Chapter XXXV: All Quiet on the Eastern Front
The first stage of the Second Russian Civil War coincided with the end of the Second Weltkrieg. Across what was once Russia, the opening weeks of the Civil War are now remembered as the Anarchy. As power devolved into a handful of cliques, a mad rush for the loyalty of various governors and military leaders across the country began.
The Death of Savinkov
The Battle in the Black Rain ended with Anton Denikin conceding the battlefield around Pleshcheyovo to Pyotr Wrangle’s forces. Despite the victory, Wrangle would win little. Denikin, with the last blessings of the Vohzd on national radio, was recognized as the Commander-in-Chief of all Russian armed forces. However, he could not reach Tula where the General Staff was, nor was he sure of their loyalty. Instead, he would go west to Tver to establish his new headquarters. This site was chosen strategically.
- It was equally positioned between Marshals Egorov and Kappel’s headquarters, both of whom he sent immediate demands for public acknowledgement of his rank
- Denikin would root out those not loyal to him by ordering the General Staff to relocate from Tula to his new location – any who did not make the trip would be cast as Wrangelite traitors
- By the time the Tver move had been made, Nikolai Ustryalov, Chief of Staff to the Vohzd, had been rescued from beneath the Moscow rubble. As the highest-ranking remaining member of the government, Ustryalov proclaimed himself Vohzd in Tver. Denikin aligned himself with Ustryalov, who confirmed his legitimacy as Commander-in-Chief
This last point would backfire spectacularly. The 56-year-old Ustryalov had made many enemies in his rise to Savinkov’s inner circle. Greatest among these was Alexander Lvovich Kazembeck, an early Savnikovite and the Vohzd’s first General Secretary. In 1937, Kazembeck had been replaced by Dmitri Shepilov due largely to Ustryalov’s intrigues. Kazembeck had been all but exiled to Kazan as the new leader of the Astrakhan Governate. Now, he sought his revenge.
Nikolai Ustryalov, the New Vohzd
By August 18th, news of Ustryalov’s accession had spread across the continent. Kazembeck, who had remained politically isolated until this moment, jumped back into the limelight. He declared Ustryalov a usurper and cast himself as the rightful defender of the people, government and party. He demanded the SZRS leadership reconvene to select a new primus inter pares from amongst its number and invited all SZRS governors and party officials to flock to his banner, all the while urging the military to arrest Ustryalov. He even insinuated that Ustryalov’s survival of the Moscow atomic bombing meant he had foreknowledge of the disaster. Not too far off, Field Marshal Mikhail Drozdovsky of the
Crimean Front had always fought to escape Denikin’s shadow since the Russian Civil War, often competing with him for plaudits on the battlefields of Ukraine. It was just one of the many rivalries Savinkov liked to engender in his subordinates. Now, Drozdovsky saw his chance to shine, declaring for Kazembeck’s ‘Kazan Government’ on the 19th. Drozdovsky was named Commander-in-Chief of Russian forces by the Interim President, Kazembeck. After evaluating their options, which included potentially being fully cut off from Russia by Drozdovsky’s forces, the commanders of the
Anatolian Front, who occupied the Caucuses and the eastern half of Turkey, also professed their loyalty to the Kazan Government.
Alexander Kazembeck, the ‘Legitimist’
Up north, Feliks Egorov watched the disintegration of Field Marshal Vladimir Kappel’s forces with interest. The
Western Front had been the premier force of the Russian State’s military, receiving the cream of the veterans and equipment. Demoralized and in shock from the atomic bombings now battered by German forces surging through the gaps in their lines, Kappel’s troops seemed to be in general collapse. Egorov, along with Kappel, cast in their lots with Denikin and Ustryalov’s ‘Tver Administration’.
Meanwhile, Pyotr Wrangle had established himself in the Moscow suburb of Zelenograd. Knowing Denikin’s escape would initiate civil war, Wrangle moved quickly to build his powerbase. He did this by leveraging the apparatus of his General Staff loyalists, which still controlled the four reserve armies (about 300,000 men) recently formed and in various states of training in camps scattered between Yaroslavl and Ryazan. Upon hearing of Kazembeck’s rebellion Wrangle sent out feelers in this direction but was rebuffed by Drozdovsky’s partisans who saw him as a threat to their new power. Left in the Russian heartland with an atomically cratered city in his rear and only green troops at his disposal, Wrangle was forced to pivot his appeal in an entirely new direction. Socialism, republicanism, and Savinkovism had all led Russia to disassembly, despair and death. This had led Wrangle to the conclusion that the Russian glory its people loved so dearly was inextricably tied to its imperial and religious past.
On the 24th, he, along with Patriarch Anastasius would take to the airwaves declaring that Russia’s experimentations of the last quarter century were a deviation from its holy path. Together, the two expressed that a Romanov would be restored to the empty throne of the Russian Empire, reigniting the destiny so foully disrupted by the Bolsheviks. Just which Romanov’s rear would grace the royal seat of state was not stated. Posterity has named this new power the ‘Zelenograd Faction’.
Pyotr Wrangle, the ‘Imperial Dark Horse’
Another early force of the Anarchy was Anastasy Voniatsky, Governor General of the Ural Oblast. Based in Yekateringrad (renamed from the Germanic-sounding Yekaterinburg in 1938), Voniatsky had led the Russian Homeland Party (PRR) during the early 1930s. The PRR had gone into coalition with the Savinkov’s Union for the Defense of the Motherland and Freedom, helping the latter consolidate authority over Russia. For this alliance, Voniatsky had been granted a relatively free hand in his oblast. Voniatsky was particularly brutal on the slave labor camps under him, with those ‘Colonies’ having the highest death rates of all. The threat of revolt had thus always been high, with several foiled attempts earning Voniatsky an outsized proportion of garrison units at his beck and call. When the Iskupleniye colony in far off Novosibirsk rebelled, Voniatsky immediately offered his support for the Siberians – provided they submit to his authority. As the rebellion spilled into Krasnojarsk, the various governors of the east began to fall into line. Voniatsky’s troops, a hodgepodge of military district garrison units, Cossack hordes, crack security forces and four veteran divisions from the Turkish front, began to assemble. Voniatsky did not reply to any of the calls from Tver, Kazan or Zelenograd, knowing himself safe on the far side of the Urals. He hoped to use the time he had before any of the factions in the west could gain the upper hand to eliminate the rebellions in Siberia and consolidate his power there.
Voniatsky paid no heed to the breakdown in authority on the far side of the Urals. When calls for submission to one of the three emerging western factions appeared, Voniatsky’s fledgling regime would remain ominously silent.
Anastasy Voniatsky [at the podium], the ‘Siberian Butcher’
In August and September, the situation in Siberia was extremely confused. The initial rebellion at Iskupleniye was soon joined by another at the ‘colony’ of Proshcheniye [ENG. Forgiveness], where a hunger strike at the factories had begun when word of Moscow’s fate strained through. With rumors of peace talks in the air, the colony’s council of wardens were uncertain of what to do, when news of the Iskupleniye rebellion arrived, they decided to round up the leaders of the strikers to make a statement. Among these unfortunates was Danylo Skoropadskyi, son of the current Ukrainian Hetman, who had been captured in 1940. These people were shot in full site of the strikers on the catwalks of Complex 471. Before their bodies hit the ground the second rebellion had begun. Hundreds of slave rebels were killed by the guards before they managed to seize the Colony’s armory.
Within days, the rebellions at Iskupleniye and Proshcheniye accidentally run into each other near the town of Abakan. They would fire on each other, confused each other for the enemy given the mishmash of guards uniforms, weapons and armored vehicles they had taken for their own. By September 12th, though, their leaders had met at Abakan where they would jointly form the Independent Army, with the intent on liberating the other Siberian Colonies. Given the complete lack of standardized customs, weaponry, training, skills and even language between the two dozen or so ethnicities involved, ranging from Balt to Iranian to Turkic to even a few Japanese, the fact that the Independent Army was able to organize at all was a near miracle.
This alone spoke to the disorder in Siberia. On September 23rd, Krasnojarsk fell to the IA. In brutal revenge for their own treatment, most of the male population of the town were rounded up and forced into slave labor while women suffered mass rape. On the same day, Novosibirsk itself came under siege as ragtag elements under the prisoner and former German general Albert Kesselring entered its outskirts.
Despite having received the groveling submission of most Siberian governors by this point, Voniatsky had waited to move to their aid or to break the siege of Novosibirsk until he had fully secured the colonies within his own grasp. Prisoners were put onto rations so meager and work schedules so intensive they would hardly have the energy to fight. Still, it was feared that stripping the colonies of guards to send forces west might provoke more uprisings. At last, he concluded the systematic annihilation of some prisoners was an answer to the conundrum. A particular location, the colony of Trudolyubivyy [ENG. Industrious], was chosen. Between the 15th and 16th of September, its population was murdered under a hail of bullets, slaying over 19,000.
At about the same time as the Iskupleniye uprising began, separatist movements from the Central Asian states, long brewing in the countryside, also began to converge on the region’s sparse cities. With Moscow destroyed and the fronts in chaos, it was open season.
Final Days of the Second Weltkrieg: August 15th – August 29th
In the immediate aftermath of the atomic carpet bombings, the disarray of Russian forces line was immediately exploited by twelve Reichpakt field armies. The fulcrum of the attack was into the vast gap around the Bryansk region where panzers supported by turbojet fighters achieved a full breakthrough toward Rzhev. Likewise, Reichspakt forces moved on two axes past the Russo-Ukrainian border, one toward Orel and another through the ruins of Belgorod toward then arcing north toward Kursk.
On the former axis, the Russian 9th army was encircled in the forests around the town of Trubchevsk. These 83,000 men would attempt to break out to the west but be unable to escape the iron vice that now gripped them by the collective necks. Thousands were mown down by German air superiority and artillery pre-sighted on roads and paths marked on the maps of captured or surrendered officers. Shells were configured to airburst around the height of the trees, causing most casualties to be caused by wood splinters in a manner akin to naval battles of the Age of Sail.
Captured Russians from the 9th Army
In Tver, Marshal Denikin, having lost control of the rear due to Wrangle, desperately attempted to cobble together a relief force from Egorov and Drozdovsky’s
Fronts. Alas, by now, Drozdovsky had cut communications after being in contact with Kazembeck’s forming Kazan Government. The day after Rostov-on-Don fell, Kazembeck would declare Ustryalov a traitor. That same day, the 19th, the Kazan Government would send a delegation across the lines under a flag of truce. This was relayed up the chain of command to Berlin within hours. The terms were approved and for the first time in eight years, a portion of the eastern front fell silent.
Beyond Bryansk, 12. Panzergruppe had advanced too quickly found itself grounded near Rzhev from lack of fuel. Unmotorized infantry who had been tasked with consolidating the panzer group gains had suffered greatly from radiation sickness as they moved directly through the blasted remnants of the former front line allowing for Kappel’s command to direct a limited counterattack, threatening 12. Panzergruppe with encirclement. However, with more Reichpakt forces arriving every day and the connections with their industrial base lost, Anton Denikin recognized it was only a matter of weeks before the entire front line disintegrated due to lack of supplies.
The final straw would come on the 23rd when Drozdovsky would turn six of his divisions against Denikin’s old
Ukrainian Front command after they refused to transfer allegiance to the Kazan Government. The generals of this command now found themselves facing a new enemy, one who rapidly advanced on their base of supply at Voronezh. That same day, artillery duels began opening between the
Ukrainian and
Crimean Fronts, instigating the next stage of the Russian Anarchy.
Victory in the East
In only three weeks Russia had splintered into five warring factions. The collapse of central authority would not end here. Regionalism, ethnic independence movements, maniacal demagogues and outside forces would soon make their appearance. However, these were all in the future and at the time confusion and chaos reigned.
From the perspective of the Reichspakt, the situation inside Russia was not entirely clear. It was known that rival warlords were appearing, that Savinkov was dead, and that some of the enemy were shooting at each other, but the details were hazy at best. With their own massive logistical problems of their own and heavy war exhaustion, the prospect of conquering all Russia up to the Urals was not an attractive one. Thus, when radio signals out of Tver began blaring requests for an armistice, the Germans eagerly agreed to meet.
To ensure that as much leverage as possible was denied the Russian side of the table, a battle group from 12. Panzergruppe struck west to meet up with 16. Amree, reestablishing direct communications with its army group headquarters the day before negotiations opened in Helsinki. Though unknown at the time, the retrieval of this major German formation (albeit on enemy soil) would prove to be the final, anticlimactic action of the Second Weltkrieg.
On the 27th, a one-week ceasefire was put into effect while peace terms were hammered out in Helsinki. While an armistice had been agreed with Kazan, Berlin would only agree to this under the pretense that it was a local act signed with an army group commander, not the Russian government. The honor of being treated as the true successor to Savinkov’s Russia was bestowed by Kurt von Schleicher upon the administration in Tver, who still commanded the loyalty of most troops facing Germany.
For Anton Denikin and Nikolai Ustryalov however, every day worsened their position. Their enemies in Zelenograd and Kazan had not remained still while they had defended Russia from the invaders. Both Wrangle and Kazembeck had been marshalling their own forces and mustering the Governor Generals of their neighboring oblasts. This brief period of consolidation had ended with the opening of hostilities in the south on the 23rd.
Now, the disintegration Denikin feared had begun. Many Russians being attacked by Drozdovsky’s men simply walked away, sick of war. Tens of thousands threw down their arms before Drozdovsky’s Cossacks while just as many had begun abandoning their positions in Kappel’s armies due to a lack of bullets and shells. Thus, negotiations in Helsinki were accelerated at the behest of Denikin, who knew that every day which passed sapped entire divisions worth of strength that might be used to restore order in the country.
Desperate to turn east, Denikin and Ustryalov would play the same hand they had both damned Vladimir Lenin had in 1918. Vast swathes of land and the pride of Russian imperialism would be sacrificed on the altar of expediency. German diplomats, led by Foreign Secretary Adolf Georg von Maltzan, were surprised at the speed of Russian capitulation. The other factions of the brewing civil war all knew that the fight against the west was over and were more than happy to let the Tver Administration take the fall for the inevitably harsh pace treaty.
After only two rounds of talks between the 27 August and 3 September, a new map of eastern Europe was agreed.
- The Baltics would be freed and reunited under a new, German-influenced government. This ‘Baltic Federation’ would be granted the territory of Latgale in perpetuity
- The oblasts of Vitebsk and Smolensk would be granted to White Ruthenia. White Ruthenia had been the poorest and least developed Ostwall nation, but now it would have a strong industrial base from which to draw upon via Smolensk. These massive gains were determined to be justified given the immense suffering of the Ruthenians. Unlike the newly christened Baltic Federation, it would not expel the Russians living in its new territories, instead seeking assimilation through the banning of Russian literature and the phased replacement of Russian language. Given its own depopulation, the Ruthenian leadership recognized that its new Russian population was needed to keep the fields from being overtaken by weeds and the industry of the cities from falling into rusted oblivion
- Likewise, the portion of the Rostov oblast occupied by Reichspakt would be annexed to Ukraine. This would include the cities of Taganrog and Rostov-on-Don. These gains were paltry in comparison to those of White Ruthenia, angering the Ukrainians who felt their agonies un-salved. The Ukrainian delegation openly declared that all Rostov (the ‘Don’) and the Krasnodar Krai (the ‘Kuban’) oblasts should belong to them too by right of shed blood and due to common culture and a shared heritage with the Cossacks of the area. Nonetheless, the Ukrainians would sign the peace articles as they stood
- The Petrograd Governate would remain under Reichspakt occupation for five years. The city would act as bait to be awarded when certain conditions were met. Given the long period of chaos about to engulf Russia, it wouldn’t be long before the citizens of Petrograd would beg their occupiers to remain
- The Central Asian nations conquered in the 1930s would be freed, restoring the existence of the Turkestan Republic, Alash Autonomy, the Khanate of Khiva, the Emirate of Bukhara
- The nations of the Ottoman Empire, Georgia and Azerbaijan were to be fully liberated with all Russian troops leaving before October 1st – with the entire military district this Front belonged to cut off from Tver, its commanders would revert to reporting to the Kazan Government. While Kazan denounced the Treaty of Helsinki, it would comply with the October 1st deadline and use the troops formerly occupying Anatolia and the Caucuses in the ongoing civil war
- The republican Constitution of 1921 was to be fully restored, with elections certified by Reichspakt observers for five election cycles (twenty-five years) – this provision was to be put into effect upon the ‘restoration of order in the Russian nation’, which provided Ustryalov the rope he needed to remain in power to ensure there was a Russian nation left to obey the terms being signed
- An amendment banning radical left- and right-wing parties was to be added to the Constitution. The aim here was to clearly eliminate the SZRS and neuter the threat of a syndicalist reversion in Russia
- The extradition of 849 high-ranking SZRS and other nationalist leaders to Germany for trial. Many of those named had been killed in the Moscow atomic bombing while many more remained outside the zone of control of Tver
- War reparations amounting to 52 billion Deutschemarks. With much of Russia’s bullion spent or destroyed along with Moscow, this came mainly in the form of machinery, manufacturing plants (much of it harvested from Petrograd), ships, locomotives, all foreign currency reserves, agricultural exports, the transfer of intellectual property, patents and objects liquid enough to be profitable in auctions (e.g. artwork, jewels, copywrites, artefacts of historic significance such as Mikhail Kutuzov’s uniform worn at the Battle of Borodino)
- Subordination of the Russian merchant fleet to Germany and Austria-Hungary, the transference of its entire Baltic Fleet to the Baltic Federation
- The elimination of trade barriers and all anti-western regulations, including economic guarantees for all future Reichspakt investments into Russia (with ironclad assurances built into a series of Russian laws to be co-authored by German and Austro-Hungarian economists)
- The liberation of all slaves in the Siberian Colonies and their transportation to their countries of origin, with reparation grants to be costed upon the return of the victims – the open-ended provision was added due to the lack of Tver’s control over Siberia
- The dissolution of the Moscow Accord alliance system
- The demilitarization of the new border regions for up to one hundred kilometers (this would be unenforced given the ongoing strife in Russia)
Russia would not be the only country to suffer in the peace deal. Iran would be forced to surrender the territories of Kermanshah, Sulaymaniyah, Urima to the state of Kurdistan which had been established by the Cairo Pact after the Syrian War and was now guaranteed by the Entente powers. Further, Van would be returned to the Ottoman Empire. That Kurdistan and Armenia were not to be absorbed by the Ottomans drove conservative hardliners in Konstantinyye apoplectic, but cooler heads, led by Sultan Ömer himself, understood the simplest route for Ottoman survival would be through ethnic consolidation. Thus, hundreds of thousands of Armenians and Kurds would be expelled in the following years, Turkifying Ottoman holdings. Even this would not appease the ultranationalists, who would one day return to power and attempt to regain their lost Middle Eastern and Caucasian holdings.
In return for these massive concessions, the Reichspakt would begin funneling arms, ammunition, and supplies to the Tver Administration to prop it up as a puppet state under a lend-lease model. Despite recognition of Tver, in October, the Chancellor would order Ableitung III b to ascertain the powers and positions of the various rising warlords. Backchannels would be opened with these, beginning the long game of playing the various warlords off one another, with caches of German-manufactured supplies mysteriously appearing whenever one warlord’s army appeared on the brink of destruction. What might not have been achieved through war alone, Kurt von Schleicher sought to manipulate by other means – a final death for the Prison of Nations.
On the 3rd of September at 17:00, the hour the peace deal was to come into effect, Grenadier Paul Basermann recorded in his diary.
"Thunder of guns across the horizon still slightly audible, but less every hour. Anyhow, their hate is not meant for us. Here, it is all quiet on the Eastern Front. We look at each other strangely, not believing the world has just changed. I felt I might sleep, but then a new noise begins. It is the strange call of birds. Do they know? Now, there is laughing from my comrades. Cheering. Chanting. Instruments seem to have appeared from nowhere. The song of life - somehow, it goes on."
For the soldiers of the twenty-five nations, autonomous territories and colonies of the Reichspakt, peace had settled over the landscape like a delicate blanket.
Upon the signing of the Treaty of Helsinki, the worst war humanity had ever faced ended. Its consequences would reverberate throughout history, setting off a chain of events that shaped the age now remembered as the German Century.
Casualties of the Second Weltkrieg not including the wars in China, Second American Civil War, Desert War
[below figures in millions]
| Nation | Total Military Casualties | KIA / MIA | WIA/POW | Total Civilian Casualties | Civilian Deaths (all causes) | Civilian WIA (all causes) | Total Deaths |
| Russia | 23.96 | 10.78 | 13.17 | 17.96 | 7.49 | 9.47 | 18.27 |
| Germany | 12.40 | 4.09 | 8.18 | 12.88 | 3.72 | 9.16 | 7.81 |
| France [Commune] | 11.77 | 3.88 | 7.77 | 8.12 | 2.53 | 5.59 | 6.42 |
| Ukraine | 1.00 | 0.45 | 0.55 | 13.65 | 3.66 | 9.99 | 4.11 |
| Bharatiya Commune | 5.39 | 1.78 | 3.56 | 8.62 | 2.16 | 6.47 | 3.93 |
| White Ruthenia | 0.74 | 0.44 | 0.30 | 9.88 | 2.97 | 7.41 | 3.41 |
| Italy | 3.87 | 1.28 | 2.55 | 5.16 | 1.29 | 3.87 | 2.57 |
| Britain | 4.87 | 1.61 | 3.21 | 3.25 | 0.81 | 2.44 | 2.42 |
| Dominion of India | 3.10 | 1.02 | 2.05 | 5.37 | 1.34 | 4.03 | 2.37 |
| Princely Federation | 2.16 | 0.71 | 1.43 | 3.17 | 0.79 | 2.38 | 1.50 |
| Poland | 0.55 | 0.18 | 0.36 | 5.12 | 1.78 | 3.84 | 1.96 |
| Netherlands [Batavia] | 1.50 | 0.60 | 0.90 | 2.00 | 0.50 | 1.50 | 1.10 |
| Ottoman Empire | 0.89 | 0.40 | 0.49 | 2.37 | 0.59 | 1.78 | 0.99 |
| Hungary | 1.41 | 0.56 | 0.85 | 1.50 | 0.38 | 1.13 | 0.94 |
| Portugal | 1.23 | 0.41 | 0.81 | 1.80 | 0.45 | 1.35 | 0.86 |
| Argentina | 1.29 | 0.43 | 0.85 | 1.38 | 0.34 | 1.03 | 0.77 |
| Austria | 2.03 | 0.51 | 1.52 | 0.81 | 0.20 | 0.61 | 0.71 |
| Centroamerica | 0.71 | 0.23 | 0.47 | 1.90 | 0.47 | 1.42 | 0.71 |
| Indochinese Union | 0.45 | 0.25 | 0.20 | 1.80 | 0.45 | 1.35 | 0.70 |
| Baltic Federation [formerly United Baltic Duchy] | 0.34 | 0.11 | 0.23 | 2.28 | 0.57 | 1.71 | 0.68 |
| Romania | 0.92 | 0.37 | 0.55 | 0.98 | 0.25 | 0.74 | 0.62 |
| Chile | 0.97 | 0.32 | 0.64 | 1.03 | 0.26 | 0.77 | 0.58 |
| Mexico | 0.93 | 0.31 | 0.62 | 0.99 | 0.25 | 0.75 | 0.56 |
| Japan | 0.94 | 0.47 | 0.47 | | | | 0.47 |
| Other Indian States | 0.93 | 0.31 | 0.62 | 0.62 | 0.16 | 0.47 | 0.46 |
| Illyria | 0.32 | 0.14 | 0.18 | 1.28 | 0.32 | 0.96 | 0.46 |
| French Republic | 1.12 | 0.37 | 0.74 | 0.15 | 0.04 | 0.11 | 0.41 |
| Flanders-Wallonia | 0.17 | 0.06 | 0.11 | 1.38 | 0.35 | 1.04 | 0.40 |
| Brazil | 1.59 | 0.40 | 1.19 | 0.00 | | 0.00 | 0.40 |
| German East Asia | 0.65 | 0.21 | 0.43 | 0.69 | 0.17 | 0.52 | 0.39 |
| East Turkestan | 0.95 | 0.38 | 0.57 | | | | 0.38 |
| Netherlands [In Exile] | 0.63 | 0.21 | 0.42 | 0.68 | 0.17 | 0.51 | 0.38 |
| Syria | 0.28 | 0.09 | 0.18 | 1.10 | 0.28 | 0.83 | 0.37 |
| Peru-Bolivian Confederation | 0.81 | 0.27 | 0.54 | 0.33 | 0.08 | 0.24 | 0.35 |
| Serbia | 0.23 | 0.09 | 0.14 | 0.92 | 0.23 | 0.69 | 0.32 |
| Bulgaria | 0.49 | 0.16 | 0.32 | 0.58 | 0.15 | 0.44 | 0.31 |
| Galicia & Lodomeria | 0.29 | 0.10 | 0.19 | 0.78 | 0.20 | 0.59 | 0.29 |
| Iran | 0.39 | 0.15 | 0.23 | 0.51 | 0.13 | 0.39 | 0.28 |
| Tripolitania | 0.45 | 0.15 | 0.30 | 0.48 | 0.12 | 0.36 | 0.27 |
| Canada | 0.80 | 0.26 | 0.53 | | | | 0.26 |
| Bohemia | 0.58 | 0.19 | 0.38 | 0.23 | 0.06 | 0.17 | 0.25 |
| Norway | 0.72 | 0.24 | 0.48 | 0.02 | 0.00 | 0.01 | 0.24 |
| Lithuania | 0.35 | 0.11 | 0.23 | 0.37 | 0.09 | 0.28 | 0.21 |
| Siam | 0.32 | 0.16 | 0.16 | | | | 0.16 |
| Denmark | 0.11 | 0.04 | 0.07 | 0.43 | 0.11 | 0.32 | 0.14 |
| Two Sicilies | 0.14 | 0.04 | 0.09 | 0.38 | 0.09 | 0.28 | 0.14 |
| South Africa | 0.42 | 0.14 | 0.27 | | | | 0.14 |
| Venice | 0.10 | 0.03 | 0.06 | 0.39 | 0.10 | 0.29 | 0.13 |
| Azerbaijan | 0.09 | 0.03 | 0.06 | 0.37 | 0.09 | 0.28 | 0.12 |
| Australasia | 0.28 | 0.09 | 0.19 | | | | 0.09 |
| Sardinia | 0.18 | 0.06 | 0.12 | 0.12 | 0.03 | 0.09 | 0.09 |
| Armenia | 0.12 | 0.05 | 0.07 | 0.13 | 0.03 | 0.10 | 0.08 |
| Cuba | 0.27 | 0.07 | 0.21 | | | | 0.07 |
| Ireland | 0.15 | 0.05 | 0.10 | 0.04 | 0.01 | 0.03 | 0.06 |
| Southwest Africa | 0.17 | 0.06 | 0.11 | | | | 0.06 |
| Sweden | 0.14 | 0.04 | 0.09 | 0.04 | 0.01 | 0.03 | 0.05 |
| Morocco | 0.09 | 0.03 | 0.06 | 0.10 | 0.02 | 0.07 | 0.05 |
| Georgia | 0.04 | 0.01 | 0.02 | 0.15 | 0.04 | 0.11 | 0.05 |
| Lombardy | 0.01 | 0.00 | 0.01 | 0.18 | 0.05 | 0.14 | 0.05 |
| West Indies Federation | 0.14 | 0.05 | 0.09 | | | | 0.05 |
| Haiti | 0.12 | 0.04 | 0.08 | | | | 0.04 |
| Cyrenaica | 0.03 | 0.01 | 0.02 | 0.04 | 0.01 | 0.03 | 0.02 |
| Sudan | 0.02 | 0.01 | 0.01 | 0.03 | 0.01 | 0.02 | 0.01 |
| Transamur | 0.02 | 0.01 | 0.01 | | | | 0.01 |
| Iceland | 0.02 | 0.01 | 0.01 | 0.01 | 0.00 | 0.01 | 0.01 |
| Hawaii | 0.02 | 0.01 | 0.01 | | | | 0.01 |
| Hashemite Arabia | 0.01 | 0.00 | 0.01 | 0.01 | 0.00 | 0.01 | 0.00 |
| Albania | 0.01 | 0.00 | 0.00 | 0.01 | 0.00 | 0.01 | 0.00 |
| Philippines | 0.006 | 0.003 | 0.003 | | | | 0.003 |
| Kenya | 0.004 | 0.001 | 0.003 | 0.004 | 0.001 | 0.003 | 0.002 |
| Dahomey | 0.004 | 0.001 | 0.002 | 0.004 | 0.001 | 0.003 | 0.002 |
| Ecuador | 0.002 | 0.001 | 0.001 | 0.002 | 0.001 | 0.002 | 0.001 |
TOTAL | 98.20 | 36.12 | 61.46 | 124.58 | 36.40 | 88.23 | 72.53 |
To produce the figures above I used the casualties recorded in game but considered these only to be military casualties. I applied the typical 1:3 KIA/MIA to WIA ratio but then adjusted it based on what I thought appropriate given where the frontlines were, how much bombing there was, how much resistance in occupied land there was, etc. etc. Similarly, for civilian casualties, I took some inspiration from the real life WW2 by looking at casualty ratios across fronts, cities, aerial bombings, etc to produce what I thought a justifiable figure for each nation's losses.
I didn't include the Second American Civil War as I already provided casualty counts for that and I didn't go into the various Chinese wars because I didn't keep track of them, plus they were a bit too far removed from what was essentially a three-way ideological struggle in the Second Weltkrieg for me to feel they should be included. Despite this, some historians in TTL consider the 'Chinese Front' to be a thing. 
