sure he'd be correcting soon—she knew they were referring to him. Apparently, this group wasn't a formal organization or even affiliated with Timon. It seemed to cover a demographic that had long been marginalized or forgotten: middle and lower class Rhomaioi, those of mixed ancestry, non-Rhomaioi, and immigrants. They hadn't exactly suffered under the government, but they hadn't been helped much either. From the election's publicly released statistics, it seemed they politically leaned towards the center-left on average, due to parties like the KRA being the most likely to start helping them under the new administration. But why, then, did the newspapers tie them to Timon when he had nothing to do with them? Was it because he was also a foreign-born and half-Rhomaioi? Was it because his political views overlapped with theirs at first glance? It felt like they didn't look too closely at who Timon really was. Just the very fact that Timon didn't intend to stay in the Empire would have told them they picked the wrong person. Timon had probably reached the same conclusion. A few days ago, all major newspapers had abruptly stopped using the term, some issuing an apology to Timon.

But the newly created demographic was still there. Or rather, the people in that demographic had always been there, but the newspapers had brought them together in a single group and afforded them recognition by larger society. With that recognition came awareness of their political power. Other groups would no doubt try to recruit them. They would be a powerful demographic for any political faction, especially the KRA. Theodora had to act quiclky. She would give them a new name, and in doing so they would be tied to the KRA before any other faction could claim them.

How about "Rhōmaióphrōnoi"?

---

((From ἀνδρεῖος Ῥωμαιόφρων/andreîos Rhōmaióphrōn, "brave Roman-minded person."))
 
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A Report on West, Central, and East Asia
A Report on West, Central, and East Asia
Countries and regions are listed using their preferred titles.

Empire of Baluchistan
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The homeland of the Baluchi people is ruled by King Ahman Muhammad Uli, who oversees their democratic government, currently led by Nasir Kutebar Uli. They currently have no allies, leaving them vulnerable to Eranshahr’s territorial ambitions.

Eranshahr
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The storied home of the Persian people is currently led by the fascist Massoud Esfahani. They have been internally focused but still maintain that Baluchistan, the Sulawesi and Maluku Islands, and parts of Great Zimbabwe are theirs.

Kingdom of Hedjaz
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King Kamil ibn Hisham has recently won the civil war against fascist Arabian pan-nationalists. He is now focusing on improving his country’s economy.

Empire of Hindustan
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King Ventkatadri Hanumathu is ruler of the democratic Empire of Hindustan. Uyyalawada Kattabomman leads the current government. Having won their recent war with Tibet for Bhutan, they seem content controlling the Asian subcontinent.

Socialist Republic of Iraq
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Iraq is ruled by the communist leader Zafir al-Ghazzawi. Like his neighbors, he is focused on building up his economy.

New Khwarazmid Empire
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Harkening back to their history as the crossroads of Asia, the fascist leader Qilich Qasim Uli has ambitions to unite all of Central Asia again. But apart from his alliance with Eranshahr, the means to accomplish this is unclear.

Kingdom of Korea
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Under the Absolutist rule of Seo Taek, Korea has recently joined China’s reinstituted GACPS faction. Beyond joining this faction they have been purely focused on internal development.

Empire of Manchuria
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The geographically-divided last remnants of the old Manchurian Empire. Their fascist leader Guwalgiya Ayan dreams of reclaiming northern China from the Ming dynasty, but has no means to accomplish this dream.

Ming Dynasty
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The Ming rule the one state with even a longer heritage than Rome. Zhu Wei is the current Emperor, overseeing a regime perhaps described as ‘Social Absolutism’. He has recently refounded the GACPS and the extent of his Asian ambitions are unknown.

Mongol Empire
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This fascist Central Asian state is lead by Jangir Chagatayid. They have strong claims on Chinese, Russian, and Khwarazmid territory and are currently building up their arms industry.

Socialist Republic of Oman
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This small communist nation led by Mustafa ibn Yusuf is content to build their industry in their small slice of the Arabian peninsula.

Tachibana Shogunate
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Japan has long been a standout nation. An Empire but with the Emperor merely revered, who does not rule. Tachibana Yoshimine is the Shogun, the actual ruler of Japan. They have been recently building up their industry, but the goals of this buildup are unclear.

Tibetan Federation
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Once the rulers of a vast empire centered on the Tibetan highlands, this state has fallen on hard times. They are desperately trying to improve the quality of their armed forces, but it is more likely for Ming to try to conquer them than to add them to the GACPS.
 
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120. Final Responses
Timon visibly nodded as the Emperor confirmed from their reports that it had only been Roman administrators that had been expelled, but that there were non-indigenous populaces there that could be harassed in the future. So his initial assumption was correct - the papers misrepresented the issue. What reason would the papers have in not properly representing this issue and instead framing it as far worse than in actuality? Where did their interests lie? Pessimistically, he thought that the papers wanted to instigate a military intervention and get the people on their side. He would have to submit a complaint before leaving the building for someone to look into this. The last thing they needed was imperialist sentiments in the papers, sentiments that would above all else only benefit ANE.

At least now he had a non-personal grievance with the papers - first the tabloid-esque remarks about him shortly after the first session he attended, then them misspelling his name as Τίμων when it is Τιμόν (stressing the second syllable, not the first) - with this apparent misrepresentation of the facts. After he submits his complaint to the government, he'll send another letter about his name being typo'd to the papers. Maybe including a statement that he would support a coalition government which doesn't feature ANE, and encouraging those that support him to similarly support such a government, would aid in them actually responding to his complaints.

He knew there was a growing minority of folks who supported him specifically due to his representing a specific demographic generally unseen in mainstream circles - the middle-to-lower class Greeks, half-Greeks, non-Greeks and disenfranchised immigrants living in the Imperial homelands, those whose allegiance to the state was passively supportive due to the state not doing much for them but wanting to avoid the state worsening, and who may lean center-to-left politically. The papers preliminarily referred to such a grouping as the 'Timonists', but a quick complaint to the papers led to them retracting that term. Given his stances, he would rather not a local movement adopt his name. Someone who has greater interest in staying here can take that honor instead.

Theodora appreciated the new information confirming it was only Rhomaioi bureaucrats and administrators who had been expelled. Currently, all other Rhomaioi settlers, as well as those from other non-native demographics, were allowed to stay, but she couldn't be sure if that would remain the case. She would task an MSI team with keeping watch there once some agents were freed up.

What was equally concerning, though, was the lack of nuance in how the papers were reporting it. Many of the leading newspapers had incorrect exaggerations of what had happened. A few claimed that all Rhomaioi were being expelled on pain of death. These weren't even the tabloids, but respected names. Theodora was sure others in the room had arrived at the same conclusions she did. Some of the newspapers wanted to rile up the public. Others pushed the fascist views of some on their staff. Some newspaper owners had ties to the arms industry and wanted to make a profit from a potential military response. And a few, she hoped, had made an honest mistake due to the same lack of information she had earlier. She would need to do a light investigation. Newspaper companies with fascist sympathies needed to be looked into, but she hesitated to shut them down. That would be what Konstantinos would have done. The Empire of the future could not suppress dissenting viewpoints in the same way. Suppression of fascists and other radicals would be done through the constitution, in a way that would not trample on the rights of other Romans. As for the others, surely there were complaints rolling in. After the Black Rebellion, the Roman people demanded accountability from those in power.

Theodora noted another peculiarity with the papers recently. For a couple weeks, they had been referring to a group known as the "Timonists." Even though Timon's name was misspelled—something she was sure he'd be correcting soon—she knew they were referring to him. Apparently, this group wasn't a formal organization or even affiliated with Timon. It seemed to cover a demographic that had long been marginalized or forgotten: middle and lower class Rhomaioi, those of mixed ancestry, non-Rhomaioi, and immigrants. They hadn't exactly suffered under the government, but they hadn't been helped much either. From the election's publicly released statistics, it seemed they politically leaned towards the center-left on average, due to parties like the KRA being the most likely to start helping them under the new administration. But why, then, did the newspapers tie them to Timon when he had nothing to do with them? Was it because he was also a foreign-born and half-Rhomaioi? Was it because his political views overlapped with theirs at first glance? It felt like they didn't look too closely at who Timon really was. Just the very fact that Timon didn't intend to stay in the Empire would have told them they picked the wrong person. Timon had probably reached the same conclusion. A few days ago, all major newspapers had abruptly stopped using the term, some issuing an apology to Timon.

But the newly created demographic was still there. Or rather, the people in that demographic had always been there, but the newspapers had brought them together in a single group and afforded them recognition by larger society. With that recognition came awareness of their political power. Other groups would no doubt try to recruit them. They would be a powerful demographic for any political faction, especially the KRA. Theodora had to act quiclky. She would give them a new name, and in doing so they would be tied to the KRA before any other faction could claim them.

How about "Rhōmaióphrōnoi"?

---

((From ἀνδρεῖος Ῥωμαιόφρων/andreîos Rhōmaióphrōn, "brave Roman-minded person."))
 
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121. The Constitutional Convention - Initial Progress
18 December 1936

The next ten weeks passed in a blur. Most of Michael’s time was spent working with the Senators and Representatives to draft a constitution. He decided not to hold a separate State of the Empire session as they were getting more regular updates from him. That, and there wasn’t much to report.
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There was the UTA declaration of war on Cuba on December 16th, of course, but it had been clear for a while that it was coming.
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In late October, the final landing party was reinforced to be a full infantry division, added to General Soutsos’ Anatolikós Statós (Eastern Army) and sent to the Armenian border. In early November, another infantry division finished basic training and was also sent to the Armenian border.

The MSI developed many tools for machine-assisted decryption, then took the lessons learned to begin training yet more cryptographers in how to create better codes.
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Different research teams finished plans for better resource extraction equipment and for modern field hospitals. They were assigned to develop improved heavy and medium shells for the navy.
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Between this research and the exercises the legions were running, improvements to their structure were made. More infantry were added and some of the artillery more integrated. And the field hospitals were provisioned and added.
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The air force gained all it could from its exercises. The wear and tear had been hard, leaving many planes unable to fly. As replacement parts came off the assembly lines, there might need to be some retraining. But for now the oil was allocated to the navy to conduct exercises. The Hellene Transports, a group of light cruisers, was already mostly experienced and brought to full battle readiness. They were followed by the Black Sea Fleet, a more powerful force of dreadnoughts and light cruisers. They were nearly to full battle readiness, but in less than a month would have drained Rome’s oil reserves. The other fleets had fresh sailors after being recovered from Konstantinos, and thus needed more training, but they might have to wait for reserves to be built up.

More importantly than all of that, over those ten weeks the basic shape of the constitution took form. The government would consist of a number of branches with separate roles. Michael had been hoping for three - legislative, executive, and judicial. But it quickly became clear that the imperial bureaucracy and parts of the Church would need to be a separate branch. No matter how much both Rome and the Church wished to detangle from each other, this would take time.

The legislative branch would consist of two houses, the Senate and the House of Representatives. Representatives would be elected, whereas Senators would mostly still be appointed. After an election, the Emperor would invite a group to form a government, who would then select a Prime Minister and several other Ministers.

This government would work with the Emperor as the executive branch, with the Emperor maintaining significant powers.

The judicial branch would be an impartial court acting as the top layer of the existing judicial system.

The bureaucracy would continue mostly as it was, maintaining significant administrative powers.

Beyond that, there was little agreement. The senators were splitting into two camps - the Imperialists and everyone else. The Imperialists clearly hoped to maintain a strong hierarchical order. They wanted laws originating in the Senate to not require approval from the House. They wanted some of the Senatorial seats to be hereditary - only the ones to aristocratic families, of course. They wanted Constantinople to appoint governors and have complete control of the levers of government in the provinces. And they rejected all limits on governmental power whatsoever.

The anti-Imperialists wanted a more devolved government. They insisted that all laws would have to be approved by both the Senate and House. They disagreed on Senatorial seats, with some wanting them elected, some appointed, some a mix. But they did agree that there should be seats tied to each province. They wanted delineated powers for the government and for the provinces to maintain much internal control. Some had even begun drafting a series of inviolable rights for citizens.

As much as Michael had hoped to have a constitution finished by this point, it was clear it would take yet more time to develop something sufficiently well-supported.
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The remainder of the year would be as lively as the year had been thus far for Timon. Even with the absence of a separate State of the Empire session, he would find himself invited to meetings by the anti-Imperialist camp, some involving the newly-crowned Emperor, others not. He largely iterated the same point he had since the very start: he was supportive of the introduction of general elective seats for the Senate, which he continued to frame with the selfist attitude of being able to return home whilst someone more competent took his seat. This would result in some ruffled feathers, mainly by some from the Kleinoí, which did prompt some open debates with the young Thaddai, questioning why he didn't just resign from his seat and declared it an elective seat, as some had done in the past.

In his responses, Timon would note that this would only solve the issue for himself, and those bold enough to go through such an option, but he doubted that he was the first to have such mixed feelings over inheriting a seat in the Senate when such a thing wasn't official, and he doubted he would be the last. And he shared too his feelings that the notion of a senator declaring their seat elective felt like a half-measure, as it put the impetus of such a thing occurring on someone who had functionally no reason to give up what was essentially a consistent position of power - whether that be in the context of inherited seats as pined for by the Imperialists, or in the context of appointed seats, especially in the context of Constantinople or state governors appointing said seats, since he viewed it as a means of stacking seats, or influence would-be senators to lean in the interests of the appointers and not the citizens, either which could undermine the rights of citizens. But after each debate, he ultimately presented himself as conciliatory, as, regardless of all the debates, he viewed the camp as the best chance for him to achieve his goals, no matter what solution was reached. Even if his ideal solution wasn't reached, it would be better than nothing, he argued to himself. Regardless, he wasn't willing to admit that another reason why he didn't just resign was because he viewed it as a coward's way out, and that he didn't want to disappoint his mother by going that route. If his father destined him to go on this path, than he would make sure those after him, those like him, aren't forced to go down this path too.

Soon, it was December. At the estate, Timon could tell that preparations were underway to make sure that his first birthday since moving to Constantinople would be a fun and festive one. It got to the point where everyone involved made sure that he wasn't being made to come to any meetings, partially because it was clear what his stance was, but also because it meant he would be a lot more free to partake in festivities, especially those around the city. Some time away from the business of politics would be nice, he reckoned, especially as he reflected on how much his strategy had to change since that first senatorial session. He was initially planning to lay low, make sure to build up his own base before speaking up, but the explosiveness of that session had buoyed him into action and recognition, fast-tracking everything. Even if things took time, things were progressing faster than he had ever imagined.

---

Elsewhere in Constantinople, meanwhile, the politics of the common folk were in full swing. The rise of the farmers signaled a development that had occurred with the end of the Black Rebellion and with the first senatorial session following the war, that being ever further prominent mass politics, especially extrasenatorial politics, concentrating on far more regional, local or even personal or international issues than before. Local newspapers were growing for smaller parties, especially those who didn't caucus (form representative groups or electoral lists) with the senatorial parties, whether for one reason or another.

One rally that was going on displayed this dichotomy sharply. The speaker, who captivated the audience that had gathered, leveraged a lot of the hype generated by the rhetoric spoken by Timon Thaddas. Issues such as postcolonial politics, along with transnationalism, migrant and diaspora politics, were discussed with a leftist tang, same with, as well as calls for reforms the Empire should take to improve itself and represent the people more. But what captivated onlookers was the fact that the speaker was not a Greek, though he spoke it well, nor was the majority of his captive audience, not even half-Greek, consisting from non-Greek migrants from other parts of the wider Empire and immigrants such as the speaker himself.

The speaker was someone who had been known in the press for some time by his nickname, Pumbaa (Πούμπα / Poúmpa), which it had latched onto after he initially attempted to enter politics in the cities of Anatolia, only for some of his friends to reveal why he had gotten that nickname to the local press - it was derived from the Swahili verb "to be foolish, silly, weak-minded, careless, negligent", because he got caught advocating for the independence of Swahili-speaking territories from Ethiopian control, prompting authorities to deport him. Kibwe Kitumaini was his actual name, and while he eventually adopted the nickname fullheartedly, he maintained resentment from his fellow Swahili exilees.

Ultimately finding his way to Constantinople after the Black Rebellion, moving from Anatolia after he had initially moved there from the African Roman Dominion of the Kongo where he had been exiled to, Kibwe had previously largely failed to penetrate into the political scene due to the political environment not permitting it, as he would claim, and not totally because often his arguments would end with his wishes for the Empire to intervene in Ethiopia and free his people. Outside of the interventionism he wished though, it did not help that he viewed the KRA, the Koinonistikaí and I Koinotita with some disdain, though it was with the latter two that the greatest disdain existed - being a communist himself.

At his rallies he would make his opinions known, arguing that the Koinonistikaí and I Koinotita had learned nothing from the post-Autokrator Rebellion period and from the period around the Time of Troubles, being too stuck in the past to be able to move forward and confront the future, despite the fact that people wished to support socialism (citing recent election results). No matter how much he disliked the social democrats in the KRA's ranks, he argued that the failures of the Roman left, both in failing to prevent Grayism' disastrous effects as well as reinventing themselves for a new age (preferably using the rhetoric of international socialism/communism), enabled the social democrats in the KRA to rise to the top of the Roman left. Taiorism had overtaken the minds of his fellow folk in the Empire, and he viewed it as necessary to go beyond it.

As he would proclaim, if the Edict of Caracalla ended the exclusivity of Roman citizenship, then all could be Roman; and if all could be Roman, then none were. The people of the Empire needed to transition away from local issues and consider what was discussed internationally. If the Orthodox Church could recognize this in its autoseparation (a fact he disliked admitting as a former Miaphysite), then it was clear that the Roman people needed to do the same. And socialist politics would aid in this regard, he argued.

While previously his views garnered little attention, the heightened political discourse following the Black Rebellion and the rise of Timon enabled an environment where an audience that was interested in hearing what he had to say finally emerged (along with mentioning his interventionist views far less). At the rally, he would openly comment on the name given to folks such as him and his audience, the "Rhōmaióphrōnoi," calling it KRA agitprop, intent on drawing them in with white lies, calling on his audience to not be fooled in by those among them who adopt the name as their own.

For those in the parties he critiqued, they viewed him as safely ignorable, as he's a foreigner who wouldn't be able to vote regardless, and limited surveying showed that most who attended his rallies fell in the same boat, even if he gained a minor following among non-Greek Romans who migrated from other parts of the Empire, such as from the eastern borderlands. But some papers had started hyping him up as the next Aiden Gray, even as it was clear he would not achieve a fraction of his influence.
 
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October

After that post-election Senate session, they had decided to forego more sessions. They would still discuss what they needed to during the constitutional convention. Attention shifted from the original Senate chamber to conference rooms in the other wings of the Great Palace. In addition to the expected politicians and civil service officials, they had invited political scholars, lawyers, academics, clergy, and other important figures from across the Empire to contribute to the constitution. The major dynatoi families also wanted their say in the document, especially to secure their own legal privileges, but Theodora and Ioannes managed to hold them at bay with some clever negotiations. A few nobles still ended up attending the convention, though with their small numbers they would only be one interest group among many in the Great Palace.

After each day was over, Theodora went back to the MSI headquarters to wrap up her business. As the leader of the party with the largest share of votes in the Senate, she was slated to become Sebastokrator ((prime minister)) once coalition negotiations with the Klenoi and either the Georgikoi or Koinonistikai were finished. Being both Sebastokrator and Megas Logothetes ((Minister of Security and Intelligence)) simultaneously would present a serious conflict of interest and set a negative precedent for her successors. Therefore, not only would she propose the constitution prevent such occurrences in the future, but upon her appointment as Sebastokrator she would relinquish the MSI to a trusted successor. There was a chance she could return to the MSI after her term, but at that point it was more likely she would retire altogether. Best to search for the most talented of the new generation to follow in her footsteps. Is that how they did things in your world, Wilhelm?

On to the matters at hand. The MSI continued to gain more intel on the state of the world, and new advances in technology and increases in budget allowed it to finally capitalize on that intel. The current operations in Burgundy and Italy would remain the highest priorities. But events in Asia needed attention as well.
The storied home of the Persian people is currently led by the fascist Massoud Esfahani. They have been internally focused but still maintain that Baluchistan, the Sulawesi and Maluku Islands, and parts of Great Zimbabwe are theirs.
Iran, officially "Eranshahr," had long been a rival to the Empire since the days of Caesar. Now their so-called Rahbar, Massoud Esfahani, was calling for a return to that bloody legacy, and the people lapped up his rhetoric. How could they not? Iran had suffered horribly in the last twenty years. Grayists had run the country for four years, promising a national revitalization after the country was devastated in the Great War, but they only made things worse. They were driven from power, but the fledgling Iranian democracy that replaced it was little better. On paper, its constitution was as developed as those of Baluchistan and Hindustan, but the institutions supporting it remained fragile and corrupt, and the economy that was supposed to have lifted the people out of the chaos of the wartime and Grayist years never fully restarted. So while elites partied in Tehran and Isfahan, inflation and resource shortages plagued the common people. They cried out for a savior to rescue them, to return them to the days when they were on equal footing with Rome as a superpower in their own right. And then came Massoud Esfahani, who promised all that, as long as the people gave him more and more power, which they gladly provided. One thing led to another, and now Esfahani was the undisputed leader of all Iran, having brought all facets of the government, military, and society under his control. All rivals and a concerning number of dissidents had been purged, and that number would only grow as long as he remained in power. Although he was still focused inward, that wouldn't last. Soon after the Black Rebellion, Iranian spies had been found in Konstantinoi circles, promising Iranian military support and political backing for Konstantinos. However, the Black Rebellion ended before any such spies gained access to Konstantinos himself or his inner circle, so most of them were recalled to Iran. Now they occasionally popped up to offer the same deal to various fascist organizations in the Empire and other countries, but they posed little threat outside Baluchistan. The bulk of Esfahani's foreign espionage operations targeted Baluchistan, which the Rahbar considered part of Iran. The small constitutional monarchy, made up of the diverse peoples living between the Arabian Sea coast and the Hindu Kush, had no desire to rejoin Iran, much less under the rule of the madman Esfahani. He didn't seem to have any westward ambitions at the moment, but Theodora couldn't be sure. Once his ambitions elsewhere were met, he would no doubt come after the Empire, the ancient enemy.
King Kamil ibn Hisham has recently won the civil war against fascist Arabian pan-nationalists. He is now focusing on improving his country’s economy.
In Arabia, it seemed the status quo had prevailed. The government of Hedjaz had prevailed over their own fascist uprising. These fascists, possibly armed by Iran, had been inspired by older movements of Arabian pan-nationalism and wanted to unite Hedjaz and Oman into a single Arabian nation. Although they were Christian, they drew heavily on the symbolism and iconography of the Rashidun Caliphate, which had united the warring tribes of pre-Islamic Arabia into a large empire that took on both the Empire and old Iran. A march on the Hedjazi capital failed, as did an armed insurrection in the deserts of the south. Some of the Bedouin tribes rallied under their flag, having been promised influence in the new regime, and their mastery of the desert terrain led to some early victories against government forces. But most of the tribes knew little of politics in the cities, to say nothing of the concepts of the Arabian nation, the symbolism of a long gone empire and a religion that had been mostly dead in Arabia for centuries, and the finer details of fascism. Having retained full control of the oil refineries, government forces regrouped and launched a counterattack. The fascists' Bedouin cavalry proved no match for tanks, close air support, long range artillery, and machine guns. By October, the insurrection petered out, and those who hadn't surrendered or been captured fled deeper into the desert, where they wouldn't be able to do anything more.
King Ventkatadri Hanumathu is ruler of the democratic Empire of Hindustan. Uyyalawada Kattabomman leads the current government. Having won their recent war with Tibet for Bhutan, they seem content controlling the Asian subcontinent.
Hindustan had gone in the opposite direction as its rival, China, in embracing democracy and not absolutism. Both the Peshwa, Uyyalawada Kattabomman, and the Badshah Ventkatadri I were in agreement on that. Ventkatadri I had long been a patron of democratic movements within Hindustan, while Kattabomman had presided over a massive liberalization of both the government and society at large. Hindustani cities were centers of culture and commerce. Hindustani scientists were making remarkable discoveries lately. The military was interested in new designs for rockets and jet engines, which they believed could give them an edge against the looming Chinese and Iranian threats. They would make for a good ally once the Empire's internal affairs had been fully sorted out. Niketas had spent time in Hindustan during his self-imposed exile from the Empire, and he had nothing but good things to say about it.
The Ming rule the one state with even a longer heritage than Rome. Zhu Wei is the current Emperor, overseeing a regime perhaps described as ‘Social Absolutism’. He has recently refounded the GACPS and the extent of his Asian ambitions are unknown.
On the other side of Eurasia lay the current hegemon and Hindustan's greatest rival, China. The Ming Dynasty had reigned supreme over Asia for centuries, following in the footsteps of many previous imperial dynasties, much as the Empire and its own imperial dynasties before the current Doukai had presided over Europe. The current emperor, Zhu Wei, was officially referred to as the Tianguang Emperor. That name would also be used for timekeeping within China, with years in the Tianguang Era being counted from his coronation. Perhaps it was fitting, then, that tianguang could be translated as "radiant heaven." Zhu Wei had chosen that era name to represent a new dawn for China. As opposed to his father and predecessors, he took a far more active stance in governing China instead of leaving administration to the palace eunuchs and bureaucrats. As a prince, Zhu Wei had both attended universities within China and in the Empire—a first for any Ming royal—and went through the officers' academy, earning a commission as colonel in the Imperial Chinese Army while forcing his superiors to deny him special treatment. Recognizing that China's centuries of hegemony were under threat in a rapidly changing world and seeing the instability in the Empire since the Time of Troubles providing an opportunity, the Tianguang Emperor declared a massive reorganization and "self-strengthening" of the ancient empire along modern lines. The military was rapidly modernized in the years following the Great War. The Imperial Chinese Army, long the largest in the world in terms of raw manpower, now fielded modern tanks and equipped its men with the latest guns. The Imperial Chinese Navy, which for centuries had stuck to coastal patrols, now fielded massive blue-water fleets that could traverse large swathes of the western Pacific. The Imperial Chinese Air Force, which didn't exist twenty years ago, could now conduct bombing raids as far south as Yangon, Bangkok, Saigon, and possibly even Dhaka by Hindustani estimates. Backing up this war machine was an equally terrifying industrial effort centered in the cities around Shanghai and Nanjing, where factories propped up by the imperial court's direct investment constantly churned out more materiel for the military to use. The economy was increasingly being geared around military production, as if in preparation for future wars.

Politically, Zhu Wei was a Chinese nationalist. He had made speeches and published manifestos espousing the ideology he called Tianxia ("All Under Heaven"), which was translated as "Sinocentrism" and at times "Chinese Social Absolutism" in the Empire. It was a modernization of ancient Chinese beliefs—including the use of the name Tianxia, which came from those ideas—that put China, the emperor, and the Han people at the center of the world, ruling all under heaven. The very name of China itself, Zhongguo ("Middle Kingdom"), came from that belief. Zhu Wei believed it was time for China to live up to its name and become the center of the world. With the Empire in chaos, now was the time to reshape the world in China's image. To that aim, he build up what he called the Greater Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, an alliance of Asian nations all united, ostensibly, to fight imperialism from the Empire and other outside nations. But this alliance's economic and military organization revealed its true purpose: to modernize the old tributary system with a new legal framework that would place China at the center of the world. Fortunately, Zhu Wei didn't seem like he would directly confront the Empire anytime soon. Niketas had barely hidden his imperial citizenship and even his name when traveling in China. The people themselves were nice enough, though there were obviously those who had bought into the government's ideology and acted hostile towards him. Though those quickly shut up once Niketas drew his sword. But Theodora knew it wouldn't last. Like with Iran, China would eventually directly challenge the Empire, and they had to be ready.
Japan has long been a standout nation. An Empire but with the Emperor merely revered, who does not rule. Tachibana Yoshimine is the Shogun, the actual ruler of Japan. They have been recently building up their industry, but the goals of this buildup are unclear.
Then there was Japan, the last stop on Niketas' journey. It was in this quiet and isolated country on the edge of Asia, steeped in tradition, that Niketas learned his final lessons and, in his words, "reached enlightenment" when it came to the way of the sword. The Tachibana clan had enjoyed prestige and influence in Kyoto since the 8th century, even before becoming shoguns. Their authority was absolute, second only to their Emperor himself. In a way, their 1200-year existence meant they were almost synonymous with Japan itself, just as the imperial house was. Long admired in Europe for many reasons—the skill of the samurai class, the elegance of their art and music, their beautiful natural landscapes—Japan had long fallen behind the rest of the world. In its adherence to the old ways, it had forgotten the new. It had not cut off contact with the outside world, but the shogunate didn't seem to care much for it either way. That had been changing in recent years as the shogunate began modernizing the military and inviting foreign investors to fund industrialization, but many entrenched factions within the bakufu, including many within the Tachibana clan itself, resisted change. The samurai class itself was split between those who eagerly embraced modern weaponry and those who thought it would lead to an erosion of traditional Japanese culture. The current shogun Yoshimine backed the reformists, annoying many traditional power brokers in Kyoto. There were rumors the Emperor himself, who had long done little but ceremonially grant each new shogun his authority, also supported the reformists, as did Chinese political advisors Yoshimine had invited. Indeed, the shogunate had been one of the first countries to join the Tianguang Emperor's GACPS.
There was the UTA declaration of war on Cuba on December 16th, of course, but it had been clear for a while that it was coming.
The Turtle Alliance made its first aggressive moves by targeting Cuba with what the UTA called an "armed intervention" to topple the dictatorial regime in Habana and stop its purging of ethnic minorities. It was no surprise, even to the average imperial citizen, since the UTA had done little to disguise the massive invasion fleet it had been assembling in the southern port of Bulbancha. Theodora predicted the invasion would end quickly in a Tsalagi victory, provided the UTA could ship troops over fast enough.
More importantly than all of that, over those ten weeks the basic shape of the constitution took form. The government would consist of a number of branches with separate roles. Michael had been hoping for three - legislative, executive, and judicial. But it quickly became clear that the imperial bureaucracy and parts of the Church would need to be a separate branch. No matter how much both Rome and the Church wished to detangle from each other, this would take time.

The legislative branch would consist of two houses, the Senate and the House of Representatives. Representatives would be elected, whereas Senators would mostly still be appointed. After an election, the Emperor would invite a group to form a government, who would then select a Prime Minister and several other Ministers.

This government would work with the Emperor as the executive branch, with the Emperor maintaining significant powers.

The judicial branch would be an impartial court acting as the top layer of the existing judicial system.

The bureaucracy would continue mostly as it was, maintaining significant administrative powers.

Beyond that, there was little agreement. The senators were splitting into two camps - the Imperialists and everyone else. The Imperialists clearly hoped to maintain a strong hierarchical order. They wanted laws originating in the Senate to not require approval from the House. They wanted some of the Senatorial seats to be hereditary - only the ones to aristocratic families, of course. They wanted Constantinople to appoint governors and have complete control of the levers of government in the provinces. And they rejected all limits on governmental power whatsoever.

The anti-Imperialists wanted a more devolved government. They insisted that all laws would have to be approved by both the Senate and House. They disagreed on Senatorial seats, with some wanting them elected, some appointed, some a mix. But they did agree that there should be seats tied to each province. They wanted delineated powers for the government and for the provinces to maintain much internal control. Some had even begun drafting a series of inviolable rights for citizens.

As much as Michael had hoped to have a constitution finished by this point, it was clear it would take yet more time to develop something sufficiently well-supported.
Meanwhile in her regular working hours, the Empire's constitution, which some had taken to calling the Alvértinos Constitution after the Emperor's given name (since there were so many emperors named Michael already), was starting to take shape. They agreed that there would be at least four branches.

The executive branch would consist of the monarchy, which would appoint a cabinet headed by the Sebastokrator to represent the various ministries and civilian leadership over the military. The emperor would naturally retain significant power, but people disagreed on what exactly that "significant power" would be. Theodora suggested that all powers not directly stated in the constitution as belonging to either the emperor or Sebastokrator would be delegated to one of them depending on the situation. There was also the matter of political sovereignty. Those who favored greater imperial power wanted sovereignty to remain vested in the emperor, while the anti-imperialists wanted it to be vested in the people, according to the spirit of SPQR. Theodora lent her support towards the latter.

The legislature would be a bicameral legislature, with a mostly appointed Senate and an elected House. The main issues here revolved around appointed Senate seats. The imperialist faction wanted to maintain the current system of appointments, if not formalize the hereditary nature of the Senate to keep it in the hands of the nobility. They did make some good points, and there was some benefit in keeping around the appointed seats, but Theodora knew the old system was prone to abuse. The emperor, or whoever would be appointing seats in the future, could just appoint people they personally liked or politically agreed with, increasing polarization and leading to political gridlock. It would also incentivize senators to listen more to the interests of their appointers instead of those of their constituents. That wasn't to say elected seats didn't have the same problems, but she felt like elected seats could have more accountability when it was the people themselves choosing their own senator. That said, she did not want to fully dispose with the old system. Perhaps they could find a compromise by having the appointed seats remain as they were, but all new seats would be elected, and should any appointed seat be left vacant without a replacement appointee chosen by either the emperor or the previous holder, then an election would be held.

The current judiciary would be formalized in the constitution with little changes, other than expanded powers to check and balance out the other branches. The same went for the bureaucracy, aside from a clause in the constitution to formally outline the process by which new civil servants were tested on their skills and talents to ensure they ended up in a role best suited for them.

The imperialists and anti-imperialists then couldn't agree on how these branches would interact with each other. The former wanted the Senate to take priority over the House, keep the Senate a chamber of nobles, maintain the monarchy's current powers, and grant the capital sweeping power over the provinces. On the other hand, Theodora threw in with the anti-imperialists. She called for the Senate to be equal with the House in terms of legislating and to have a mix of appointed and elected seats that would eventually shift towards all elected. Such seats would be tied to each province, so no province would be underrepresented—which would surely appeal to the western provinces. Provincial governors would gain expanded authority over their province, and they would be chosen by popular elections. Theodora also wanted each province to retain enough autonomy so that they could keep running things their way, provided they acknowledged imperial rule and abided by a set of common regulations. Finally, she had been drafting a code of inviolable rights for citizens, which she dubbed the Romanitas Code. In keeping with the spirit of the Edict of Caracalla and the ancient idea of Romanitas, citizenship would be extended to all Romans within the Empire as well as foreigners who wanted it, regardless of gender, religion, political ideology, or cultural background. The rights in the Romanitas Code would be afforded to all people within the Empire, both citizen and not, and could not be infringed on by the government, military, or any other imperial institution. It was a lot to ask for, but Theodora hoped they could discuss the finer details over the next few weeks.


December

December rolled around, and progress was slowly being made. Occasionally, Theodora decided to go on walks around the city, trying to see if there were any public sentiments that others in the Great Palace might have missed.
One rally that was going on displayed this dichotomy sharply. The speaker, who captivated the audience that had gathered, leveraged a lot of the hype generated by the rhetoric spoken by Timon Thaddas. Issues such as postcolonial politics, along with transnationalism, migrant and diaspora politics, were discussed with a leftist tang, same with, as well as calls for reforms the Empire should take to improve itself and represent the people more. But what captivated onlookers was the fact that the speaker was not a Greek, though he spoke it well, nor was the majority of his captive audience, not even half-Greek, consisting from non-Greek migrants from other parts of the wider Empire and immigrants such as the speaker himself.

The speaker was someone who had been known in the press for some time by his nickname, Pumbaa (Πούμπα / Poúmpa), which it had latched onto after he initially attempted to enter politics in the cities of Anatolia, only for some of his friends to reveal why he had gotten that nickname to the local press - it was derived from the Swahili verb "to be foolish, silly, weak-minded, careless, negligent", because he got caught advocating for the independence of Swahili-speaking territories from Ethiopian control, prompting authorities to deport him. Kibwe Kitumaini was his actual name, and while he eventually adopted the nickname fullheartedly, he maintained resentment from his fellow Swahili exilees.

Ultimately finding his way to Constantinople after the Black Rebellion, moving from Anatolia after he had initially moved there from the African Roman Dominion of the Kongo where he had been exiled to, Kibwe had previously largely failed to penetrate into the political scene due to the political environment not permitting it, as he would claim, and not totally because often his arguments would end with his wishes for the Empire to intervene in Ethiopia and free his people. Outside of the interventionism he wished though, it did not help that he viewed the KRA, the Koinonistikaí and I Koinotita with some disdain, though it was with the latter two that the greatest disdain existed - being a communist himself.
One particularly noteworthy ideologue who had gained prominence lately was a man known as Kibwe Kitumaini, or "Pumbaa" as he was known to some. He was a communist from Ethiopia who called for the independence of the Swahili-speaking regions of that empire, among others, from Ethiopian control, ideally by Roman armed intervention along the lines of what the UTA was currently doing in Cuba. Although many of his ideas overlapped with Theodora's, he very clearly disliked the KRA and other left-wing political organizations, which was a shame. From the tone of his voice and the disdain she could hear, there was probably no convincing him otherwise. Even an invitation to join the constitutional convention and help contribute—something that would certainly benefit him—would be ignored, most likely because he'd be crowded out and ignored by everybody else there.
While previously his views garnered little attention, the heightened political discourse following the Black Rebellion and the rise of Timon enabled an environment where an audience that was interested in hearing what he had to say finally emerged (along with mentioning his interventionist views far less). At the rally, he would openly comment on the name given to folks such as him and his audience, the "Rhōmaióphrōnoi," calling it KRA agitprop, intent on drawing them in with white lies, calling on his audience to not be fooled in by those among them who adopt the name as their own.

For those in the parties he critiqued, they viewed him as safely ignorable, as he's a foreigner who wouldn't be able to vote regardless, and limited surveying showed that most who attended his rallies fell in the same boat, even if he gained a minor following among non-Greek Romans who migrated from other parts of the Empire, such as from the eastern borderlands. But some papers had started hyping him up as the next Aiden Gray, even as it was clear he would not achieve a fraction of his influence.
This man also appealed to many within the growing Rhōmaióphrōnoi demographic, though he urged his followers against use of that term as KRA "agitprop." Well excuse me, I merely suggested the term to the papers as a replacement for "Timonist," though he's not wrong in that it ties them to the KRA. The average person in that demographic, though, didn't care for such distinctions, seeing only the recognition and political influence granted by the name. Rage as Kibwe would against it, there was no stopping the growth of this group, even if a small minority broke off and rejected the name.

All in all, he was just another ideologue on the streets of the capital, one who was lucky enough to be hyped up by some of the major newspapers as the next Aiden Gray, although he would never reach that man's level. He posed no threat to the new government Theodora aimed to build. If anything, she appreciated his criticism, as it gave her a new perspective on her actions and policies. And such a man deserved a right to vote, along with the rest of the Romans in this Empire. Why should she deny someone a right to vote based on their political beliefs? If he wanted to become a citizen, that right would be his. Though at the current rate, that looked unlikely.

Whatever the case, Theodora continued on her walk. She did a loop around the various districts of downtown and then returned to her office. The next day would be full of work on the constitution, then preparations at the MSI to smooth over the transition to her successor, whoever that might be.

---

((This will probably be the last substantial post from me for about 3 weeks as I'll be on vacation. Merry Christmas everybody!))
 
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A Report on Southeast Asia and Oceania
A Report on Southeast Asia and Oceania
Countries and regions are listed using their preferred titles.

Exarchate of Aotearoa
Aotearoa is well-known to Rome thanks to the work of the Thaddas family. Represented by Senator Thaddas, during the Great War it fell under the Tane dictatorship and the people suffered greatly. With Kyrene Thaddas taking governorship after the war, it has provided a model of democratic reform. Currently Timon Thaddas serves as a Senator and has a defensive alliance with Rome.
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Australia
This former Roman territory broke away during the Great War, rejoined after the war, and more recently broke away again. Led by Andreas Pangalos, it has remained internally-focused.
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Kingdom of Cambodia
Thommo Non is King of Cambodia. There is not much to note of this nation.
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Dai Viet
The home territory of this once-nation is split between China and Makassar.
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Hagios Lazarou
This archipelago was once a Roman territory, achieving independence during the Great War. It is led by Prince Iason Nikolaos, who’s plans for the future are uncertain.
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Kingdom of Java
This former Roman territory extends well beyond the island of Java proper. It is led by Dictator Leonidas Katsimiros, who took command during the Great War and has not laid down his ‘emergency powers’ since. Yet there have been no great abuses of civilians, as with some of its neighbors.
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Empire of Jazayir-e Sarqi
The remnants of Eranshahr’s Pacific Empire, this smattering of islands is governed by Reza Shirazi
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Luang Prabang
Manthaturath Supho is King of this nation, though his support is low. The only saving grace is that no one political philosophy dominates.
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Kingdom of Makassar
Makassar has been one of the more expansionist powers of this region, only checked by western colonialism. King Muabidin Riayat Shah is currently consolidating his rulership.
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Myanmar
This nation is leda by the fascist Naungdawkyi Bagyidaw, who rose to power on the anger about India’s occupation of Myanmar’s southernmost province of Irrawaddy.
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State of Pattani
The fascist Ismail Raja Inu hopes to reclaim their larger and more populous Malaysian province from Makassar.
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Shan
King Sun Min rules this small nation. Other than their defensive alliance with Cambodia, there is not much of note.
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Kingdom of Sukhothai
King Phya Nitithada leads this nation. Chaing Mai in the west is occupied by India, and the Thai People’s Republic contests their capital province of Sukhothai.
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Tuangoo Dynasty
Alaungphaya Min is King-in-Exile of this land occupied by India, Makassar, and Miedzymorze.
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Thai People’s Republic
This misleadingly-named Thai People’s Republic is a communist nation of Burmese people led by Maung Dabayin. They are split into east and west portions and contend that the territory between is properly their’s. This territory happens to be the capital province of Sukhothai, so conflict is likely in the not-too-distant future.
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So many places for Alexander to tour. Eventually.
 
Constantinople - January

Timon had passively engaged with the previous country report, as Asia did not inspire much curiosity from him, at least in the space of geopolitics. Iran, Iraq and Hedjaz continue to maintain interest in Southeast Asia, what with their former colonial holdings in the region (most having been swooped up by the Empire, albeit now independent). Meanwhile, China continues to push their interests too, what with Japan siding with them. He wondered what the reaction back home would be, as Japan had previous economics dealing with Aotearoa - it's why they have Japanese migrant workers now. Oman and Iraq did always capture the imagination of the Aotearoan populace, given their communist leadership, the latter having even previously sent gifts of friendship due to Aotearoa's place in the Internationale.

With the enroaching 4 Day Forefeast of the Nativity of Christ and the Christmastide season, he expected to similarly engage with the newest report that had been delivered to him on the 1st of January, only to find himself surprised by the topic at hand - Southeast Asia and Oceania. Passing over Aotearoa in the report as he knew there would be nothing to report there, his eyes focused in on Aotearoa's immediate neighbors - those being Australia, Java, Makassar, the Lazarines, and the Iranian Eastern Islands.

Reading what was said on Australia and Java, he was reminded of the post-Election Day session when he shared the experience of Church influence during colonial rule. With the fracturing of the colonial era Archeparchy, many members were given the option of which archbishopric they wanted to join. Due to South Island being built up as the model colony, many opted to join the Archbishopric in Aotearoa. Those that remained in the newly-established Archbishoprics in Australia and Indonesia found themselves immensely weakened, and resentful of the Archbishopric in Aotearoa. From what he recalled Father Angelarios telling him, this would influence what direction the churches there would head in. In Australia's case, due to the island having a longer history of secular administration, the church had to cooperate extensively with the colonial administration in a fashion similar enough to the mainland. That isn't to say they didn't experience their own corruption ala Aotearoa, but it was far more constrained. Java's church, in contrast, leaned more into jealousy. Though he could not remember his name, he did recall hearing that the first Archbishop in Indonesia resented the sway Aotearoa's church had so much that he made sure his own brother took power of the secular colonial administration, and as a result, with the exception of the government which ruled during the Time of Troubles, the secular administration was held in the power of the first Archbishop's family, with the church still being under the family's sway to a great degree. Dictator Leonidas Katsimiros is even speculated to be part of the wider family, albeit not bearing their surname as a distant relative, with the "King" of Java suspected to be from the family. One can't imagine what sort of corruption and abuses go on there, especially with the religious and ethnic diversity of Indonesia in mind.

Further north was the Lazarines. United during Empress Veronica's rule, the Islands of Saint Lazarus (more commonly called the Lazarine Islands, or just the Lazarines) was one whose church status Father Angelarios was less familiar with, though it shared similar religious and ethnic diversity as with Indonesia, thanks to the colonial heritage of Iraq, Hedjaz and Iran, especially so when considering the island of Jamila (or as known by its natives, Taiwan) which the Lazarines similarly held control over, still bearing its Hedjazi name (جزيرة الجَمِيلَة). Angelarios was sure that there was likely church shenanigans going on there too. Timon wondered how His Holiness would confront the messy legacy of the Church in the Insular Pacific.

Shifting his mind back to geopolitics, Australia, Java and the Lazarines were unlikely to cause trouble for either the Empire or Aotearoa. It wasn't surprising to find all three effectively independent as Aotearoa with the Black Rebellion occurring, nor was it surprising to see Australia focusing inward. The Lazarines, Timon suspected, are wondering whether China plans to act upon them, especially with the proximity of Jamila. Java, meanwhile, could easily descend into autocracy, especially if a conflict erupts between it and Makassar, one to finally see who will unite the Indonesian Archipelago - though it seems peace will prevail for now, given consolidation in Makassar, according to the report.

The only neighbor he wasn't sure over was the Iranian Eastern Islands. Still bearing the name they had back when Iran maintained colonies in Southeast Asia (or, as they called them, the Western Islands), they were just the remnants of a Pacific realm long dismantled by the Empire. They could prove threatening, but simultaneously, if Iran focuses its efforts entirely on its homeland, as indicated by the last report, it was likely there would be no reason to fear escalation. The only thing fueling such fears was either Iran or the colonial administration under Reza Shirazi rejecting a proposed economic deal from Aotearoa earlier in the decade, though he couldn't remember who it was that rejected it.

Beyond that, however, his interest waned. Indochina continued to be a complicated mess, likely to remain a marginal place of interest overshadowed by Hindustan and China. He laid the report down, and returned to the festive preparations, as he would be spending his first Christmastide as Senator in Constantinople, as well as see whether or not he could be allowed to temporarily head to Aotearoa for the one year anniversary of his father's death. He would have to leave by boat on January 26th, so that he could arrive February 19th, and spend the weekend with family and friends, before heading back that next week.
 
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