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A Biography of Great Men – A History of Britain: 1836-1935 [HoD 3.03]

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Zorro said:
What an interesting update, those debates were a great read. I think the Whigs will pull out the win.
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Thanks Zorro. The Whigs certainly look strong, though there's still time for an upset. :)

Terraferma said:
:eek:hmy: Man that debate in Cork with O'Connell was shocking, it read pretty horrifying as well. Certainly it is the end of an era, he will be missed. I would imagine had this happened in the present the news, press and social media outlets would be on fire right about now with discussion and videos. Interesting and insightful update, always enjoy the format.
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Sorry if it was too horrifying. I had originally planned to just have him retire after some illness, but I thought it would break up the endless cycle of debating. You're right in how it would be covered to death (no pun intended) if it were to happen today. Good thing none of those assembled were able to tweet a video, don't you think? :)

Thanks for the comment, as always.

The B said:
Hmmm.... I predict a Whig victory too. *Puts down a fiver*

Although it would be interesting to see the Repeal movement getting some voice.
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I'm interested that so many of you are backing Russell. I shan't day anything yet, but it is noted. :)

As for the Repealers, you might be a bit optimistic there...

NikoHoI3 said:
Amazing election update!

I am on the edge of my seat waiting for the election results. Let us pray for a Whigh-Radical coalition!
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Thanks Niko! I guess Russell is best in the absence of Maggie, then? :D


Thanks as ever for the comments. They are really appreciated. If I could also take the liberty of once again reminding people that the ACAs are running, I'd be much obliged if you'd go and vote — though not necessarily for me. Turnout has been somewhat thin over here in the Vicky forums, and I think I can speak for all writers pretty confidently when I say that votes are massively appreciated, so I'd like to see the situation change. :)
 
Fantastic update Densley, I really enjoyed the focus on the allegiance of the press and the debates. Interesting to read how you worked the opinion polls in as well, is this something we can expect to see going forward?
 
Jape said:
Fabulously in-depth stuff DB. Putting my two cents forward I think the Radicals will get a respectable showing in pure votes but it will translate into Whig candidates losing out as Tories grab pluralities.
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An interesting prediction. I'll say no more. :D

Seelmeister said:
Fantastic update Densley, I really enjoyed the focus on the allegiance of the press and the debates. Interesting to read how you worked the opinion polls in as well, is this something we can expect to see going forward?
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You can indeed expect further polls in the future. I thought it was a decent way of working them in, seeing as any sort of political science or statistical science doesn't really exist as we know it today. There's certainly no YouGov poll lurking around the corner! :)


Thanks to all who have commented so far. Now that we actually have had the campaigns, if anyone has any further predictions I'd be interested to hear them – or, for that matter, other comments in general. :)

Also, I apologise for going on about it an awful lot, but the ACAs this year have been underwhelming to say the least. I think the Vicky 2 award has seen maybe 4 votes. I'm sure there'd be a great many authors out there who would appreciate it if any of you yet to vote went out and did so. :)

I have the graphics for the next update done, so as son as I've got the text sorted I can wrap up these elections. Hopefully that will be sometime quite soon.
 
DensleyBlair said:
An interesting prediction. I'll say no more. :D



You can indeed expect further polls in the future. I thought it was a decent way of working them in, seeing as any sort of political science or statistical science doesn't really exist as we know it today. There's certainly no YouGov poll lurking around the corner! :)


Thanks to all who have commented so far. Now that we actually have had the campaigns, if anyone has any further predictions I'd be interested to hear them – or, for that matter, other comments in general. :)

Also, I apologise for going on about it an awful lot, but the ACAs this year have been underwhelming to say the least. I think the Vicky 2 award has seen maybe 4 votes. I'm sure there'd be a great many authors out there who would appreciate it if any of you yet to vote went out and did so. :)

I have the graphics for the next update done, so as son as I've got the text sorted I can wrap up these elections. Hopefully that will be sometime quite soon.
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I've been meaning to ask that, perhaps a link? I went to search for it briefly but could never find it.

EDIT: And speak of the devil the thread appears thanks to Tangy. (Tanzhang XD)
 
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Terraferma said:
I've been meaning to ask that, perhaps a link? I went to search for it briefly but could never find it.

EDIT: And speak of the devil the thread appears thanks to Tangy. (Tanzhang XD)
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Good to see you found it, Terra. Thanks for the vote, also. :)


Update hopefully up sometime soon. Just beginning work on the actual writing after the busy Easter period – largely taken up by learning Dutch, oddly enough.
 
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1847 General Election

The Results

To say that the results of 1847's election came as a shock to many would be a large overstatement – largely because very few people had actually been able to form educated opinions on the outcome before polls closed. Indeed, the only people sure of who would walk through the front door of 10 Downing Street on the afternoon of the 5th March were the dogmatic types who would in more recent times roam our cities' streets shouting propaganda from the tops of small vans. From the Conservative camp – still at the Conservative Club in St. James' – to the Whiggish Reform Club, still the party's favoured headquarters, and the more informal gatherings of Radicals in the north (many candidates being lower middle class types unable to afford the expensive club membership fees St. James' had to offer) the atmosphere was one of tense anticipation.

Irish Troubles

The Repealers, based in Dublin, were similarly highly-strung – although for a largely different reason. For many of their candidates, the ongoing polling took second place to the failing health of their former leader, Daniel O'Connell, who had deteriorated into a critical condition since his stroke only two weeks earlier. A cabal of leading Repealers had been hurriedly assembled in the city to discuss the direction and aims of the party – and, more importantly, the leadership of the party – post-O'Connell. It was generally agreed that a hasty leadership election would have to be conducted before Parliament was opened – the ballot notable for the reason that none of the three candidates who would put themselves forward were sure that they would even have a seat in Parliament come the morning. Results in Ireland were traditionally amongst the last to be revealed, meaning that not enough time would be left after they had been announced to properly elect a new leader. In truth, electing a leader on election night when tensions were high and party members were especially tired was similarly unideal, though in the eyes of those assembled it beat rushing a ballot through in only an hour or so.

Of the three candidates who eventually nominated themselves for the leadership, the most notable was a member by the name of William Smith O'Brien. Smith O'Brien, the 43-year-old incumbent member for Limerick County who had been largely quiet in Parliament so far in his career. Outside of Parliament, however, was a different story. Smith O'Brien was a member of the so-called "Young Ireland" movement, a radical sub-movement within the Repeal Association seeking both Irish independence and Repealer independence from the influence of the Whig Party, whom the Young Irelanders viewed with a general disdain. Smith O'Brien was known as a fiery proponent of his cause, and was liked by many of the younger members of the party who had become disillusioned with the Whigs' constant politicking and avoidance of the Irish Famine Crisis. Many viewed him as O'Connell's natural successor, the perfect man to lead the party through the turbulent period both Ireland and the party were experiencing.

Smith O'Brien's main opponents for the leadership were also members of the Young Ireland movement, which had, by 1847, become a notable groups within the party – having previously only remained subservient out of a strong loyalty to "the Liberator" O'Connell. John Blake Dillon and Thomas Davis (both 32 at the time) were committed to a more radical path to achieving the party's ultimate goal – the repeal of the Act of Union. Dillon, while similarly committed as Smith O'Brien, was generally seen as a weaker leader and a more reluctant supporter of the Young Irelanders' goals. Davis, meanwhile, was more a poet than a politician, having contributed to the movement through verse as opposed to through fiery speeches delivered from the hustings. Ultimately, after a hurried vote, Smith O'Brien was elected largely unanimously by the assembled party members. He would be the man to lead Ireland to a new and brighter future.

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William Smith O'Brien, second leader of the Repeal Association and successor to the venerated Daniel O'Connell.

The Results Arrive

While those in Dublin moved to elect a successor for the ailing O'Connell, business proceeded largely as usual in London. Despite their desperate attempts to be considered a major force in politics, as the campaign season ended, Lord Stanley and his followers were still seen as a troublesome, anomalous dissenter group largely irrelevant in the modern age, and were therefore ignored by the press as speculative pieces were published in the evening news about possible cabinets and supposed agreements between various parties all vying for power. Not one of the articles printed that evening gave more than a passing mention the former Prime Minister, with much of the press assuming a majority government of some form would be able to be formed without him – especially after what had been a disastrous campaign on his part. By the time the first results began to trickle into St. James', it seemed very much that his day in the sun had ended.

The first result to reach the ears of those in Clubland was, perhaps unsurprisingly, that from the City of London – a crucial seat for the Whigs. The result did much to calm the party's pre-match nerves, with not one but two Whigs taking the available seats[1]. Russell and his fellow electee, Baron Lionel de Rothschild[2] – a member of the prominent Jewish banking family – had both stood for election to a new seat, making the victory even greater for the party as a decisive show of confidence in the Whigs and their policies. The Whigs could now approach the evening with somewhat more buoyancy, safe in the knowledge that their leader was in Parliament and the people – those in the City of London, at least – had confidence in their party.

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The Whigs started the night well with a double victory in the City of London.

The Stanleyites had not been having the best of evenings by the time the results from King's Lynn reached their makeshift camp at Knowsley Hall, the Merseyside ancestral seat of the Earls of Derby. Far removed from the events in London, the group really had been cast out into the political wilderness. Their fortunes were not about to improve. By a margin of just over six per-cent, Lord George Bentinck, prospective leader of the Stanleyites in the Commons, had been defeated. The Stanleyites now had to look forward to the prospect of going into the next Parliament with a weak leadership in the Commons – something not at all welcomed by a rather dejected Stanley. His only real consolation had been the fact that his own place in Parliament was secure thanks to his seat in the Lords. It did not look as if his evening would get any better, either.

Much to the elation of those in the Reform Club, his vanquisher had been Thomas Redcliffe, the Whiggish candidate who had previously bested Lord Bentinck on the hustings. All of a sudden, many began to look forward to another Whig government. Indeed, with every seat announced in London, it seemed that a continuing of the orange surge that had gripped the country of late was inevitable. The evening was till young, however, and the potential for a swing was great indeed.

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A microcosm of Stanley's troubles, Lord George Bentinck lost his seat to a Whig backbencher.

Peel's first real reply to the onslaught of Whiggish victories came when his own seat was declared. In what was likely the least surprising result of the evening, Tamworth announced that the former Prime Minister, now at the age of 59, had been returned once again. Russell didn't take much notice of the news that his rival had secured his seat (if contemporary sources are to be believed, neither did the Tories themselves, such was its predictability) yet it marked almost a watershed moment in the evening. Peel and his Conservatives had been quietly catching up with the Whigs after their early lead all evening. By the time news came up from Tamworth[3], the two parties sat largely on level pegging. Suddenly, the rest of the evening had acquired a new level of tension.

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In what was possibly the most predictable piece of news of the evening, Peel was returned for Tamworth.

Russell was forced to pay somewhat more attention to the next set of results, coming this time from Buckinghamshire. Electing two members, Russell had hoped that at least one would be a Whig. He wouldn't get his wish. The deeply Tory constituency had elected the undistinguished Caledon Du Pré along with the somewhat more notable Stanleyite Benjamin Disraeli – now a serious contender for the leadership of the Stanleyites in the Commons in lieu of Bentinck's absence. The Whig candidate, Charles C. Cavendish, was pushed into a humiliating third place. Suddenly, things were not looking so secure for the Whigs.

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Disraeli's win proved a vital lifeline for Stanley.

News from Manchester arrived in London just after midnight, although those assembled in the city itself had known for a good while beforehand. John Bright, the Radical leader, had own his seat in emphatic fashion, securing what was the largest majority of the night so far – an impressive 38.58% – in the process. Gaining the seat from the Whigs, the result was a clear message to Russell that no enough was being done by those on the left – although he could take some solace in the fact that his candidate managed to poll more votes than Jeremiah Thornberry, an independent "Chartist" – a group more Radical even than Bright's group. Nevertheless, it appeared that the prospect of another Russell-led government was fading fast.

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Bright's win proved incredibly important for the nascent Radical Party.

Cork declared early on the morning of the 5th, with news reaching London at about half past one. As expected, Richard Longfield had managed to win the seat, bringing even more confidence to Peel's camp in the Conservative Club. The news, however, was largely overshadowed by the solemnity accompanying the victory. Daniel O'Connell, the champion of the Irish people for decades, was in a critical condition, with many fearing that he wouldn't live to see the next government form. He was respected in both Tory and Whiggish camps, even if he wasn't liked by everyone. In his absence, it appeared that the Repeal movement would indeed suffer – early results from Ireland not looking good for the party. Nonetheless, as the final few hours of declarations approached, it was looking evermore likely that the government would be blue.

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An air of sombreness hung over the seat as the Tories grabbed another victory.

As was traditional, the final results to come in were those of the Oxbridge universities. News from Oxford was especially apposite, summing up the night very well in the eyes of many. Both seats had gone to Conservative candidates, with the two Stanleyite challengers (Russell had not put up a candidate) thrashed by their Peelite rivals. Coming out the victor was William Ewart Gladstone, a firm supporter of Peel and a rising star in the Conservative Party. Formerly the Vice-President of the Board of Trade in the Second Peel Ministry, many predicted that this Parliament would see him accede to greater things.

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Rising star of the Conservative Party, William Ewart Gladstone, retained his seat with ease.[4]

The Aftermath

For Russell, meanwhile, it had been a disappointing night. Having gone into the evening hoping for a vote of confidence in his party and his leadership, he had been soundly beaten by Peel – the very man he had helped oust only five years before. For partner in crime, however, the night had been far worse. Stanley had gone into the elections with precious few MPs. By the morning, this number has been slashed. Of the 658 members elected to Parliament, only 19 had run under Stanley's banner. Russell, by contrast, had managed to secure 270 seats for the coming session – a reduction of 22 from 1840. With the Repealers managing to salvage a very respectable 23 seats – to the surprise of many, a gain of three seats – and John Bright's Radicals winning five seats in industrial areas – a disappointing result, though not unexpected – Peel had not only won, but secured a majority. With a total of 341 seats, he had been vindicated. After five years on the opposition benches, forced out by malcontents within his own party, he had proven himself to his critics. At midday on the 5th March 1847 his government – the Third Peel Ministry – was announced from the steps of 10 Downing Street. How long it would last, never mind whether it would live up to expectations in the eyes of the voting populace, was anybody's guess.

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Sir Robert Peel, Bt. Prime Minister of the United Kingdom for the third time.

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The 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom saw Peel returned to his position at the top of British politics. Meanwhile, Lord Russell's Whigs were punished for their role in Stanley's ascension, while Stanley himself was pushed into near-anonymity. The Repealers benefitted from a loss of confidence in the Whigs in Ireland and managed to gain three seats despite losing their galvanising leader. John Bright's Radicals were represented via only a small cadre of seats.

The Third Peel Ministry

First Lord of the Treasury: Sir Robert Peel, Bt.
Leader of the House of Commons: Sir Robert Peel, Bt.
Lord Chancellor: The Lord Lyndhurst
Lord President of the Council: The Duke of Buccleuch
Lord Privy Seal: The Duke of Argyll
Chancellor of the Exchequer: William Ewart Gladstone
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: The Earl of Aberdeen
Secretary of State for the Home Department: John Manners-Sutton
Secretary of State for War and the Colonies: The Duke of Newcastle
First Lord of the Admiralty: The Earl of Ellenborough
President of the Board of Control: Henry Goulburn
President of the Board of Trade: The Earl of Dalhousie
First Commissioner of Woods and Forests: The Earl of Lincoln
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster: The Lord Granville Somerset
Secretary at War: Sidney Herbert
Paymaster-General: Sir Edward Knatchbull, Bt.
Chief Secretary for Ireland: The Earl of Haddington
Minister Without Portfolio: The Duke of Wellington
Leader of the House of Lords: The Duke of Wellington


1: Seeing as most seats I show anachronistically elect only one member, I thought it would make sense for the City of London constituency, in our timeline seating four members, to return two. It also gives me an excuse to seat Baron de Rothschild.
2: The title in this instance being jure uxoris, therefore allowing him into the Commons.
3: In defiance of geography, one always goes up to London.
4: I'll correct the typo later.​
 
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And another election in the books, superb job. Pity for the Whigs though.
 
Firstly, let me say that those new constituency graphics of yours add a wonderful freshness to the AAR Densley, even if the occasional gaps are a little bit unsightly that is an exceedingly minor quibble at best. :)

On the subject of Lionel Rothschild: although his title might not bar him from sitting in the house, am I right to suspect that his choice of religious faith might? IIRC he had to fight a series of by-elections in our timeline until the law barring Jews from sitting was repealed - with a little help from this timeline's new Stanleyite MP from Buckinghamshire, who was oddly sympathetic to his plight.
 
I thought the Whigs had it, shows what I know. Regardless, it is good to see Peel back in power after the cabal ousted him!
 
Tanzhang (譚張) said:
Firstly, let me say that those new constituency graphics of yours add a wonderful freshness to the AAR Densley, even if the occasional gaps are a little bit unsightly that is an exceedingly minor quibble at best. :)

On the subject of Lionel Rothschild: although his title might not bar him from sitting in the house, am I right to suspect that his choice of religious faith might? IIRC he had to fight a series of by-elections in our timeline until the law barring Jews from sitting was repealed - with a little help from this timeline's new Stanleyite MP from Buckinghamshire, who was oddly sympathetic to his plight.
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Did somebody say Jews?

And a fine result - always good to see true Brits return to power.
 
Terraferma said:
And another election in the books, superb job. Pity for the Whigs though.
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I think what this election showed Russell is that, when the people elect a Conservative government, that is what they want. His charades with Stanley are the main reason that he's no longer in power – especially considering the unrest that led to within his own party.

Tanzhang (譚張) said:
Firstly, let me say that those new constituency graphics of yours add a wonderful freshness to the AAR Densley, even if the occasional gaps are a little bit unsightly that is an exceedingly minor quibble at best. :)
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The spaces largely exist so that I can use one template for all seats and not have to mess around resizing and such between constituencies, but your feedback is noted. I definitively think they're an improvement on my Helvetica'd previous effort, though.

On the subject of Lionel Rothschild: although his title might not bar him from sitting in the house, am I right to suspect that his choice of religious faith might? IIRC he had to fight a series of by-elections in our timeline until the law barring Jews from sitting was repealed - with a little help from this timeline's new Stanleyite MP from Buckinghamshire, who was oddly sympathetic to his plight.
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Shhh! You'll give it away! :D

You'd be quite right. In our timeline, I think I'd be right in saying that it wasn't until 1858 that he was allowed to take his seat – largely because of the stubbornness of the House of Lords who refused to pass the Jewish Disabilties Act (1851) on many occasions.

Zorro said:
I thought the Whigs had it, shows what I know. Regardless, it is good to see Peel back in power after the cabal ousted him!
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Well, the Whigs will likely take office at some point in the future, so you can claim incredible prescience when they do! :)

I do like Peel, so I'm glad to see him back in office. I definitely orefer him to Stanley, in any case. Peel actually ran in the 1847 elections as a "Liberal-Conservative", which may explain why I'm thusly disposed towards him. I always find it ironic that Stanley, desirous of being a "moderate Whig", actually ended up more Conservative than the man he ousted from government!

99KingHigh said:
Did somebody say Jews?

And a fine result - always good to see true Brits return to power.
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Jews will feature strongly in the coming few years, that's for sure. Of course, we've already seen Disraeli frequently. He was brin Jewish. :)


In an extremely productive session this morning, I managed to play though Peel's government in its entirety (and beyond) so as soon as I've finished editing all of the pictures I'll be able to get to work on the next update. Until then, prepare yourself for stability and pragmatism.

Or not...
 
Wonderful election coverage DB. The Conservative majority is small which gives room for trouble. I've mentioned it before but Gladstone staying Conservative and Disraeli out of the Tory fold offers up excellent possibilities, one's I'm sure you're well aware of. The one intriguing me the most is Tory seats in Ireland, and Peel's fondness (by Victorian standards) for the island. Get the Party too caught up in Ireland and Gladstone could prove a nail bomb is he ever reaches Number 10.
 
Jape said:
Wonderful election coverage DB. The Conservative majority is small which gives room for trouble. I've mentioned it before but Gladstone staying Conservative and Disraeli out of the Tory fold offers up excellent possibilities, one's I'm sure you're well aware of. The one intriguing me the most is Tory seats in Ireland, and Peel's fondness (by Victorian standards) for the island. Get the Party too caught up in Ireland and Gladstone could prove a nail bomb is he ever reaches Number 10.
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It certainly does provide some interesting opportunities. I think I've largely planned out how their respective arcs will pan out (in the near future, at least) so I hope it'll prove equally interesting to see everything unfold.

As for Ireland, considering how bad the situation is over there at the moment, it will be a priority for Peel. Gladstone at the Exchequer means he's out of the way in terms of really influencing how the situation plays out at the moment, though that can of course change.

Thanks for the comment, as ever. :)


I'm starting work on the next update now. Hopefully I can get it done in a timely fashion.
 
Really enjoyed the election coverage, the Tanzhangesque looks at individual constituencies always being a particular favourite. Feel very jealous of your graphics ... as usual :p.

Keep up the good work!
 
Tommy4ever said:
Really enjoyed the election coverage, the Tanzhangesque looks at individual constituencies always being a particular favourite. Feel very jealous of your graphics ... as usual :p.

Keep up the good work!
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I like how Densley showed us more than just three. :p
 
Tommy4ever said:
Really enjoyed the election coverage, the Tanzhangesque looks at individual constituencies always being a particular favourite. Feel very jealous of your graphics ... as usual :p.

Keep up the good work!
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The graphics I think do look quite effective and are actually quite simple to piece together now that I've got the hang of it. The most time consuming part of the process is doing the figures (although everything but he votes and relevant percentages is completely fabricated.)

Thanks as ever! :)

Tanzhang (譚張) said:
I like how Densley showed us more than just three. :p
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I had originally only done five – one for each important figure – but felt that that didn't represent the direction in which the election was heading, so I went and gave Dizzy and Gladstone an overview. I also thought it would be good to bulk out the iodate a bit. I'm sure Tommy will agree that the more comprehensive overview is a good thing. :p


Update very nearly finished. Expect it soon.
 
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Ireland Awakes

Solving the Question

Despite the relative state of calm that existed when Peel assumed office for the third time, the United Kingdom in 1847 presented many contradictions and flash points. Ireland, for example, ever the maligned, reluctant companion to her sister Great Britain, was yet to rid herself of the famine which had plagued her lands since 1845. Peel in his party manifesto had offered a drastic, more hands-on approach to the situation filled with promises of jobs and relief. Perhaps unusually, the signs looked promising that these promises would actually manifest themselves into actions. Between 1812 and 1818, Peel had served as Chief Secretary for Ireland, and had indeed been "elected" to the rotten borough of Cashel, Tipperary. His history with the island went back nearly four decades by 1847, and many were confident that this apparent affinity he held towards Ireland would translate into sympathetic polices.

It is interesting to note also at this point that the Tory cause had been unusually strong in Ireland in recent times, with the party dominating the island's political society – at least in terms of constituencies – after the fall of the Repeal Association (despite the increase of seats achieved by the association, many considered them to no longer be a potent force after O'Connell's retirement.) Although traditionally strong in the (Protestant) northern counties, they had managed to capitalise on the distrust of the left – both a reaction to "that blasted, egotistical charade" (in the words of one disaffected commentator) of the Unholy Ministry and the aforementioned ministry's reluctance and inability to do anything about the problems in Ireland.

Indeed, the island's voters were sympathetic towards Peel's pledges to act to solve the nation's problems – not necessarily because of a dire need to cure starvation on their part (the voters being from the upper and middle classes, and therefore largely able to subsist) but because of economic worries. At this point, landlords were responsible for paying any rent not received from tenants and were therefore often driven into debt – in turn forcing them to evict cashless tenants and bring in more affluent replacements so as to be in the surety with regards to their financial security, something which did much to exacerbate the situation amongst the now homeless poor. There were exceptions to this, as with any situation; reports of landlords bankrupting themselves for the sake of their tenants were not uncommon, if not exactly widespread, but the overall picture remained one of poverty and a nation's social hierarchy in disarray. Much, then, rested upon Peel's opening speech to Parliament, in which he was expected to outline his plans for Ireland.

Expectations were met when, during his opening address to Parliament, Peel brought up the Irish Question – and his plans for solving it. Perhaps contrary to the Tories' accepted idiosyncrasies, the plan was drastic when compared to Lord Russell's laissez-faire policy of doing really very little – something of which Peel had always been highly critical. At the centre of Peel's plan was the increase of food imported to Ireland. It was estimated that anywhere up to three million extra acres of grain would be needed to cover the shortfall currently present, which was to be brought in from America and Europe – although much of Europe, having itself been ravaged by blights, was not entirely amenable to exporting such large volumes of produce. This food would be distributed by the newly-founded "Relief Commission" at cost price, in an attempt to make food more affordable for the impoverished. Notably, the new Relief Commission was able to operate over the existing Poor Law Unions – who had responsibility for the country's workhouses and the distribution of aid. The Poor Law Unions were seen as unfit for purpose during the Famine Crisis, and had been unable to deal with the vast influx of people to the workhouses in the previous two years. Peel hoped that taking steps to circumvent this beleaguered organ would increase the efficiency with which relief could be distributed. Peel also made steps to create jobs in the country, announcing the creation of locally funded work schemes which would provide work in factories for an estimated 140,000 of those affected. It was a comprehensive plan, designed by a Prime Minister unusually sympathetic to the plight of the Irish. Nonetheless, it was not met with universal acclaim.

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A stampede nearly ensues as the gates are opened at one of Peel's "Relief Commissions", from the London Illustrated News.

The Prime Minister's plan received from quarters on both sides. Lord Russell, now relegated to the position of Leader of Her Majesty's Most Loyal Opposition, was notable critical, denouncing Peel's "heavy-handed" approach to the situation and implicating that he had exaggerated – at least in part – the severity of the current problems extant in the administration in Ireland. The Radicals, too, lambasted the "malignant" effect that the measures would have on the market. From his own benches, some rebellious "ultra-Tories" complained, albeit privately, that Peel was debasing the traditional role of the British Crown in Ireland – that is, as an overlord rather than a benevolent carer, though these claims were met with little serious consideration from anyone outside of the most reactionary circles. Many also were still skeptical as to the true extent of the problem, and believed that Peel was merely playing it up to give himself an excuse to push his "Liberal agenda". Interestingly, the Repeal Association, now under the leadership of William Smith O'Brien, far more radical than his predecessor, were accepting of the plan, concerned far more with ending the crisis than Peel's blatant intervention in the markets. Smith O'Brien was also known to have regarded the changes as a significant milestone in his goal of securing the repeal of the Act of Union, with far less emphasis now placed on government by the British Crown – or rather, its representatives in the form of the English landlords and lieutenants.

In the immediate aftermath, Peel's plan seemed to be effective. Hundreds of thousands of pounds worth of maize was imported from the US and England, which were able to provide for about a million people for a few months while Peel's relief measures were put into place. Controversy arose at some food distribution centres as people were turned away for looking "too healthy" and therefore not needing subsidies, though his Relief Commission did prove on the whole to be more efficient than the old Poor Law Boards. Nonetheless, things quickly began to unravel. Construction of factories – and therefore the creation of jobs – was hampered by malnourishment amongst the workforces employed across the country, while shipments of food were discovered not to possess as great a nutrition value as first thought. Food was still largely available – if quickly running out – though many were still going hungry and without work. It appeared to many as if Peel's grand relief plan had failed. Ireland was still in turmoil and all that the government could show for its efforts was an upgraded administration and some slightly less hungry farmers. In a speech to Parliament in July, the Earl of Haddington, Peel's Chief Secretary of Ireland, urged patience reassuring the naysayers that the year's harvest would see an increase in crop levels and alleviate the numbers of those starving. Not all were convinced.

Primarily, criticism continued to come from the Opposition, who claimed that Peel's continual interference in the market was delaying recovery and damning the island to years of unnecessary hardship. The hard line Tories, too, continued their opposition to Peel's "liberalising ways", though, again, in private quarters. Many of these "ultras" claimed (rather dogmatically) that the root of Ireland's ills was the repeal of the Corn Laws – though were unable to say why. As the summer progressed, it became increasingly apparent that the party over which Peel presided was not as unified as it appeared at first glance. Elements of dissent had existed since Peel's support of the Corn Law repeal, splitting the party into two main groups – the more traditionalist set who were cautious of Peel's "reforming" but stayed with him due to an even greater disdain for "that scallywag Stanley" and the more liberal "Peelites" who remained committed to their Prime Minister's policies and views on the economy and the Irish Problem. Neither group was particularly interested in testing the party asunder, the collective understanding being that such a division would be catastrophic for the right wing, though tensions could be found if one looked hard enough.

Passing the Hat

By the time September arrived, and with it, harvest season, those in Ireland were placing all of their hopes in a solid return of crops. Food from the initial Anglo-American shipment had all but run out, and many were now looking to private merchants to import food. While many were able to access food from overseas – thanks in no small part to the lack of Corn Laws – imports were barely able to meet the needs of the starving population, if at all. Charitable foundations were set up across England, with one more notable concern run by a group of wealthy merchants counting the Ottoman Sultan Abdülmecid and Queen Victoria herself amongst their subscribers[1], who contributed £1,000 and £2,000 worth of food to the cause, respectively[2]. Other charitable funds – both religious and otherwise – received an influx of donations, with the British Relief Association being particularly successful in its fundraising. Amongst donations were those from the Choctaw Indians, who sent $710 to the cause, while the city of Calcutta donated £14,000. Pope Pius IX also sent money on behalf of the Catholic Church, who were concerned by the plight of the starving Catholics in the country.

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Sultan Abdülmecid I of the Ottoman Empire, who donated a significant sum of money to the Irish cause.

William Smith O'Brien, ever one for controversy, took to the flood of donations with a certain superciliousness. Ireland, he argued, should not have to degrade herself so as to ask for a subscription from England. Many in his ranks took the same view, asserting that England had, in "passing round the hat", begged on Ireland's behalf and made out that the afflicted nation was "throwing herself on England's mercy". This, they motioned, was a debasement of Ireland's national pride – something which should be a source of anger amongst all patriotic citizens! – and a reminder to all Irishmen that Great Britain was still the superior partner in their relationship. If Ireland were equal, it was argued, relief would come from the joint exchequer, not the alms box. Nevertheless, the funding meant that vital food could be brought and distributed amongst the starving populace as the harvest was collected. The relief would prove even more vital than first thought. As the season's crops were harvested in October, it soon became apparent that the blight was still present within the potato crop. The spread of the oomycete[3] responsible – Phytophthora Infestans – continued, though not to the same degree as in preceding years. Food was more readily available, though by no means plentiful.

While the food situation showed signs of improving, however, the promised developments in industry were slower to come into effect. The only sign of the island's industrialisation was, by October 1847, a lumber mill in Leinster which supplied work to those in the local area. The countryside, however, offered little in the way of serious, stable work to those left unemployed. With the promise of relief from a life of subsidies and grain rations, many chose to migrate from rural areas to the industrialised urban areas of the island's centre – not a great distance when compared with the hundreds of thousands who had already made the journey across the Atlantic in the previous two years. Nonetheless, all the jobs in Ireland could not improve the food situation, with many of those now with a steady income still unable to buy surplus produce. Peel, eager to relieve the trouble quickly, had to turn to radical measures.

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A map of Ireland during the blight. While only a small part of the United Kingdom, Ireland's struggle with famine attracted global attention as donations and relief poured in from across the globe.

At What Cost Relief?

Previous famines, notably in the 1780's, had been assuaged by the government with relative ease via a ban on exports from Ireland to Great Britain. The fundamental issue at the heart of the famine was not the lack of food, but rather a lack of available food – most crops in Ireland beg cash crops to be imported to Great Britain. In 1847, this meant that enough food was being grown on the island to sustain the population with ease – the problem being that high exports (the level having increased even during the famine) limited the amount of produce available to the native population. Peel, therefore, was faced with an opportunity to curtail the suffering – sever trade ties between Ireland and Great Britain temporarily until the situation improved, or risk facing years of protracted starvation. Having been a staunch supporter of free trade since the 1820's, and having more recently vehemently supported the repeal of the Corn Laws, this was not something the Prime Minister was particularly wont to do. Indeed, when first formulating his relief plan, Peel had been advised that an export ban may be necessary, though pressed ahead with subsidy schemes and industrialisation – which, by October had had limited success.

Despite this, the Prime Minister, having long exhibited an unusual affection for the island (for Victorian standards) was willing to temporarily suspend some of his most fundamental beliefs in the name of relieving the situation – likely for more selfish reasons as well as altruistic ones, the Irish Crisis having absorbed most of his energies since assuming office and quickly becoming an unwelcome burden. Further, Peel saw an opportunity to try and reclaim some authority over his party – the idea of reintroducing limited trade in part appealing greatly to many of the more traditional members still highly skeptical of the benefits of repealing the Corn Laws. Here, he thought, was a chance to demonstrate his more conservative side – even if, at heart, he was a closet liberal. Therefore, with all due solemnity, on the 17th October, the Exportation Provisions Bill (Ireland) was given its first reading. In the bill, provisions were made for the closure of Irish ports where the exportation of foodstuffs was concerned for the period of one year, until the harvest of 1848. Naturally, the bill was met by outrage from much of the Opposition (barring Stanley, of course, who received the news of the bill's introduction gladly in the Lords) calling Peel out as a "Judas" and a "turncoat". The toe Johns – Russell and Bright – were especially critical of what they called "callous and unnecessary restriction of the freedom of trade". The Irish contingent, however, were receptive of the bill, with Smith O'Brien praising that fact that Westminster was finally allowing Ireland to sort out her own problems. By the end of November, however, the bill had passed through the Commons (Peel making liberal use of the whipping system in ensuring that it met no hindrance.) By the end of the year, with some help from the famously brusque Duke of Wellington, Leader of the House of Lords, it had been sent off for Royal Assent. The Exportation Provisions Act (Ireland) was in force. Recovery was in sight for the Emerald Isle.

The provisions were not without their negative consequences. Food prices in Ireland dropped dramatically, with many merchants protesting the Act. One delegation even managed to secure an audience with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, George Villiers, Earl of Clarendon, although he dismissed their pleas on behalf of those in Westminster. Food was now not only available, but affordable – the two vital aspects of combatting at least the most pressing problems of the famine. Of course, it remained to be seen whether, come the reopening of the ports with the following year's harvest, the crop would be any better than that of the previous three harvests. Nonetheless, Peel was now free to pursue other matters of state – both at home and abroad. For, as any of the Repealer MP's would tell you all too bitterly, Ireland is not the world.


1: Delightfully, this story is true, though occurred in 1845.
2: It is thought that the Sultan wished to give £10,000 worth, but was convinced to climb down by Victoria, who did not wish to be upstaged.
3: Phytophthora Infestans, the culpable blight, is an oomycete rather than a fungus. Or so I'm told.​
 
Hopefully Ireland's troubles are over. With the UK being somewhat calm at the moment, I'd like to see how Peel handles foreign affairs. Good update all around.
 
Ah Ireland, the nipping dog at the heels of the British Empire, or - at least I like all the political cartoons that depict Ireland in that manner! Naturally, when someone tries to help people, they only ever make enemies.

LBJ's "Great Society" is the perfect example back in the USA. Too bad the relief efforts appeared to fail.
 
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