The party members who still see value in human decency and honor need to unite behind a single ticket and instill a new leader who will seek to end the war as soon as possible.
Hopefully we have not yet dealt a fatal blow to socialism. Hopefully the people of the world will forgive us for this horrific crime. We have forgotten that socialism is peace, brotherhood and freedom. You can not force socialism on the world!
Exactly Comrade. Trotsky is using the faith of the people in the party to mislead them, someone needs to let them see they are just pieces in Trotsky's grand game. The first duty of any socialist should be too understand the war, too strip down the layers of propaganda and see it for what it really is, worker against worker. Just as our fellows living under capitalist rule need to rise up against their oppressors so do the honourable soldiers of our armies need to rise up against Trotsky. Show the world it is here in the VSVR that each and every man is willing to make a stand for himself, for freedom, for true ideologiesof socialism. We have came too far, too far I say, to throw it all away for some petty dictator hiding behind the mask of socialism.
War will only instill fear of us, when we need to be respected, admired, by each and every Proletariat in each and every country. How will this war achieve anyhting but loathing for the regime we will force upon them? Thoughout history we have seen countrys utterely beaten back, only to rise up from the ashes and throw off the chains of their oppressors. It does not matter what political beleifs their new rulers have all that matters is it was forced upon them. If I was a citizen of Russia, as I am of the VSVR then I would never, NEVER, lay down my arms. People don't fight for what is right but hwat is theirs. They need to come to us. We can not force it upon them, heed me comrades before it is too late.
Too qutoe from a great man
"“In my opinion we cannot promise positively to share the government’s war enthusiasm every time we are convinced that the country is threatened by attack. Bebel thinks we are much further advanced than we were in 1870 and that we are now able to decide in every instance whether the war which threatens is really one of aggression or not. I should not like to take this responsibility pon myself. I should not like to undertake to guarantee that we could make a correct decision in every instance, that we shall always know whether a overnment is deceiving us, or whether it is not actually representing the interests of the nation against a war of attack ... Yesterday it was the German government that took the aggressive, tomorrow it will be the French government, and we cannot know if the day after it may not be the English government. The governments are constantly asking turns. As a matter of fact what we are concerned with in case of war is not a national but an international question. For a war between great powers will become a world war and will affect the whole of Europe, not two countries alone. Some day the German government might make the German proletariat believe they were being attacked; the French government might do the same with its subjects, and then we should have a war in which the French and German workingmen would follow their respective governments with equal enthusiasm, and murder each other and cut each other’s throats. Such a contingency must be avoided, and it will be avoided if we do not adopt the criterion of the aggressive or defensive war, but that of the interests of the proletariat, which at the same time are international interests ... Fortunately, it is a misconception to assume that the German Social Democracy in case of war would want to judge by national and not by international considerations, and felt itself to be first a German and then a proletarian party."
"Even if the aim of this war against the external enemy is a national function, that does not mean that it is a function which conforms to the interests, welfare and will of the peoples ruled and exploited by capitalism. The proletariat of the whole world can expect no advantage from the policy which makes it necessary that militarism against the external enemy should exist; indeed, its interests are in the sharpest contradiction to militarism, which directly or indirectly serves the ruling classes of capitalism in their exploitation. It is a policy whose function is more or less skilfully to pave the way into the world for the disordered chaotic production and senseless murderous competition of capitalism, in the process of which it tramples underfoot all civilized duties towards the less developed peoples. And actually it attains nothing, except for the fact that it insanely endangers the whole framework of our civilization by bringing into existence the threat of world war."