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Chapter 27: Meatgrinder
  • Chapter XXVII: Meatgrinder


    The Air War in 1944

    In Britain, despite increasingly heavy German bombardment, factories producing war material were still in full swing. These were increasingly built into underground bunkers or dispersed into the countryside where it was difficult to spot them. More and more the British were focusing their efforts on the development of ‘air fleets’ to the detriment of all else. By mid-1944, the Union of Britain would sport the largest air force in the world, though the ratio was continuously more in terms of small-wing aircraft like fighters, interceptors and fighter-bombers than tactical or strategic bombers.

    The Union’s most successful air superiority fighter that year was the jet engine Mk. 1 Stormwing, which eviscerated the Fw-191s with ease. This would spur German research initiatives into jet technology that would bear fruit the following year. The dance between innovation and contra-innovation continued as German air defenses slivered away the British bomber fleet. This bomber fleet had also lost replacements due to the new emphasis on fighter aircraft, resulting in the British seeking new methods of hitting German targets. The need would lead British scientists to the world’s long-range guided ballistic missile, the Wrath. Over 900 Wrath rockets of varying iterations would hit German population centers over the remainder of the war. This would be one of the great 'Victory Vanguards' that Oswald Mosely had spoken of in his 1943 New Years Speech. Its arrival into the war temporarily raised the optimism of the British, though it was far too inaccurate to ever pose a truly strategic threat.

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    Wrath, Series 1. The rocket’s first flight was in November 1943. Development was led by the jet propulsion specialists, Frank Whittle and Roy Fedden.

    To counter German bomber groups, the Gladiator aircraft was created from the ‘New Generation Interceptor Programme’, running up losses amongst the Luftstreitkräfte’s Do. 19 Albastroses.

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    809. Geschwader [ENG. Air Wing] en route to the Toulouse Heavy Industrial Complex
    Air Marshal Richtofen had requested the development of long-range bomber escorts in 1942 to fight alongside the Albatros, but development was slow and resources constrained until late 1943. The result was heavy losses amongst the wings of mass Do. 19s. These would begin to decline in 1944 with the introduction of the Fw. 200 Storch (Stork) escort fighter.


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    Air battle over London
    The issue with devoting so much industrial power to the Luftstreitkräfte’s bombing campaign was the deflection of factory space and manhours to that instead of retaining battlefield control. Given the crucial integration between air and land forces for the Germans this would have drastic impacts on the battlespace in 1944.

    Quagmire: The West from February 1944 – September 1944

    Germany was free, but the war was far from over. The heady feelings aroused by bringing the war to the rich, green countryside of France and the Netherlands ran headfirst into hard, cold actuality in January and February as Franz von Bayern’s drive to the Channel faltered under withering air attack. The enemy was not yet beaten. On the back foot, perhaps, but still able to throw punches.

    Marshal Catroux, having settled into the job, would prove an adept defensive strategist. In early 1944 he would develop and instill in his commanders the doctrine of “Compresser et Libérer” [ENG. Compress and Release], replacing the standard theories of Masse Comprimée and Levier Ouvert used earlier in the war. No longer would their armed forces seek decisive encirclements of maneuver. Instead, they would attempt a form of military jiujitsu, using German momentum against them, coiling backwards before countering the exhausted enemy force.

    The Internationale’s nations would agree in late 1943 the need to raise a new, eye-watering levée en masse that scraped the barrel of their societies. Most of this new conscription drive would be comprised of inferior quality troops. It was not uncommon to see old men, veterans of the Verdun, Aisne, Mons, Champagne and Marne of the past war, mixed with crippled veterans of this war (many missing arms or legs) and underaged teenagers as young as fourteen. Though women had volunteered in the last two years, they were increasingly prevalent on the frontlines in separate battalions, particularly among the French (the British would refuse to ever arm a woman). Many of these units were hardly trained at all, with few receiving their full allotments of kit and rifles, leaving them disheveled and ununiformed. Each Internationale nation would name these forces, essentially militias, different things, from the French Garde Nationale [ENG. National Guard] divisions to the British Popular Territorials to the Dutch Schutterij (ENG. Shooters).

    This provided a temporary and slight numeric advantage on the Low Countries – France front amounting to two million to the Reichpakt’s 1.28 million. Combining the Entente’s contribution of around 327,000 active troops at the time, this brought the Internationale to Alliance ratio to about 2 : 1.5. The Entente, heavily engaged elsewhere in occupying Mexico, fighting in North Africa and Portugal and preparing for the island-hopping campaign toward Britain would mostly pull mostly soldiers from Australasia, Portugal, and the recently integrated military of the South African Dominion for the 1944 European fighting.

    Despite this, after a month’s pause the Germans attempted to renew their assault. Army Groups Ivory and Green in the south focused on storming into Bourgogne-Franche-Comté while Army Group Burgundy would once more attempt to seize Amsterdam. The overall goal was to stretch the enemy once more to open gaps in their line that Franz von Bayern’s Army Group Green could exploit.

    The latest offensive would see early gains. Most notable was the fall of the historic and symbolic Verdun, generating much fanfare in Germany. Army Group Ivory would see the most ground gained early on. They would advance from Nancy toward Besançon and Dijon, capturing the first on March 22nd and the second on April 13th with relative ease. The land into which the Germans advanced was heavily booby trapped and constantly strafed by enemy airplanes. Sniper nests, landmines hidden beneath corpses, poisoned milk and water wells, and spike pits dotted a landscape of torn up rail lines, fell trees, destroyed bridges and cut telegraph and electric cables all slowed the German advance.

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    Beyond Verdun and within fifty kilometers of the border however, resistance began to gradually stiffen and German offensive capabilities began to wane. Enemy air power eviscerated many German columns attempting to move up from the rear, inflicting huge losses on the Reichspakt and Entente. It was a sign of what was to come as the carnage of the war began to reach new, unseen heights. Compounding these difficulties was a lack of fuel due to Russian advances on the Ploesti Oilfields in Romania. It would be up to General Loringhoven’s 34. Armee to repel the enemy in the east, but it could not be done overnight, squeezing German supplies of black gold.

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    Dijon falls, April 13th

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    The Balkan Front would remain relatively static and quiet between 1943 – 44. Neither the Austro-Hungarians nor the Third Internationale had the strength to mount major actions
    Despite the difficulties, there was speculation that the end of the war was nigh. Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord felt secure enough with the gains in the west to hand full theater command back to Gerd von Rundstedt, though the latter was not as convinced as his boss.

    “The enemy does not surrender in great numbers unless fully encircled and starved out. Their fighting spirit is still high, nigh fanatical. There are rumors from what few prisoners we take that a great counterstroke is being planned. They do not act broken, let alone beaten,” the Field Marshal wrote.

    On May 1st, von Rundstedt’s fears would be realized. The syndicalists ceased their retreat and took to local counterattacks where possible. This would be the unleashing of the ‘coiled spring’s energy’ as Catroux had named it.

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    The enemy had gained air superiority over France and much of the Low Countries
    While the storm was being unleashed in the south, von Kluge’s men had captured Reims. The Internationale’s high command had fled to Paris weeks before, leaving concealed traps behind in their former bunkers. A sack of grenades hidden behind a door and activated by its opening killed three of the servicemen who attempted to enter the room.

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    Reims captured, May 13th
    In the north, the Germans would lose Arnhem again before taking the city once more only weeks later. Despite this, they would be unable to push much beyond the Ijsselmeer or the Waal River. Heavy, unsuccessful fighting would take place in Utrecht and Nijmegen with progress measured in rooms. Worse yet, enemy aircraft seemed able to penetrate into Reichpakt airspace to raid supply convoys and trains with impunity.
    By June, it was clear the German attacks could not be maintained in all directions at once. Complicating matters was the worsening fuel situation. At this stage, supplies had run so low that Army Group Blue’s attack into Flanders-Wallonia was called off before it even began. By this time, 34. Armee had forced the Russians back from the Romanian oilfields, but the national stockpile had run out. The Reich’s economic planners attempted to pivot by increasing fuel imports from America, Brazil and Insulindia but news from other quarters prevented a reliable alternate source from being instituted.

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    This came in the form of the latest syndicalist breakthroughs in Portugal, which threatened the Atlantic Fleet’s harbors in Lisbon and Porto. With no other choice, the Admiralty ordered the repositioning of this force to Wilhelmshaven, temporarily depriving the Atlantic convoys of protection.

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    The Portuguese front’s slow-motion collapse would see Lisbon isolated and besieged first, with the syndicalists slowly rolling their way up the country over the next few months
    The odyssey to Wilhelmshaven was not without disaster either. Swarms of British sea hunting planes would periodically raid the massed fleet, which moved around the Rockall Bank and around Scotland to reach the North Sea. This circuitous route was necessary due to enemy air superiority and minefields in the Channel. Along the way, several Kaiserliche Marine ships were sunk, most notably the fleet’s flagship, the upgraded dreadnaught SMS Westfalen and later, within sight of Wilhelmshaven, the carrier SMS Rhein. This would leave the Kaiserliche Marine with only two carriers, severely reducing the fleet’s striking radius.

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    SMS Westfalen sinking off the coast of Scotland

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    SMS Rhein aflame and listing in the Heligoland Bight

    The fuel crisis along with the rate at which German fighters were being shot down led to a temporary grounding order being put out by the Luftwaffe until both problems were resolved.

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    The inferiority of quality, quantity and now fuel was a lethal combination of Luftwaffe pilots in 1944. Except where offensives were ordered, aircraft would be grounded to conserve resources. The development of the Reich’s own jet aircraft was prioritized for 1945, coming in the form of the Messerschmidt 262

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    Massive supply issues hampered the Heer by mid-year – attrition rates soared
    The high point of 1944 for the Heer would come as it gradually churned its way through blood, mud, hunger and air attacks to the banks of the Seine. With Dijon taken once again on June 2nd, Gerd von Rundstedt envisioned a mass pincer from Army Groups Green and Ivory around the remaining syndicalists defending Franche-Comté.

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    The sight of Troyes on the far side of the same river that quenched Paris would have been an uplifting sight. Alas, German troops had run out of supplies and were now starving and running out of ammunition in the field. It was now that Marshal Catroux released the pent-up energy of the ‘spring’ once more. His reserves attacked the weakened German forces on the flanks and drove them back.

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    June 16th – Germany struggled to reset the frontline
    By the 19th, Reims had been lost. General von Kluge ordered an immediate recapture of the city, which was achieved on July 5th, but with massive losses.

    Better tidings came from the Netherlands, where on June 16th, 2. Armee, commanded by Erwin Rommel, at last managed to cut off the defenders of Amsterdam. 50,000 syndicalists would fight on until at last surrendering in the wreckage of the Jordaan neighborhood on July 1st.

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    By this stage, German forces in the south and north were thoroughly fought out, with only Franz von Bayern’s Army Group Blue remaining offensive worthy. Von Rundstedt decided to throw the dice on the hope of success in this sector, ordering the Bavarian forward on July 4th.

    With other units ordered to a standstill and the fleets grounded, there was enough fuel to attempt one push. Indeed, the enemy was weak in this direction, allowing Franz von Bayern’s men to desperately push more than 100 kms. to the very outskirts of Lille, but here they would run out of fuel and be thrown back half the distance before stabilizing their positions. Some German troops were literally harnessed alongside horses and cattle to tanks, armored cars and halftracks and forced to drag them down the roads during the retreat.

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    Army Group Green stopped cold on the edges of Lille by 8th July, only four days into its attack. They would be forced back to their original lines by July 21st

    On the 4th of August, Reims would fall once more to the Internationale. It was the fourth time the city had traded hands in as many months. By this stage it had become a symbol of the war: a gristle-festooned meatgrinder. As with the rest of the front, both sides resembled prize fighters too tired to raised their arms to defend themselves while also punching. Blood, bruising and broken bones were overcome with sheer psyche all along the line. Organization on both sides of the line had plummeted as summer reached its end.

    “I have been ordered to throw more men into retaking Reims like so many logs into the fire,” Günther von Kluge’s last diary entry of the war would read. “The city is just a smear of ash on the landscape now. What are we fighting for there? Why does the Field Marshal [von Rundstedt] keep ordering us forward? He must come here to see this disaster for himself. I am driving myself insane with this place. The very is poisoned with the corpses we left here in May, June, July and August. How many more?”

    Alliance forces on the western front were running on literal fumes. Günther von Kluge was ordered to take Reims once more, but the general would convince the OKW of the task’s impossibility and instead advocate a push from the south around the city. He would mass his troops and attack on the 2nd of September. The move failed. This time, it was German intelligence that was misled. The syndicalists had cracked German codes and planted false leads that the area around the region between Reims and Troyes was defended only by broken units.

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    On September 7th, after five days of being driven to the waiting arms of enemy defensive positions, the German troops under von Kluge had enough. A limited mutiny broke out with troops refusing to advance. Even under threat of death they refused to budge, with NCOs taking the lead. While the rebellion was mostly passive, a small group of radical young officers stormed von Kluge’s headquarters and took the general hostage. A standoff ensued for an hour before a shootout broke out that saw the mutineers dead or captured and von Kluge freed.

    The event was a sign of the burnout the troops were suffering. Despite a hurried coverup, news still leaked out. To save face and restore discipline, the captured leaders were publicly shot. Traditionally, the German public, the Prussian people in particular, would have sided with the officer corps against what they might’ve seen as a gang of indolent troublemakers. The size of the mutiny struck the Homefront. Many of these men, tens of thousands of them, were fellow brothers, husbands, sons, neighbors, and colleagues. It reinforced the perception that the issue was with the commanders and the incessant offensive operations which had lasted the better part of a year. Calls for “the Butcher” von Kluge’s resignation erupted in the front pages of newspapers from Luxemburg to Königsberg. OKW buckled, replacing von Kluge with the popular commander of 2. Armee, the ‘Jungle Rat of Borneo’, Erwin Rommel. Rommel’s immediate assessment was that the troops had been pushed too hard these last months and that the situation remained dangerous. Even being one to never turn down an opportunity to attack, even Rommel suggested a cooling off period. The German high command was disturbed enough by the mutiny that they called off all offensive actions for the remainder of the year.

    In the moment, there was a great fear of revolution either amongst the troops or at home in the German government, but what they could not see as clearly was the deterioriating state of their enemy. While the Germans suffered, the Internationale's multi-national armies and home fronts were suffering even more. Syndicalist South America was cut off from Europe, India had isolated itself to its sphere of influence, America was lost, and now the war was being waged in France and the Netherlands with the brunt of damage being inflicted there. Along the whole front the Internationale's armies were fighting better than one might have supposed at this stage, but it could only last for so long. With their industries collapsing from lack of resources and trade, their peoples leeched white, and their homes and livelihoods being destroyed, morale and organization amongst the syndicalist cause was on the precipice of caving in on itself. No longer did syndicalism provide for the people. No longer could it withstand the hammer blows being smashed upon it. Against the gloomy prevailing opinions of OKH, Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord would advise Chancellor Schleicher that "All we need is one good kick at the rotting wall to send the whole structure tumbling down. Let us gird ourselves over this winter to deliver that kick next year."

    At the CMC, Marshal Catroux sensed that his aggressive defensiveness had been successful this year, but could not be next year. "We felt as if we were peering into the blackness of an ocean at midnight," he later stated. The replacement gap amongst conscripts had become a yawning chasm. By the end of 1944, the Internationale's strength had slipped from its 2 million high to 1.4 million. For the French, recovered wounded were only around 40,000 while new conscription classes added up to no more than 73,000 in 1944. This was not nearly enough to regenerate strength, especially when considering that these numbers were the best among all the multinational forces on the Western Front, with the French being a 50% of that strength. The British were having the utmost difficulty slipping men across the Channel, as were the Norwegians. The Italians were too stretched as it was across the Alps, Balkans and fighting resistance fighters in Sardinia that they had to cancel their planned invasion of Malta. The Dutch were wading through rivers of their own blood already. Beyond all this was the issue of deserters. It was recognized that there would be no more help on the way. This dread was left to fester for a prolonged period of time as the Germans retracted within their shell momentarily to re-plan. Feeling he had no other choice, Catroux ordered his commanders to continue pursuing the strategy of Compresser et Libérer all the while working what leverage he could on those close to Premier Valois to convince him of the need to negotiate an end to the war.

    A period of consolidation and reflection would be undertaken. German command would work to rebuild morale and update tactics and strategy for 1945 with the aim of taking Paris and gutting the syndicalists once and for all. The government would also work to regain control of the supply situation and pump out huge quantities of the latest mass-production models of fighters, tanks, guns, and cannon, all to ensure that the troops would never be as deprived as they were in 1944. At the same time, force generation measures were heightened to provide the numbers needed to finally break the syndicalists and continue to grind away at Russian spirit. This would have impacts at home but the risk was deemed worth it. Increasingly, the German Reich was becoming an army with a state.

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    Western Front territorial exchanges between February 1st and September 30th, 1944
    Bite and Hold: The East from February 1944 – September 1944

    Long trapped in the marshes of the Prut and Danube River delta, the Russian 23rd and 27th Armies at last trudged out of the mud and into the Romanian heartland. It would begin in early February when Marshal of the State Pyotr Wrangle would join Generals Denikin and Drozdovsky to plan a way to break the Romanian gordian knot. An ambitious double-envelopment river crossing was planned, developing into what is today known the Prut-Ploesti Offensive.

    This was executed on the leap year day of February 29th. It was a remarkable success, with the Hungarian forces on the far side of the Prut River taken completely aback. The wings of a Hungarian field army were block backwards and solid bridgeheads established. The success was built on with a close pursuit of the Hungarian remnants until most were captured or abandoned their heavy equipment and scattered into the countryside. The Russians were on the move once more.

    Under Wrangle’s oversight, Denikin and Drozdovsky collaborated well, with their units driving deep into Romania, threatening Bucharest by early March. The moment of high drama would come when Romanian troops and oil workers began sabotaging the oil derricks as the first Russian tanks and motorcycle outriders began to appear. Thick clouds of black smoke choked the advancing columns of Russians as the wind blew the effluence into their faces, blinding both them and their scout aircraft to the arrival of the General Loringhoven and 34. Armee, the ‘Ritterretter’ [ENG. Knightly Saviors].

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    By late March, Russian overextension and German-Romanian resistance halted the Russians at the edges of the largest concentration of refineries in the geological oil complex. Having advanced too quickly from their supply bases, Wrangle’s attack could no longer be sustained. Meanwhile, German strength had grown from seven to thirteen divisions, including two elite marine units while allied formations had coalesced around these forces like frozen crusts extending around an ice nucleus. Sensing the enemy’s difficulties, Loringhoven’s men would attack on March 27th. On the 4th of April a Bohemian division would push past the enemy defending an airfield in the town of Vălenii de Munte, essentially surrounding the Russian forces at the foothills of the Carpathians.

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    Loringhoven quickly exploited the opportunity and poured his forces into the hole, expanding the offensive as more allied divisions, including Brazilians, entered the line.

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    Frontline, 30th April – the trapped Russian forces would surrender on May 16th, netting 31,000 prisoners

    Wrangle once more assumed command of the forces, creating blocking detachments and instituting harsh penalties for deserters and ‘the craven’ as he named those who fled from battle. This stiffened Russian morale, but only temporarily. Thinking the worst was over, Wrangle departed for Moscow once more with instructions to take to the attack once more when possible.

    Back north, the oil situation had essentially ended Operation Erik [Rurik] in February. Small attacks beyond the border of White Ruthenia secured crossings over the Daugava and into Russian territory. Though Generals Falkenhorst and Blomberg had ambitions of taking Smolensk and Kyiv apiece, these were simply not feasible at this stage. Instead, cleanup activities were prioritized.

    Advancing out of Petrograd, Guderian’s men had met up with those of General Hoth around Pskov. This cut off the Russian forces in the Baltics for a final time. Through hard fighting the Germans reduced the cauldron into an ever-smaller space. After a year of being stranded on the West Estonian Archipelago and the Läänemaa coastline, the British were finally targeted by the guard divisions Hoth had left behind in Courland. German forces pushed on the Anglo-Russian units who, against Savinov’s commands, had been forced to act together for the purposes of simple survival. Out of food and surrounded, it was only a matter of time before these isolated holdouts were forced to give in.

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    German advance in the Baltic, 24th April

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    Marginal German advances out in Russia and Ukraine, 30th April
    After April, offensive operations were called to a halt save in the Baltics to preserve precious fuel and supplies for the battles in France.

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    General Fred Copeman, by now a hero back in Britain for holding out against all odds, would wire the government that his men had made a ‘fine stand and now would be the right proper time to pull us out’. It was too late for that though as access to the last viable port and airfields were cut on May 18th. Instead of pulling out his full force, the ragged leftovers of the proud force that had once threatened eastern Germany, a single plane was flown over with orders to evacuate Copeman and his staff. The general refused the direct order but when threatened with punishment to his family, he tearfully acquiesced He boarded the plane back to Britain via Oslo while his men were left to surrender alongside the Russians. Mosely could not afford to let heroes such as Copeman die, but he should also have acted in such a way as to prevent alienating him. He would live to regret his actions in the matter.

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    Between May 26th and 31st, the Anglo-Russian forces in the Baltics surrendered. It was the last time in the war that the war-torn region would be visited by Mars.

    In June, a finite offensive was pitched by General Falkenhorst to Army Command East in Vilnius. The general wished to take Smolensk before the end of summer to better position the Reichspakt for attacks into the heart of Russia the following year. After much bargaining, a plan was agreed to that would use minimal resources. The Smolensk Offensive was a testament to the debilitated state of the Russian forces. Despite the drawbacks the Germans were facing, their intelligence had cracked Russian codes and had a good understanding of unit locations, enabling them to target the known weakest links. multiple Russian units were pushed back around the city, putting it in danger of encirclement.

    Using independently operating penetration groups of shock troops and armor units specifically ordered not to burn more than seventy miles of fuel, the 27. Armee would advance between the unusually thin no man’s land between the lines and quickly crashed over the enemy defenses. The approaches to Smolensk were thus taken and the Russians under Kappel still too weak from last year’s losses to retake them. Kappel pulled his forces back behind the city, abandoning it to Germany.

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    With the city taken, the focus of action now shifted back to Romania. Having secured a goodly portion of Ploesti oil for himself, Loringhoven planned a blitz into the rear of the exposed Moscow Accord positions on the Carpathian foothills.

    After a month of arrangements, Loringhoven opened up the fighting once more by cracking the weakened shell of Russian defenses in Moldova and driving with a motorized and panzer division into the enemy’s rear with lightning speed. The Russians, unused to this speed of combat, were too slow to respond.

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    The Moldovan Breakthrough, 17th August

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    21st August
    With operations in the west winding down and the oil supplies secured, Field Marshal Goltz was given permission to allow Army Group Orange to renew its assault on Ukraine. In late August, Operation Oleg [named for the semi-legendary Prince Oleg the Wise, second ruler of the Kyivan Rus], commenced.

    Unable to account for the unraveling situation in Romania along with the new attacks in Ukraine, Moscow Accord positions in eastern Ukraine collapsed. On September 12th, Kyiv was liberated once more.

    “Many men here lie to their women and tell them all is fine, not wanting to worry them. Well, dear Natalia, you know me better than that. The air is being rent as a write with German shells. Lithuanian shells. Ukrainian shells. Belorussian shells. Austrian, Hungarian, Polish, South Slavic shells. It felt like the whole world had come together against us. They’d taken our shovels to give to another division in Romania where they said more important events were happening. Use your hands, mobik! The war will be won when we take Germany’s oil, the quartermaster told us. Fuck him. He’s not the one that must dig a trench getting 10.5mm. shells shoved up his ass every day. When you’re out there scrambling in the dirt to dig a foxhole that fills in with water two hands down your gut puckers and becomes one with the muck. The explosions shake your scurvy-loosened teeth out of their sockets. And food? Its like Christmas Feast when we find a rogue carrot or apple in the fields. The only thing in abundance was vodka. Of course, the motherfucker quartermaster provided for that. If we’re drunk we can’t complain, you see, my love.. How the hell are hungry, drunk men with no ammunition supposed to hold the line? As always love, thinking of you and our Sacha. – Excerpt from the Letters of Private Gedeon Vasiliev, 316th Rifle Division, 19th Army, 1944. Gedeon would be killed two days later.

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    September 21st
    Perceiving the opportunity, Goltz ordered Loringhoven and Falkenhorst’s forces to meet up in the vicinity of Mogilev-Podolsky to cut off the Russian Ukrainian Front and the APON from the rest of their compatriots. Southeast of the main front, German tanks and troop carriers broke through the Russian artillery ring around Odessa, ending the city’s year-long siege on the 30th of September.

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    September 26th

    On the final day of the month, to encirclement was achieved and Operation Oleg deemed a success. To the west of the Reichspakt spearheads, hundreds of thousands of Moscow Accord and APON forces would be besieged in the greatest encirclement of the eastern front thus far. It would prove a prelude to the liberation of Ukraine.

    The Vozhd was forced to admit that over-mobilization of the economy, which to date had been fastidiously avoided, was necessary. Russian forces were lacking themselves in basic supplies and in certain deprioritized sector’s like Kappel’s, were in a far worse state than even the Germans. To date, Russian production had been carved up and run by different economic warlords in a ‘divide and conquer’ strategy and much of the slave labor in the Siberian work camps had been set on creating consumer goods for the population at large. This had cleared Savinkov’s flanks of potential competitors and placated the people but placed severe restrictions on the efficiency of the Russian war economy. By 1944 this was no longer tenable. Savinkov would issue ‘Kremlin Order: Bulgaroktonos’, unifying the disparate elements of the economic and financial state under his party apparatus. This was preceded by the assassination of multiple men Savinkov deemed ‘a plausible liability’ should their empires be stripped of them. Everyday people not already suborned to the war would find their lives now forcibly dedicated to the effort, being drafted to serve in the army or in factories. Agriculture was now heavily managed, with outputs being diverted to the front. Despite the late hour, Russia would now be on a complete war footing.

    It would alleviate little and damage much. The tighter the Vozhd attempted to grip the economy, the more it fell out of his hands. The disappearance of goods from shelves would begin to cause hyperinflation around 1943 which would explode the following year, topping out at 600% per year. The ruble became more priceless as flame kindling or to stick under one’s shirt as insulation in the winter. Black and grey markets would crop up in response to price controls, causing stockpiles to ‘bleed out’ as folk working in the supply chain nodes would sell the wares for themselves or high-ranking officers pilfered their choice of goods. Like an unending nightmare, circumstances were only made worse by entire companies of soldiers abandoning the line and taking to banditry in the countryside simply to feed themselves. Many of these would set up protection rackets in nearby villages, going so far as to even set up miniature gang empires that would fight one another for resources. Everyday people were forced to scrounge for their basic needs like never before, save perhaps during the civil war. Famine would soon break out, carrying off people like sheafs of wheat in an autumn field. Into this misery stepped the Orthodox Church, who's priests, deacons and bishops would provide what they could. Some of these certainly took advantage of the situation, but on the whole, by 1945 the Church would hold a position amongst the Russian people that it did for the rest of the century: that of the most trusted institution in the land.

    Though similar deprivation had occurred in Germany in the war, the type of men and women promoted to positions of power in Savinkov’s Russia were ultimately corrupt beyond the wildest dreams of the more disciplined and policed German government bureaucracy and military apparatus. As '45 dawned, though their armies would be greater than ever in numbers and equipment the Russian home front had begun to flame out.

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    Eastern Front territorial exchanges between February 1st and September 30th, 1944

    Other Headlines

    Though 1944 was a slow affair in Western Europe, events were taking place that would affect the situation across the rest of the world. On February 28th, the Centroamerican government surrendered to Commonwealth forces. Centroamerica’s executive, Augusto Sandino would flee into the forests and lead an insurgency that would last for years. Regardless, official operations in the western hemisphere had now ended.

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    Since 1941 the small Cairo Pact and Entente forces in southern Egypt had been sparring across the dunes, savannah and steppe of Sudan. This oft-forgotten theater of war would swing back and forth in a remarkably even match between the combatants, but increasingly the depredations visited on the local populace by the Egyptians would see tribal resistance grow.

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    Frontlines as of 16th August, 1944
    The breaking point was reached on September 2nd when the son of the Mahdi who had so threatened British interests in the region in the previous century took to a Khartoum balcony and made a call for resistance. Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi had long been a leading religious and political figure in Sudan and was highly respected in his community. As the echo of his messaged reached across Sudan the people rose up.

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    Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi (1885-1959)

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    The Entente would take advantage of the development by immediately recognizing the new Mahdi’s state and, in an ironic turn of events, would ally with it against the Sultanate of Egypt.

    The bedlam in Sudan was magnified by a French breakthrough in June on the Cyrenaican front. This understrength National French army under Charles du Gaulle’s understrength forces managed to breakthrough the Cairo Pact’s lines and by summer’s end were threatening Alexandria.

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    In South America, Brazil at last achieved success after crossing the blood-soaked Paraná River and capturing Cordoba. The well-connected and supplied city enabled the Brazilians to expand their zone of control deep into Argentina. By August 16th, Buenos Aires was under siege.

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    Pampas Front, 16th August 1944

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    Andean Front, 16th August 1944

    Lastly, after extended preparations, the Royal Canadian Navy departed from its ports in Halifax carrying the first of many Canadian units to join the fray in Europe. Led by the one-eyed general, Adrian Carton de Wiart, three marine divisions approached the shores of Iceland, the frigid water of the Denmark Straight splashing around them as shore batteries opened fire.

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    Men of the Canadian 3rd Royal Marines preparing to storm the black sands of Iceland
     
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    Interlude 11: Backfire
  • Interlude XI: Backfire


    I’ll kill them all, he told Poldi’s ghost. Poldi only looked at him sadly. Only the face was recognizable. The rest of him was a misshapen lump of charcoal.

    Did you hear me? I won’t stop until I’ve turned every city I can to a jumble of stones.

    Poldi shook his head, then spoke. Wake up! You’re in the air!

    Konrad jolted upright, blinking the raw, itchy sensation out of his eyes. The pleasant, familiar background hum of the four Do. 19’s Daimler-Benz prop engines was punctuated by something else. Melodic. He turned to see a man in a dark gray, heavy, single-breasted and fur lined kapok fastened by brass catches. A rubber-lined wire ran into the jacket from below the man’s seat. Konrad reached down with cold-numbed fingers and felt the warmth of the electrically heated pads in his own jacket.

    The man next to him stopped humming the chorus to the old popular song, Ich Bin Die Fesche Lola, and glanced at him. “You’re okay?” Fritz asked.

    Konrad yawned. “Just tired.” He tried to take his mind off the nausea he felt rising in is belly by looking out the view ports ahead of them. The moon’s reflection shone like a plate of silver pocked by cloud shadow beneath them. Bird-like shapes, Do. 19s, clustered about them. Above, ahead, left, right, behind, under.

    “Well, we’re almost there,” Fritz returned to his humming, hands loose on the flight controls.

    Konrad straightened in his seat, trying to look unsuspicious. He reflexively reached for his face and was relieved to find the fleece-lined oxygen mask, goggles, and all, was securely fastened to his head. He smelled old alcohol. His breath. He covertly increased the flow of oxygen with the slider on his mask. The fresh flow woke him, somewhat. He tried remembering how he gotten here. Beers. The Flyer’s Club at…where was it? Anklam Airfield. Why had they been there?

    The briefing.

    Memory filled Konrad’s mind. He glanced at his wristwatch. It was 06:43. They had been given their mission briefing last night at 18:30. They were to depart at 04:00 for East Anglia to bomb the sites where the rockets were coming from. He remembered another day, months ago, when he’d been visiting a lady friend, Anneke, in Berlin. A rocket had hit the hotel restaurant they’d been eating at and brought the roof down on their head. Whatever they’d been trying to hit the Brits had failed. Their damned rockets were notoriously inaccurate, often smashing something a mile or more off course, in that case, Konrad’s hotel.

    Good God…I was passed out, he realized, though whether it was from exhaustion or drink or both he couldn’t tell. They’d completed a run over London two days ago. Seven and a half hours round trip. And now they had been asked to go again. The men hadn’t taken the news well, and so they’d gone to the Flyer’s Club. The women in the Signalkorps had shuffled in later and…the rest was a blur.

    Behind, in the navigator’s and wireless operator’s jump seat was Engelbert Huber. He leaned over and shouted, “5 minutes!”

    Konrad tightened the belts on his seat. This was about the point in the flight where if they were going to start encountering resistance it would start. Last time, the Amsel’s tenth flight, they had been shot up by Gladiator and Spartacus interceptors before they’d even flown over the white cliffs of Dover. Flak had wounded their rear gunner, Schlaf, and so he’d been replaced by Hermann Wiegand. The rest of the crew had been with them for six flights. Before that, it had just been he and Fritz. Fritz himself had been the commander of another plane, the Taube, before that had been shot out from under him over France. Amsel, Blackbird, and Taube, Dove, had both been named by both been named by Colonel Fritz Dirksen. The Colonel was a good man. Smart, sharp, gruff and caring, but not the most creative.

    The thought of Fritz bailing out over enemy territory reminded him of Poldi, his brother. Poldi had flown Me. 109s since the early days of the war. At some point Konrad had stopped worrying about him. His big brother was invincible. No other pilot from his squadron had lasted as long as Poldi.

    Then, Poldi was shot down. His engine had caught fire. The man who’d reported his death had said Poldi’s canopy bubble had burned too, probably with his oxygen after the tank was hit. It had been a Stormwing that had taken him down. The British jet fighters were what the German pilots called them – the imps of the sky. They were quick, well-armed and able to climb unlike anything Konrad had seen before.

    Poldi haunted his dreams every night these days. It had taken some time for his brother’s death to really sink in, but when it had, a fire began to burn in Konrad that seemed to grow hotter every day. Bloodthirsty, some had called him. Anneke was worried about him. Scared, sometimes.

    I don’t like how you talk of killing. Burning people, she said.

    They’re beasts, all those syndicalists. And Perfidious Albion? They’re the worst. They started this war, like they started the last one. I look forward to every time I fly over their damned cities. He’d wanted to say that when he smelled the burning meat of a city’s population wafting up to 3,000 meters he felt enormous…satisfaction. Like walking into a friend’s cookout on an empty stomach. But he’d somehow controlled himself enough to keep that detail from Anneke.

    They didn’t start it! And you’re the one acting a beast! For a man so kind in every other respect I really can’t stand you when you’re like this! Anneke would usually protest.

    They helped couped the rightful Dutch government! He would retort. And on, and on it would go, usually until he’d drunk himself to sleep.

    It’s a wonder she’s still interested in you, he chided himself. He really ought to hold such things back from her. She was too kind a soul to hear them. She’s better off without you, he told himself. He would die one day. Perhaps today. Perhaps in a few minutes. Of the mandatory thirty-five missions bomber crews signed up for the survival rate for bomber crews was only 52%, the lowest in all the armed forces. Even that number was probably made up to make the flight crews feel better.

    And if I make it to thirty-five, I’ll sign up for another. For Poldi. Thank God for the new Chancellor signing off on General Robert Knauss’s vision. It had been the General who’d first broached the topic of unrestricted aerial warfare and convinced Air Marshal Richthofen and Chancellor of its necessity. Now they could bring Perfidious Albion the same pain it had brought Germany for so long. Schleicher was a soldier’s soldier. He and the National Unity Front would see to it that no more bureaucratic red tape would hold things up. No more budget committees to jump through, no more Bundesrat to kowtow to, all the squabbling politicians quashed, the Volk and society unified into pursuing the vocation of Germanic supremacy. The parlimentarisation that his teachers had taught him about so eagerly when he was in school had been a lie, a weakness that had cost the Reich so many lives needlessly. Like Poldi. It had slowed the army’s reforms, caused the economic crisis, weakened the people’s spirit. Even Lettow-Vorbeck, whom he’d loved so much in years past, had proven another ineffectual politician when the war became deadlocked. He'd refused to contemplate all-out bombing, had been too weak to cut through the encumbrance of state politics, had been far to placatory to the left and the SPD despite those bastards being just a lighter shade of syndicalist. Schleicher knew better. He would use every tool in the arsenal, even if it meant utterly razing of the enemy’s cities. Nothing would stand in their way of winning this war.

    Fritz moved to his side, removing his mask to reveal a scar-riddled face and gray stubbly beard. He brought the intercom speaker to his mouth. “Begin descent. Five minutes to bombing stations,” he announced. The sound carried into Konrad’s ears from the speakers connected to the comms apparatus that fitted snugly under his oxygen mask.

    “6,000 meters, 400 kph.,” Konrad said, marking the time and their cruising speed and height on the logbook after glancing at the instrumentation.

    Fritz began to throttle up and nose down. They, along with the rest of the bomber wing began descending rapidly to bombing altitude of 3,000 meters. Ahead, through the window the clouds and sea disappeared about 20 miles off into what looked like a big black hole through the earth. It was land, made darker than normal by the mandatory blackouts the Union had instituted at the beginning of the war.

    “Are we on track?” Konrad asked Engelbert.

    The navigator craned over his shoulder, looking out the viewports to study the contours of the land. He returned to his maps and used a compass to draw the plane’s bow radius. He calculated tangents and arcs in a flurry of pencil movements. “We’re about 10 miles south of the path. Course correct 0.945 degrees north in twenty seconds.”

    “Relay it,” Colonel Fritz ordered. As flight lead for the wing, it was up to them to ensure the ensure the force was on the right path. Engelbert barked out the corrections to the entire wing of 103 bombers and 20 escorts on the radio set. Konrad made another note in the logbook then replaced his hands on the throttle and control yoke. With things likely to get hairy soon, it was up to him as copilot to fly and Fritz kept an eye on leading the flight wing. This would include tracking the various four-bomber-pods, the ‘Gruppes’, in the formation, re-arranging them as needed, coordinating fighter cover, and so on. Besides, Fritz had taken them this far.

    Konrad kept an eye on the altimeter as the bomber moved from cruising to bombing altitude. He slightly adjusted their path, eyeing with wariness the land below. The first hints of twilight heating up the colors of the horizon. The cirrus far above them were moving from platinum black to navy blue.

    “Quietest landfall since Columbus,” a joking voice piped up on the intercom. Konrad glanced down beneath the command platform to where Stephen Klein, their bombardier, sat, looking through his scopes.

    “Shut up and arm the ordinance,” Konrad ordered. Stephen used humor to defuse tension and his own fear. Today, feeling the mix of alcohol-induced nausea mixing with the fear that still inexplicably gnawed at him despite his nigh death wish, Konrad was in no mood for it. Stephen stood and shuffled back through the cabin to the bomb racks to prepare them, likely mouthing something off as he went or perhaps leaning over to Luther Derichs, the dorsal ball gunner with some clever cogs comment.

    They passed over the coast just as the first hint of blue rose on the horizon. The dark fields below were crisscrossed with black hedges and pocked with even darker forests. Unease tugged at Konrad. Somewhere out there the enemy would respond. They’d had flak batteries lining the coasts before. Where had those gone? Had they pulled them back to the cities? His hands, back and armpits grew clammy and cold in the chilly cabin.

    “Imps spotted! High, above Gruppe 7! Minus a kilometer out!” the wireless crackled.

    Gruppe 7 was behind them, at the rear of the formation. More chatter began flood the wireless band.

    “Flügel Red, cover formation rear,” Fritz ordered. Ahead, one of the three fighter wings pulled out of formation to engage the British. Besides the noise of the fighter engines soaring past, the wind, the radio and their own engines, there was little other sound.

    “Damn!” a voice crackled over the wireless. “Stormwings. We’re switching to fighter frequency,” the fighter flight lead said, then disappeared off the radio.

    “We’ve been strafed,” a new voice piped up. An Albatros had been hit. No doubt. He tried to lean forward to see as far behind them as possible, but Gruppe 7 was out of sight behind them somewhere.

    “We lost ‘Lucky Wings’,” a voice said, sounding deflated.

    “Stay the course,” Fritz ordered. “Flügel Red, do you need support?”

    There was no reply. Fritz ordered Flügel Blue to engage the enemy. Another wing of three fighters peeled off, but not before puffs of black began erupting in midair all around them.

    Flak.

    Now it starts, Konrad knew. The sweat in his flight suit was accumulating, spreading through the fur-lining. If we make it through this, I may get hypothermia.

    Konrad squinted. To the left a river snaked into the distance. Far off, it had begun to show dull orange as the sun rose. Below, buildings were now visible as they lowered to bombing height. There were just clusters of market villages for several miles, but beyond that, a built-up urban area was visible. Norwich. The cirrus above had turned pink and was beginning to glow yellow and orange.

    There was a tearing, screaming sound as a British Stormwing zipped by their cockpit, missing them by mere meters.

    “Christ!” Englebert shrieked. The jet’s engine wash created abrupt turbulence, jumbling him in his seat. Tracers appeared to their right between puffs of flak. One of their fighter boys was chasing but unable to catch up to the British jet.

    The horizon was hot orange now, like a pot on a stove too long. Only minutes to sunrise.

    To their right flak exploded just above the cockpit bubble port of one of the bombers in their Gruppe. The shrapnel penetrated the cockpit, sending shattered glass and metal scattering through the heavens. Some skittered across their own viewports with a horrific screeching sound. The hit bomber began to descend out of control, the pilots dead. It was headed straight toward the plane some two hundred meters below it.

    ’Berlin Swing’, bank right!” Konrad bellowed too late. The remnants of ‘Little Chum’, the damaged bomber, blasted through the chassis of ‘Berlin Swing’. The two bombers disintegrated in a ball of chaos, their remnants tumbling to earth.

    “…hit, losing altitude!” someone else reported on the wireless. A thin trail of black smoke erupted from the plane ahead of them. That bomber too, ‘Mosely’s Presents’, began to slow and fall. Three of its engines were aflame.

    “One minute to target,” Englebert said.

    “Open the bomb bay,” Fritz ordered to Klein.

    Konrad snapped his attention back to their flight path. Ahead, on the other flights around them, bomb bay doors were similarly opening.

    One of Amsel’s gunners opened in short bursts. It was the dorsal gun. It was quickly followed by the Werner Baur in the frontal gun and the sound of a screaming Stormwing.

    “He’s coming around!” Werner screamed into the intercom. Konrad looked below as the Stormwing made an impossible turn at around a thousand meters and swung back toward them, closing fast.

    Our belly is open. He tried to ease left to reduce the visible profile according to the enemy’s incoming angle.

    “Smoke him, Werner!” someone else shouted. An extended burst of heavy cannon fire streamed from the front turret as the Stormwing ducked into the clouds for an instant then back out, barrel rolling toward them. The Brit fired. Tracers blinked toward them. Konrad closed his eyes. At least with flak you didn’t know where it would explode.

    Bullets raked the Amsel’s hull. Sparks flew through the cockpit and sudden wind marked the face they had been pierced – closely. Konrad looked over to see Fritz slumped over the shattered controls, an arm and part of his chest missing. There was blood everywhere. A bullet had hit them from below and gone straight through part of Fritz, exiting the canopy.

    The Colonel stirred and began moaning.

    “Ah, God!” Konrad cried out. The flight controls on Fritz’s side of the cockpit were smashed. “Werner?”

    No response. He peered down the small gap between the cockpit platform and Werner’s turret. He could see bits of Werner’s body hanging off the muntin bars had once crisscrossed glass, flapping in the wind.

    “Your…boat…now,” Fritz said, looking to him. His face was bloody, flesh hanging in ribbons. He attempted to reach at the morphine jab with his remaining hand but failed to summon the strength. Englebert appeared, face gray beneath the mask, and completed the task for the Colonel.

    “It’s time,” Englebert said, backing away from Fritz’s dying body.

    Konrad nodded and brought the intercom to his mouth again. “Klein, are you alive?” he asked.

    “Yes,” the bombardier replied.

    “Release,” Konrad said. Somewhere in the belly of the plane Klein began pulling the levers that would release their 5,500 kilograms of bombs in pairs of two. Konrad could feel the vehicle lighten immediately, becoming more responsive to his steering. As the bombs fell, he reached up to the fuel tanks and switched the feed to the engines from another tank. The sun burst over the distant clouds, blinding him for an instant.

    “Bruno, situation?” Konrad asked the flight engineer. There was a pause, then a crackling, static-filled string of expletives.

    “We’ll make it home,” Bruno at last replied. “But I can’t say the same for Hermann.”

    Konrad cursed. Three dead in an instant, or near enough. The flak thickened as they neared Thrope End on the outskirts Norwich. Somewhere down there, amidst the houses and offices were rocket sites. The Brits had built them into the civilian infrastructure, thinking it would deter them.

    “Flügel Red Lead, the Imps are backing off,” the wireless crackled. It would be because of the increasing flak cover. The Brits were loathe to lose their Stormwings, especially what few were committed for interception missions.

    “Do you have an assessment?” Konrad pulled the transmitter to his mouth.

    “Looks like nine bombers down. Three fighters,” the fighter lead replied.

    Strings of bombs were falling from the Do. 19s all around them even as flak exploded furiously. The blows were so constant that the entire airspace around them was blackening as if they’d flown into a storm. Small dings and shimmies marked pieces of hot shrapnel raining on them from all sides. Tracers from anti-aircraft guns on the ground were now opening, streams of red bullets rising thousands of meters into the air to meet them. One flak round’s proximity fuse lit right as the round passed through a stream of falling bombs, triggering some of them. A column of flame erupted to the left, just above them. Konrad upped the throttle, pushing through the midair fireballs of the prematurely detonated incendiary bombs.

    “We’re empty!” Klein’s voice called into Konrad’s headset.

    Calls from the various members of the bomber Gruppen began echoing the confirmation. Konrad began to bank right along the pre-agreed return route only for the aircraft to shake hard. He fought with the yoke as it jerked against him to the right, straight toward the ground. Red lights appeared on the instrument. The electrical Volt A meter was going haywire, as was the emergency oil pressure, hydraulic oil pressure, the suction gage, oil temperature. There were screams from somewhere behind him. Somehow, Konrad evened them out.

    “What direction? I can’t see anything!” he shouted to Englebert.

    The navigator was on all fours, vomiting as the plane heaved about. He attempted to stand but lost his footing and slammed his head against the bulkhead. Hard. His body writhed and twitched, his eyes rolled back in their sockets.

    “Shit. Shit, shit,” Konrad mumbled. He would just have to follow the flock home.

    “Fire! Fire on engine 2!” Bruno bellowed. This time it was his voice. He’d stumbled up to the cockpit, barely glancing at Englebert. The intercom was no longer working. “Feather it!”

    Konrad reached over to Fritz’s operational panel and flipped the second switch of the three. By cutting off fuel and power to the propeller they could perhaps control the fire. A dead engine didn’t produce thrust, lessening the air the flames would get. The plane slowed appreciably but seemed to stabilize.

    “Our wing is shredded,” Bruno explained.

    “That would explain the difficult turn,” Konrad rubbed the stubble on his chin. “And I think the oil line, or one of them, is cut.”

    Bruno began praying audibly behind him.

    They’d circled past the outskirts of Norwich and were heading back across Thrope End now. He surveyed the damage. The town was clearly visible in the daylight. Streets, houses, buildings aflame. Towering pillars of black had begun rising, intersecting with their flight path. They had to fly through the flak barrier once more. Konrad ground his teeth as the explosions began to appear around them again.

    Below him to the left one bomber, all that looked like was left of Gruppe 2, took a direct hit in the tail. The aircraft began to tumble out of control, spinning end-on-end toward the ground. He lost sight of it as they plowed on.

    “Strap in, Bruno,” he said, trying to feather the engine and sort the backup batteries. Only, the oil pressure was dropping dramatically. The engine fire light went out, then flickered back to life an instant after.

    I don’t think we’re going to –

    Konrad felt heat rising and singing his neck. More fire. There was more screaming. Pained. Horror. Who was it? Stephen?

    “Christ, the tanks!” Bruno groaned. “We’re burning! Its spreading!”

    The altimeter began to drop with the plane’s damaged nose. The master warning light blared deadly red. There was nothing more to be done.

    “Bail out!” Konrad turned to Bruno. “The intercom isn’t working, tell the others!”

    Bruno swallowed hard, stared a second, then fled into the plane rear. The yoke was now losing all control. It moved losely in his hands, unresponsive. The altimeter was spinning wildly now. 2,300 meters. 2,100. 1,900.

    “This is Amsel, we are bailing!” he bellowed over the wireless to anyone who could hear. He unbuckled his harness and reached under his seat where the parachute was stowed, slipping it on as he struggled to his feet. The plane’s was angled far enough down now that he had to climb with his hands and feet to head to the exit. He caught a glimpse of someone jumping out the open door, air resistance ripping them from sight somewhere behind the plane at a stroke.

    He made a leap as the plane nearly fully nosed down, grasping onto the edges of the door just as a wave of flames erupted downward from the rear of the vehicle. He screamed as the fire caught on his legs but managed to pull himself up to the hatch. Something flew by him, thumping wetly below. A body, perhaps Luthor’s, lay wedged on the cockpit bulkheads.

    He pressed himself off, jumping out the plane which blew past him. He was falling, the sound of the wind deafening his ears and flattening his cheeks. The pain in his legs was incredible. He looked down, spinning without control to see his trousers and boots on fire and leaving a thin trail of blue smoke behind. He attempted to kick the leggings off to no avail. The rapidly approaching ground caught his attention.

    He oriented himself, splaying out his arms and burning legs to increase drag and give him control. Below was a green countryside lit by the rising yellow of the sun. Trees poked out of a morning mist, their shadows eerie. Konrad pulled the chute’s rip cord. With the sound of crumpling paper it unfolded, a white shroud above him. He slowed, slowed, and now descended.

    He looked down. His legs were no longer aflame but they hurt so bad he wished he could just rip them off to be done with it. The rubber boots looked like they’d melted to his flesh. He began to weep. Poldi. Poldi had felt such a pain when he’d died.

    Anneke’s voice haunted him. And what about all the others? What about the innocents you burned with your bombs? How many children felt what your brother did? Babies? Mothers? How many old men had their beards singed off as they tired to save their grandchildren? How many searched through the ashes for what was left of their loved ones after you finished with them? How can you enjoy that?

    Out in the distance he spotted a lone house atop a small hill. Perhaps it was a farm? He used the steering toggles to angle toward the house. Behind it, past the hills, the entire horizon seemed to be on fire. All of Thorpe End and much of Norwich beyond it were burning.

    When he was perhaps no more than a hundred meters up and a few hundred away from the house, he saw two figures emerge. An old man and woman dressed plainly watched him descend with what must have been the kind of fascination that only those who had grown up before the age of flight could ever hold. They weren’t syndicalists. They were just people.

    Guilt, crushing and more painful than his legs overcame him. He lost all control of himself, the pain in his gut he’d held since Poldi’s death finally releasing itself. How could he do what was done to his brother? And to people he’d never met?

    He let go of the toggles, uncaring as to his fate any longer. As he drifted toward the farmhouse, his tears fell thick and fast. The ground rushed up to engulf him, frosty grass meeting mangled legs.

    Whatever you did, whatever happens now, your war is over, he knew.


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    Photograph of the Amsel and her crew before their 11th flight


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    Chapter 28: Girding for Götterdämmerung
  • Chapter XXVIII: Girding for Götterdämmerung

    Grand Intentions

    Having come to power between elections, Kurt von Schleicher lacked a popular mandate. Instead, he relied on his charm and multifarious personal connections to achieve what he saw as Otto von Bismarck’s deepest ambition: the creation of an ultra-efficient technocracy through the complete centralization of Germany. Schleicher never wrote on the methodology he intended to use to achieve this, but sociologists have broadly concluded that his main aims were:
    • rolling back the importance of parliamentary establishments, namely the Reichstag, as a legislation-making body
    • the destruction of constituent states’ rights through the elimination of their right overturn or appeal against federal laws
    • the neutering and gradual replacement of Bundesrat with a new, organic corporatist body representative of professional organizations
    • the introduction of veto powers for the military’s Supreme Command over the civilian cabinet (the power of appointing and dismissing senior military officials had transferred from the Kaiser to the Reichskanzeler in 1938 under the Forwards Coalition reforms, effectively making these new veto powers an extension of the Reichskanzeler’s will)
    • the development of new bureaucratic structures with unique oversight and intervention faculties over loosely defined “economic sectors key to state defense”
    As the political philosopher Johanna Arendt would later reflect, “von Schleicher effectively sought to establish a German ‘Principate’ – a dictatorship dressed in the façade of democracy”. Another famous comparison was drawn by the social theorist Jürgen Habermas, who named Schleicher a ‘grasping, Feldgrau Bonaparte’ in one of his works. These gargantuan designs would take time to implement, however, and a Schleicherian victory was by no means certain.

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    Kurt von Schleicher, dog-lover, and would-be German Augustus

    Building a Mandate (June 1943 – June 1944)
    A nonpartisan pragmatist, Schleicher did not have the burning convictions of either left or right wings. Instead, he would seek a third path. To do this, he alternated coopting both sides of the aisle at different times. One example of his threading the needle on tricky topics was on the longstanding Agricultural Crisis. The German agricultural sector had seen a steady erosion of its productivity for almost two decades now after the implementation of the Mitteleuropan Economic Zone. To overcome this, Schleicher would appointment his ally, the Saxon conservative technocrat, Günther Gereke, as chairman of the German Rural Municipal Association with the number two position going to the liberal SPD agricultural expert Fritz Baade. Between 1944 and 1947, this duo would enact Schleicher’s will in undercutting the Junker class by slicing through the policy entanglements and loopholes that benefitted them, even enacting land reforms to divvy up percentages of the great estates amongst the yeoman peasants. Such radical policy could hardly have been predicted by the Junkers, who backed Schleicher as one of their own back in ’43.

    As a member of the aristocracy and military, Schleicher did have more connections with the right and would start his reign by seeking the consent of the existing conservative power structure to help consolidate authority. He was aided in this by the appointment of many east-Elbian conservatives, many his friends, to key bureaucratic and ministerial postings during the war’s nadir when much of Germany was occupied. Due to this occupation, most otherwise would-be candidates did not have the ability to serve. Further, it was the government’s modus operandi of the time to ensure only men of certifiable character and proven leanings were raised to power to prevent the crypto-syndicalists and fifth columnists from gaining power. Better yet, years earlier, the unity of the DkP and the DVLP, two of the right’s most powerful parties before the war, had fractured. The Economic Crisis and the 1937 downfall of the Reichstag’s ‘Grand Coalition’ (DkP, DRP, DVLP and Zentrum) had seen the conservatives tear each other apart. This presented ripe grounds for the exploitation. While the left did not have the seats to make up the majority needed to challenge the now-shaky Forwards Coalition, the right and center-right did – if they could be hammered together somehow.

    Schleicher would begin by offering an alliance to a broad swathe of these factions. Sensing an opportunity to attain actual legislative power, many, such as Alfred Hugenberg’s Deutschnationale Reichspartei would take him up on the offer. Despite considering some of the more radical Völkisch ethno-nationalist ideologies of his growing umbrella party as absurd, Schleicher now had cemented a floor upon which to base his power.

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    Constantly tacking courses, Schleicher followed this by presenting a token move to the left by appointing the liberal August Winnig as Vice-Chancellor.

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    Over the next year the new Chancellor adopted a series of talking points linking the withering of traditional cultural values and Christian faith with the rise of Germany’s enemies, promoted the military as the saviors of Germanic and western civilization, transformed the Pfadfinder Society of the 1930s into the Wehrsportorganisation, and adopted right-wing dog whistles. These actions would endear him to media such as the ultranationalist newspaper Die Tat, which gushed over many of Schleicher’s early actions.

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    Once more tacking, during one address Schleicher also thanked women for shouldering the burden of the menfolk during the war and promised that they would be rewarded once the carnage had abated. Some traditionalist eyebrows raised at the mention of it, but it was largely swept under the rug as it came during the debate on the economy.

    Even more enticing for the protectionists and authoritarians of the right was the official sponsoring by Schleicher of Walther von Rathenau for massive restructurings in the German economy to ‘meet the challenges of our time’. This would formalize the vast, increasingly tangled bureaucracy that had built up around Carl Friedrich Goerdeler’s Economic Affairs Department in the dressing of the ‘War Economic Office’ [GER. Kriegswirtschaftsbüro, the ‘KWsB’] which would be given extraordinary powers to streamline goods production. Fritz Thyssen was made its head and his former posting as Minister of Armaments and War Production was folded into the KWsB. The openly stated future goal ‘Rathenauism’ was to provide the front with what it needed during the war then to transition to a greater German planning agency which would guide the development of domestic industries to ensure complete economic autarky, preventing a repeat of the shortages of the First Weltkrieg’s Turnip Winter and the Dark Years of the Second. Fritz Thyssen would use his new authority to nationalize those few railways not already requisitioned, consolidating his personal stranglehold on all freight movement in the country.

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    This was stridently opposed by the free marketeers of the NLP who still made up a sizeable portion of the Reichstag. Surprisingly, many in the leftist SPD supported the move. In their inner circles, the SPD leadership wagered that if they won the next election, the fruits of Rathenauism would form a strong platform from which they could begin to implement their social policies. Though Schleicher had allied himself with their enemies, it also didn’t hurt that the Reichskanzeler also showed a progressive side, being a proponent meritocracy and equality of opportunity for all citizens.

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    "Besides,” SPD minister Kurt Schumacher stated in defense of the policy when attacked by NLP deputies, “didn’t [economic] centralization begin under the Forwards Coalition?” The esteemed Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, still a Reichstag Minister, retorted that “centralization was only ever a means to winning the war, not the end itself”. Schleicher’s growing circle of devotees and media enthusiasts would unfairly lambast the elements of the Forwards Coalition as unpatriotic, corrupt and war profiteers.

    After a marathon session on the 16th of November 1943, the head of the Bavarian People’s Party, itself part of the Forwards Coalition, took to the floor and announced that his statesmen would all vote for the measure, stating that protectionist schemes would accelerate the rebuilding of the Bavarian economy. This left their former allies slack jawed. By focusing on the economy question first, the Reichskanzeler had driven a wedge between the tenuous partnerships of his predecessor’s coalition, effectively fracturing it. Now there was no bloc large enough to coordinate a response to Schleicher’s machinations. With the runway was cleared, he would begin establishing his own official front. Unpredictable as ever, he began with organized labor.

    Even before his accession to office, Schleicher pursued trade union regulations. Former Chancellor Franz von Papen’s ‘Christian Trade Union’ had been all but abolished during the occupation western Germany. In its place, the current Reichskanzeler proposed the establishment of the nationwide Trade Union Confederation [GER. Gewerkschaftsbund, the GsB] led by Schleicher ally, Lothar Erdmann. The GsB would have branches in every municipality with major industrial activity. These would be led by Kapitalleiters (literally ‘Chapter Leaders’, but sometimes punned as ‘Wealth Leaders’), who were elected representatives that reported on behalf of the trade unions in the chapter to the Confederation Assembly, which would lobby the government on their behalf. There was a catch. Membership in the GsB was mandatory, as was adopting the ‘party line’ set by the Confederation Assembly, which in turn got its marching orders from the Schleicher Cabinet. This meant that the current government was not-so-subtly promoted in the messaging of the constituent unions. All non-compliant organizations were threatened with dissolution. After the example made of the first two unions to raise the issue in the courts all others adhered to the new law.

    The ulterior motive behind the Gewerkschaftsbund was to begin eroding the importance of state governments and local identities. To the nationalists behind Schleicher, strengthening the bonds between the Volk and the government was invaluable. To Schleicher, it was the destruction of obstacles to centralization that proved invaluable. The GsB helped facilitate both these notions by providing a more responsive channel between Berlin and workers on the ground than had been previously possible, allowing information on the working conditions on the ground to bubble up to the federal level which could then be acted upon. This also provided superb surveilling opportunities, allowing the seeds of syndicalism to be snuffed out quickly. The GsB’s founding in October represented the first step in the journey to Schleicher’s sought after ‘corporatist body’ and replacement of the Bundesrat, which he viewed as the greatest threat to his ‘modernization’ of the German Constitution.

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    Over time, the GsB would also act to self-organize charitable programs, such as housing development for workers, soup kitchens, support groups and daycares. With the backdrop of the war’s devastation, the GsB would prove an increasingly popular institution in the homes of many Germans. In fact, worker satisfaction polls in the Saarland recorded on average a 4% increase year-on-year between 1944 to 1950. A similar poll conducted in Hamburg found a 3.1% increase year-on-year over the same time. This was especially necessary as many welfare programs established over the last decades had their funding slashed even as a new federal income tax was established to help balance the government’s massive debts.

    With roots growing into organized labor and the political opposition in disarray, Schleicher bloc began upping the ante with their economic cartelization. This involved government guided mergers, acquisitions, and the founding of massive conglomerates. Often, harmonization with government economic ‘directives’ were achieved by collusion between the conglomerates, price fixing and production quotas. While this proved successful in ‘hardening’ the economy against speculation shocks like the Economic Crisis and succeeded in improving supply to the frontlines, over time it would result in steadily reducing efficiency and higher consumer prices – both issues which would come to haunt the Schleicher bloc in years to come.

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    Schleicher’s alliance with the right had proven a good bet. Given the upswing in the popularity of Germanic ideals during the war and the legislative victories that seemed to segue well with these, a populace who had largely only ever known Kurt von Schleicher as the ‘Hero of Munich’ began to see him as a man who got things done in a government which had been essentially legislatively static since the war began. Coupled with military successes in 1943, to many Germans it felt like the beginning of a national revival.

    Building a Movement (January 1944 – May 1944)

    If ‘success’ had been the military and political byword of the second half of 1943, ‘terror’ and ‘backstabbing’ had replaced it by the end of the first half of the following year.

    The energy of the first months of the Reichskanzeler’s tenure would abate by year end as Kurt von Schleicher fell ill with recurrent symptoms of his pernicious anemia. Coupled with this was a visibly attempts to soften many of the recently passed bills by insurgent members of the Forward Coalition’s remnants. Worse yet were the insurgents in the field. Thousands of German collaborators of the Rhenish People’s Republic and North German Confederation governments had taken to the hills and forests in fear of the reprisals that Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck had vainly warned would drive people to resistance. These refugees often joined cells of Internationale guerillas left behind to disrupt German logistics and sow terror. In a cruel reverse irony of what pro-German resistance fighters had done years before, this syndicalist and anti-establishmentarian partisan warfare now slowed supplies en route to the front, contributing to the grueling pace of the war in 1944. Along with disappointing progress would come the first calls for peace from the far left.

    By April, the Reichskanzeler had recovered and returned to his former frenetic pace. This time, however, he encountered more resistance as his honeymoon period ended. He urged the Reichstag to provide him additional powers that he stated were necessary to delivering battlefield victory, including the establishment of a country-wide security force to help combat the syndicalist insurgency.

    To cut through resistance, Schleicher’s coterie insisted that now had come the time to transform the loose alliance of conservative parties, social organizations, veterans clubs and interest groups of the ‘Schleicher bloc’ into an official political front. The Reichskanzeler had been rejecting similar overtures for some time now, stating that to do so might disrupt the careful balance of powers and favors he had established this last year. Like many, he perceived factionalism as the cause of German decline in the last decade and preferred remaining officially independent of the energy-consuming squabbling required to manage a strictly political organization.

    Sometime in the summer of 1944, one of Schleicher’s closest allies, the jurist Carl Schmitt, proposed the founding of a movement instead of a party. This would allow the Chancellor to remain independent while also creating an ideological keystone transcending party politics and perhaps over time fully subsume the parties themselves. Patriotism and shared German identity could be the uniting factors of this movement, allowing it freedom of movement between altruistic progressivism and traditionalism. The pieces already existed. All that was required was an enlightened Godhead stitching the fabric together. The Chancellor needn’t debase himself with the movement’s daily running: all he need do was guide it from afar with his rhetoric and actions. As was later reported by Schleicher’s adjunct who was present at the meeting, the Chancellor was intrigued but asked how discipline might be instilled across such a loose collective. Pro-Schleicher propogandist, Hans Zehrer, suggested the usage of successive, highly publicized ‘conferences’ (really, more like massive political events), to host members of the unified front to debate and agree policy desires. These debates and their outcomes would be rigged and pre-agreed by the Inner Circle. Such conferences could be grand propaganda coups, Hans explained. The larger the crowds, the more diverse the tapestry of Germans joined together in the images to be snapped and articles to be written describing such events, the better. At last, the Chancellor assented.

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    On May 6th, the first conference of the newly announced National Unity Front, the Deutschnationale Einheitsfront (DNEF) was held at Deutsches Stadion outside Berlin. Money exchanged hands behind closed doors, ensuring large numbers of veterans showed up as well, plumping up the crowd even more. While officially neutral, Kurt von Schleicher would be a speaker-of-honor on its final day and was expected to urge Germans of all backgrounds to forget their petty differences to unite and defeat the syndicalists and rescue German civilization.

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    The event was held during the day and under cover of heavy anti-aircraft defenses, though these proved unnecessary. The ‘consensus’ achieved at the First German Unity Conference was that the movement would sponsor mass movement organizations, ally with sports, the arts and business and serve as a channel for showcasing political loyalty. Autarkic economics were widely promoted while the GsB was advertised as a patriotic organization that could provide a sense of community and serve as a means of local support in lieu of a stronger social safety net. In terms of cultural values, while strong ties were established with populist conservatives, many of the far-right advocates of a radical anti-parliamentarian, religiously based national revolution were forced to reconcile with the fact that, for now at least, a streak of progressivism would be necessary to solidify a wider following. Schleicher saw the antisemitic views of the far right as a foolish waste of resources and an alienation of Jewish wealth but allowed for some coded messaging to sneak into some speeches and slogans to draw in more rural support where such views ran large. Regarding centralization, both wings of the movement agreed in the need for a more effective government. Gossip had been prevalent for some time around a Schleicherian updating of the March Constitution in this direction and was hinted at in some of the speeches but not officially endorsed at the conference. What was extolled was the exalted status of the monarchy. The Crown would act now and forever as a focal point around which to orient the Volk, a font from which all Germanic power flowed. The subtext of these statements however was that the Crown was a mere symbol as opposed to a force unto itself, a cipher that stood above politics. The loose language used here was enough for Schleicher to reassure Wilhelm III that this was not his intent, however, given Wilhelm’s expectation that Schleicher, as his friend and ally, would return the secular powers shed by the monarchy during his father’s reign.

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    The conference was a grand success and marked the official development of the National Unity Front. Soon, it would grow to be one of the two great representatives of German political identify, with the SPD moving more into the center to co-opt as much of this unclaimed ground as possible. The official foundation of the DNEF at the First German Unity Conference would swell German exceptionalism even more and set in motion much of German politics for the rest of the 20th century though in a way none, not even Schleicher, could have foreseen.

    Building Momentum (May 1944 – May 1945)

    On September 2nd, Kaiser Wilhelm III made an appearance at the Reichstag to make his first Sedantag address since the eradication of the last official Internationale holdouts on German soil. The Kaiser was about to begin his historic speech when commotion broke out in the chamber. Military police and black-clad Ableitung IIIb agents flooded into the room and escorted the Kaiser and Reichskanzeler out as shouts and gunfire began echoing through the hallways. After the pair were bundled into a bulletproof limousine and driven away, they were briefed on the situation: a terror cell suspected to be operating in Brandenburg had shaken their tails and disappeared into the Berlin sewers. Later, a Reichstag security guard had raised the alarm on several suspicious construction workers within the Reichstag who were laying what looked to be explosive charges on the pillars supporting the structure’s roof. Ableitung IIIb agents had arrived, positively ID’d the terrorists and immediately moved to arrest them. The situation escalated and a gunfight had broken out.

    Within an hour all was under control but the German government had been shaken to the core. Every Reichstag deputy, even the emperor himself, had all lost someone in their family to the war. All had cowered in bunkers as Internationale bombers flew overhead. But few had experienced an attempt on their lives so visceral and close-up.

    Kurt von Schleicher, never one to miss an opportunity, ordered the Reichstag locked down until he could return to be the first minister back in the building. Once there, he would pass through the blood-soaked and cordite-stinking lobby to stand at the main chamber’s podium and await the return of the members. As soon as a quorum was reached, he would break into an improvised and highly theatrical speech, demanding the Reichstag present him with the powers necessary to prevent a repeat of such barbarism. The Reichskanzeler insisted on the passage of an enabling act “until the crisis of national security is over.” The chamber would vote 211 in the affirmative, 39 in the negative, and 14 abstentions with 177 deputies not present. Those who voted against the act were uniformly from the NLP, FVP, and SPD (the hardline socialist parties of the BK, KAPD, KPD and the non-German regional parties, such as the PP [Polish Party], had been outlawed in 1938).

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    The enabling act had first been slated for abolition during Franz von Papen’s chancellorship but had never reached the floor for voting during the continuous crisis management that had absorbed government bandwidth since 1936. Even Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck had refused to use it even during the more dire of times after swearing that he would back its outlawing. Now, despite the various attempts to liberalize Germany since 1918, power had concentrated into the hands of a single individual.

    Schleicher’s first order of business would be the nationalization of the Preußisch Geheimpolizei, the reactionary secret police force of Prussia. It would be transformed into the Kaiserliche Sicherheitspolizei, the Imperial Security Police, commonly abbreviated to the Kaisipo. Led by the ruthless Ferdinand von Bredow, the Kaisipo was soon operating across Germany, mercilessly arresting hundreds of suspected crypto-syndicalists.

    In October, von Bredow’s men took over the investigation into the Sedantag Attack and discovered several supposed leads that incriminated two SPD deputies along a string of multiple members of staff from Bundesrat representatives. The culprits were taken into immediate custody. No link between the SPD as a party and its two arrested deputies was identified, nor was the ‘incriminating’ evidence divulged until late in 1945, by which time it was impossible to tell whether it was fabricated or not. This would eventually cause a row, but in 1944 the situation was too unclear, and the danger felt to be too present for a response to the measures that would follow all this to be made. Before the year was out, there were rumors flying that the Bundesrat itself might be temporarily dissolved until the abatement of the war.

    Oaths of loyalty to the Kaiser and government were demanded by all current and future members of the government bureaucracy, with a new law being unilaterally passed by Schleicher that any breach of said oath constituted an arrestable offence. Refusal to take the newly worded oath, which emphasized the “the Kaiser’s foremost officers” as those the oath was being sworn to in addition to the emperor, would result in immediate severance. Alongside these would be drafted new anti-sedition laws and worse yet, the imposition of what had previously been the Prussian-only ‘Siege Law’ on the whole of the Reich. This ‘Siege Law’ effectively passed executive powers to the territorial military commanders stationed throughout the Reich and imposed severe restrictions on other personal freedoms. The declaration of a pan-German Siege Law would have far-reaching legal consequences that would play out the next year.

    By now the creep of authoritarianism, unnerving at first to those not ensconced in the Schleicher bloc, had become a full-blown predicament in the halls of power. Kurt Schumacher was perhaps the first to recognize that despite seeming to be a moderating force on the far right, von Schleicher’s moves were fraying the very fabric of parliamentary democracy. Some of the increasingly marginalized members of the government had begun to at last see glimmers of grand, silky web they had fallen into and organize resistance even as the battle lines began to shift once more. On March 3rd, 1945, this nascent countermovement would begin to coalesce clandestinely after a secret meeting at the ‘Snowy Brook’ café in Berlin between multiple Reichstag deputies and concerned leaders of interest groups met to discuss resistance.

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    It would not be Schumacher nor von Lettow-Vorbeck that would cast the first stone in defense of the Constitution, however. With the declaration of a pan-German Siege Law many of the constituent states and kingdoms of the German Empire felt their rights being impinged upon. On May 2nd, the Chancellor would face his first concerted pushback when the Kingdom of Bavaria’s state government, led by Zentrum party member Heinrich Held, would challenge the Chancellor on the field of the Bundesrat, stating he had overstepped his authority and violated the Constitution. It would be on the field of the Bundesrat that the case would be fought.

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    Preparations for 1945

    After September 1944, the western front wound down to a slow burn. It had been the first year in which no major lasting gains were achieved by either side. Through the remaining four months of the ear, the killing and maiming did not end, nor did attempts to gain ground, but there was scant availability of offensive firepower on both sides.

    The Internationale would spend between now and February of the following year time building over a thousand miles of successive defensive belts, replete with minefields, booby trapped hedgerows, and pre-arrange trenchworks and fortifications. The Germans, on the other hand, aimed to rebuild their military into a fully mechanized force. They would not entirely achieve this by the resumption of mobile warfare, but the resurrection of German industry would see to it that huge quantities of modern equipment was making its way into the hands of the dozens of divisions being raised around this time.

    The Reims meatgrinder would finally be terminated when Erwin Rommel massed five panzer divisions, five mechanized divisions on the city’s flanks and pushed forward. Ten further infantry divisions attacked directly from the east in what was one of the most concentrated battles of the war. Despite the use of mobile forces and a three-pronged assault, it would take a month to threaten the syndicalists enough for them to abandon the city. Rundstedt had directly ordered Rommel to stick to his limited objectives and not to push on so that the Reims gains might be consolidated. Despite raring at bit, Rommel obeyed.

    Many see Reims was symbolic of this stage of the war. Some call it a deadlock that sucked in the efforts of both sides. A contest of wills. Many named it a waste of resources, an excuse for commanders to look like they were doing something. The truth was that despite its utter destruction, the city was at the heart of the northern French rail network. Taking it was crucial to moving further west. At last, now, the road to inner France was open.

    As 1945 dawned, it was clear that the war would be decided based on whether the immovable object of syndicalist defenses were stronger than the unstoppable force the Germans had raised.

    Elsewhere, events moved apace. Lisbon would fall on the 24th of September, proving to be the last syndicalist conquest of the war. Entente forces would re-group in Algiers to plan their next venture. Most veterans of the Portuguese campaign, including the Free Portuguese, were sent north to the Germany to form the Entente Expeditionary Force, the EEF, over the winter of 1944-45. These units would be invaluable for the final push in France scheduled for 1945.

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    In North Africa, Du Gaulle’s 3e Armée smashed the Cairo Pact at the Siege of Benghazi in early 1944 precipitating the collapse of Egypt’s only remaining Cairo Pact ally, Cyrenaica. What followed was months of retreat by Egyptian forces that would see their numbers melt away in a manner reminiscent of Napoleon’s flight from Moscow, albeit a desert version. Tens of thousands of Egyptian troops surrendered in various pockets between Benghazi and Bardiyah or deserted. The fate of the latter was far worse than the former, for most would perish of thirst wandering about in the coastal scrublands.

    By 1944 the Egyptians had managed to recruit what was essentially an entirely new army with many forces pulled from Sudan and occupied Syria, which contributed to the beginning of the uprising there. They had managed to stiffen their lines around the city of El-Hamam, a mere fifty kilometers from Alexandria. Egyptian morale was abysmal by this point. With Sudan all but lost, the Arabs in Syria in revolt and all her allies gone, Egypt’s third-string forces could not stand up to the experienced and ebullient French. Farouk I’s Vizier, Hassan al-Banna would inspect his forces in El-Hamam to prop up morale but not even a visit from the mighty propagator of the Cairo Pact’s trans-Arabic ideology could rouse his troops. Instead, al-Banna was booed by the conscripted men who only wanted to go home.

    On the 12th of October, 3e Armée smashed against the Egyptian trenches. No gains were managed all day, raising Cairo Pact spirits for the first time in months. The following morning, however, French tanks were spotted arcing north from the desert in a wide turning maneuver straight toward the Army of Egypt’s supply lines. The brittle Egyptian spirit was shattered, and two-thirds of their best forces pinned to the coast, Vizier al-Banna included. On October 14th, Farouk I sent a delegation to Henri Mordacq’s government seeking terms. The surrender of Egypt finally broke the Cairo Pact and ended hostilities in North Africa.

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    Alexandria would fall on October 25th, 1944
    Had the Ottoman Empire been able to take advantage of its enemy’s weakening, it might’ve benefitted from a quick attack into suddenly lawless Syria, returning much of its former empire. Unfortunately, the Ottomans would have other problems to contend with.

    On the 14th of July, Russian forces under Anton Turkul, retrained and reformed over the last nine months, launched an attack on Ottoman forces on the Elâzığ Plain. Practiced for months, the attack went off without a hitch. 12,000 Ottomans were forced to surrender with twice that number registering as casualties. Refet Pasha narrowly escaped capture. He would take refuge in a barn on the road to Malatya. The owners of the barn, a farmer, and his son, would mistake the Pasha and his staff for Russians and fire on them. Refet Pasha was hit in the heart and died instantly, depriving the Ottomans of their best commander and the political lynchpin that had held the Empire together these last several years. This would have dire consequences for the Ottomans as a vacuum opened in the field as to who would succeed the Pasha and rally their forces. The Pasha’s fate did not become news for almost a week, exacerbating the situation. In Konstantiniyye, Sultan Omer faced his first crisis and managed it as well as he could, consolidating the Refet’s powerbase into his own, but by the time he had consolidated control of Refet’s powerbase the situation in the Anatolian Plateau had turned from bad to worse. At war since 1937, dealing with the loss of most of their territory and population, the Ottomans now began to collapse.

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    Anatolian frontlines as of January 31st, 1945
    For all the heartening news the slow ruprturing of the Ottomans might have been for Boris Saviknov, it did not offset the fresh catastrophe achieved by the Reichspakt in Galicia. By October, the German pincers had closed on the Moscow Accord’s salient. General Blomberg’s forces cut through the joint Russian-APON forces while all manner of Reichspakt divisions attacked from the west. A huge cauldron developed around the city of Stanislawow.

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    Autumn rains began in late October, deteriorating the roads into impassibility. This bought the trapped Polish and Russians some time, but not a second chance. Denikin had given the order to withdraw to more defensible positions along the currently preparing Nikolaev-Uman Line to his shaken command, essentially abandoning his trapped men. With one final order, Denikin radioed the ranking officer in the pocket, General Aleksander Vasilevsky and commanded him to buy as much time as possible for Russian forces to reform back east. The dutiful Vasilevsky obeyed, pulling in as many forces as he could around a new defensive perimeter.

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    General Vasilevsky and one of his subordinates, General Budyonny, contemplating the task ahead
    Rather than expel the civilian population of Stanislawow to save food for his own men, Vasilevsky relocated his command and that of the APON remnant to the hills southeast of the city where the orchards and fields were full of ripened harvests.

    The first frosts came unexpectedly early, allowing the Reichspakt to advance once more. Stanislawow fell with minimal fighting and the enemy’s final redoubt encircled. Continuous assaults hammered away at the defenses. The Russians, the largely national-syndicalist Poles and even a division of Iranian troops made strange bedfellows but acquitted themselves well under Vasilevsky’s improvised command until the last moment.
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    Repeated assaults from all sides and a gruelling bombardment would slowly reduce the perimeter as the first snows set in. The defenders would be forced from the small towns of Tatariv and Yasinya into the wilderness of the Gorgany Mountains. As supplies ran out, Vasilevsky would order a breakout attempt on November 5th but by now it was hopeless. The noose was too tight and the rest of the Ukrainian Front too far east. After an unsuccessful day of trying to batter their way past Reichspakt defenders, Vasilevsky, moved to compassion by the strength of his soldiers, offered his surrender.
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    Dreams of Götterdämmerung

    In March 1945, a message arrived in the Reichskanzeler’s office. Kurt von Schleicher would open the letter with his ceremonial imperial eagle-stamped boot knife, but not before accidentally pricking his index. A drop of blood spilled onto the letter, smearing as Schleicher put it down to suck the blood from the small wound.

    After a moment of annoyance, the Chancellor would place his reading glasses on and turn his attention to the paper. It was a simple memorandum with only ten words on it.

    I am the Alpha and the Omega. Permission to continue.

    Schleicher would smile and nod to himself, knowingly. He called for a secretary to bring him a bandage for his finger and a fresh pot of ink for his reply.
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    Author's note: As you'll have noticed if you've played the new update, I've repurposed some of the new 1.0 Version content for my story. The 1.0 content used here is meant to be for pre-war events but hopefully I've done a good enough job integrating it into my timeline. I wanted to use this material to showcase how Schleicher builds the AuthDem / PatAut government as its so much better and more in depth than the previous versions of Kaiserreich. While I'll continue harvesting some of the new 1.0 material for screenshots, I do have my own plans with what to do with Schleicher (and German political evolution) during and after and the war which will not be covererd in anything the Kaiserreich devs might make. At the moment I'm undecided as to whether I'll attempt to learn how to make in-game events and mod the files myself as I have close to zero technical skill or whether post-war I'll slowly transition away from gameplay elements/screen grabs and go to pure narrative.

    That decision is for a later date, though, as now we will now be moving into the final phase of the Second Weltkrieg, so hold onto your hats ladies and gentlement. It'll be an explosive ride.
     
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    Chapter 29: The Tightening Noose
  • Chapter XXIX: The Tightening Noose

    The Port Said Convention: January 1945

    On November 1st, 1944, the 25-year-old King Farouk I dismissed the leading force in Egyptian politics, Vizier Hassan al-Banna and ordered his military and local officials to comply with Entente officials. Franco-Canadian forces fanned out across the country, seizing control of barracks, police stations, courts and the administrative levers of power. Within the week, the Cairo Pact was declared officially dissolved by a triumphant Charles de Gaulle from Montaza Palace in Alexandria.

    The Entente pressed on into Syria where a virtual civil war had been ongoing between Syrian, Arabic and Lebanese freedom fighters and Egyptian occupiers. With the promise to re-establish the Syrian state, arms were laid down before the advancing Entente units.

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    De Gaulle in Egypt with a native honor guard escorting him. De Gaulle’s softer-than-expected touch in Egypt earned him the goodwill of the Egyptian people in time

    Both Prime Minister St. Laurent and President Mordacq recognized the weakness of the Entente’s position in comparison to the Japanese, German and Russian spheres. To solidify their respective positions as a legitimate and viable long-term world powers, clear lines needed to be drawn for the post-war world order. These had only been partly agreed during the Halifax Conference and needed further fleshing out given the turns the world had taken since 1940.

    After a long series of delegations, a strategy meeting in the recently pacified Egyptian city of Port Said was agreed. The Imperial Commonwealth, the French Republic, Brazil, Germany, and Austria-Hungary, considered the ‘Big Five’ powers of the anti-syndicalist alliances system would be represented respectively by Prime Minister St. Laurent and Lord Louis Mountbatten, Presidents Mordacq and João Mangabeira, Chancellor von Schleicher, and Minister-President Prince Eduard von Liechtenstein. It would be the largest assembly of national leadership since the 1941 inauguration of Premier Valois, which had attracted leaders from Norway, Italy, the Netherlands, Britain, and the exiled Polish socialists.

    The Port Said Conference kicked off on January 6th, 1945, three days after the arrival of Kurt von Schleicher, the final attendee to arrive. The Reichskanzeler had needed time to recover after his journey to the port via Sofia and Crete had flared up the symptoms of his anemia, leaving him weakened. Schleicher had insisted he travel despite the resistance of his doctors to the plan, stating that “Sending a Hermes in place of a Zeus to a gathering of the Gods upon Olympus would invite the mischief of the lesser deities.” When Schleicher had sufficiently recovered, the Conference kicked off.

    Each leader came to the Conference with their own postwar agenda. All would overlap in contradiction somewhat, but the areas not in contention were focused on first.

    • South America: Brazil would be afforded primacy in South America, with special guarantees by the other powers not to interfere with Brazilian national security strategy on the continent [1]
    • Central America: would fall under the sphere of influence of the former British Empire, now re-branded as the Imperial Commonwealth [2]. The IC would have a free hand in reformulating the regional order, something they would struggle with mightily in the years to come
    • Panama: The Panama Canal had fallen under the control of the West Indies Federation and the wider Imperial Commonwealth during the American Civil War. It was agreed for the interests of world trade that the Canal Zone would be internationalized and placed under the control of a Collective Mandate. This would be vehemently opposed by the US in the coming years and precipitate the Panama Crisis in 1950
    • Syria: The former Syrian Kingdom would fall under the French Republic’s sphere. This would place France in the enviable position of holding sway over the area’s vast, untapped oilfields. Germany quietly accepted this because France’s eventual entry into Mitteleuropa meant the republic would essentially be a proxy through which cheap oil could enter German markets. Better yet, access to oil funds meant France might be able to pay off some of its own reconstruction costs, lessening Germany’s ‘war guilt’ in destroying French property during its campaigns in the Metropol. Lastly, some land taken from the Ottomans in the Desert War would be returned, namely the Adana and Aleppo vilayets
    • Lebanon: due to the fear of genocide within the chaos of Syria, a free Lebanon would be declared as a safe homeland for the Maronite Christians and the Druze minorities. The Lebanese Republic’s first minister was the handpicked Fuad Chehab
    • Sub-Saharan Africa: Sudan joined Abyssinia as ‘neutral ground’. The Port Said Conference attendees (sans Brazil, which abstained) signed an accord condemning the ‘disorder of the Mittelafrikan peoples’ and calling on them to re-submit to German authority. This gave Germany the future option to intervene and re-establish it sub-Saharan hegemony without the interference from the western hemisphere. It also lent precedence to the French attempts to put down the ongoing tribal rebellions in their African lands.
    • Eastern Europe: With the Entente not at war with the Moscow Accord, eastern Europe and occupied-Russia’s fate was left up to German war aims, though Prime Minister St. Laurent offered to mediate between Schleicher and Savinkov ‘when the right time comes’
    • The Balkans: Serbia and Albania were recognized to be within the security interests of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, though the Ottomans, who had recently applied to join the Reichspakt, and the stalwart Bulgarians, were implied to remain within Germany’s influence. Furthermore, Bulgaria, having come to Germany’s aide in the Fatherland’s darkest hour, was rewarded with the promise of renewed territories taken during the Fourth Balkan War, mostly at the expense of Serbia (except those lost to Greece, who was neutral in the Second Weltkrieg)
    With the easy topics out of the way, the leaders of the Grand Alliance moved onto more contentious subjects.
    • Italy: There were still question marks in the post-war European landscape: Italy, for example. The Entente-backed Savoia-Aosta dynasty that had fled to Sardinia still claimed the Italian throne while the Austro-Hungarians wished to re-instate the Italian Federation even as the German-supported exiled Borbones of the Two Sicilies had now begun pushing the vision of a reactionary Italian Empire. Despite Canadian resistance, the Entente had little chance of invading the peninsula by itself. The same went for the Austro-Hungarians, who would be unable to muster an offensive by this point in the war. In the end, it would be power that decided the day in Italy, and only Germany was positioned to set terms. It was the beginning of the protracted and bitter divorce between Germany and the Habsburg Empire
    • The Caribbean: The American civil war had tossed the region’s stability into the air, with Cuba and Haiti soon thereafter applying for and joining the Reichspakt even as the Commonwealth moved to intervene in Puerto Rico. The Commonwealth disputed the presence of the Reichspakt on the two largest islands in the heart of the Caribbean but was convinced to accept this status in return for freedom of navigation and German guarantees of the Commonwealth’s inclusion Puerto Rico, once again an issue that came to a head in the Panama Crisis
    • North Africa: German interests in Morocco were re-affirmed and equitable arrangements sorted for Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. However, contention over Egypt boiled down to the Suez Canal. It was agreed that international zone would be established and jointly ruled by the signatories of the Port Said Convention

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    A Domino Falls: January – June 1945

    By its late stages, the Second Weltkrieg had become a battle of endurance. The first nation to crack was the Ottoman Empire, who’s loss of her defensive positions in the east could not be amended in subsequent months. Without Refet Pasha, the nation’s savior, morale collapsed. Divisions began melting away as soldiers simply threw down their arms and walked home.

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    Anatolia, February 1945
    Compounding bad news for the new Sultan was a Russian landing at the Bulgarian port of Burgas. While Denikin had planned on acting as the shock absorber for the Germans at the Dnieper, he had subtly built up a covert force that could establish a bridgehead on the far side of the uncontested Black Sea (the Russians had knocked out most Turkish naval capacity by this stage through night bombing conducted out of Crimea). In concert with General Turkul’s advancing forces, the Russian spearheads plunged into the Ottoman lines sometimes entirely unopposed. Several of the Empire’s best remaining troops were transferred to Europe to contest the Russian landings along the Brazilian 10th Division and Bulgarian units but the enemy would advance too quickly, trapping Ottoman forces on the north side of their bridgehead.

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    April 1945
    As Ottoman commanders lost touch with one another the disaster accelerated and took on a life of its own. For the Ottomans in the field, the end was nigh. By April, the Russians stood on the far side of the Straits of Marmara as the Arab Caliphates had some 1,300 years earlier. Once more, the city of Constantinople was besieged. By May, the city was surrounded.

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    May 1945

    It was here that the fable of Sultan Ömer the Obstinate began. The Romanian consulate offered to evacuate the Sultan and his family by air. Ömer agreed only to his family and the most important state treasures being taken to the plane on the makeshift runway on Sultanahmet Square, where once Justinian the Great had watched the Blues and Greens race in the Hippodrome.

    Rather than give himself up or see the historical treasures of Konstantiniyye destroyed in house-to-house fighting, the Sultan chose a third option: he began stockpiling equipment, ammunition, food and water near the Hagia Sofia and, on May 23rd, called about five hundred of his most loyal men not absolutely necessary to guarding the city’s perimeter to his side for evening prayer. There, he named them his new Janissaries. Ömer would lead his men across the Divan Yolu Road into the city’s Roman cisterns where they disappeared underground. The Sultan sensed that with Reichspakt and Entente advances elsewhere in the world he might only have to hold out for a little while before ultimate victory.

    That same day the leaderless city garrison surrendered. The Russians, with General Turkul at their head on a white horse, entered Konstantiniyye. Turkul held his men on a tight leash, preventing looting of the city the Russian nation had desired for a thousand years. He made his way to the Hagia Sofia and proclaimed it a church once more. At the pulpit, he would read a proclamation from the Vozhd himself declaring Konstantiniyye to be renamed to Tsargrad. As Turkul exited the building, a sniper shot him in the chest. He would die half an hour later. Turkul’s death would be the first of many, courtesy of an underground resistance led by the Sultan himself.

    While Refet Pasha had died, a new legend had been born. Ömer's growing legend would rekindle the spirit of resistance among many.

    The Nullification Crisis: March – May 1945

    It was not surprising that the first counter to Schleicher’s growing power would appear from Bavaria for the kingdom had ever guarded its rights zealously. What vexed the Chancellor was the fact that the Catholic Zentrum party, which had largely come under his sway on the national scene, had seemingly little traction on the state level. The head of Zentrum in Bavaria, the minister Heinrich Held, made a speech on March 14th announcing his lawsuit of the Reichskanzeler.

    “The Chancellor, while an admirable soldier, has proven himself too much the Prussian general to oversee the civil government of our Reich. Such a position requires compromise, compassion, and observance. Kurt von Schleicher may be a brilliant tactician, but he is also exhibits the qualities of a martinet. He may have defended our city of Munich from the syndicalists, he overvalues his own perceptions and commands all others to bend to it even at the cost of our Constitution. We are a nation ruled by laws, not an army by its codebook,” Held would say in his announcement. This last comparison would prove prescient in Schleicher’s ultimate ambition.

    Amazingly, this was the first open high-level breach made public since the early days of the war. When the Ruhr breakthrough had been achieved, press censorship had been instituted and the various factions of the Reich had banded together behind Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck’s guidance. Since the ousting of the syndicalists and Russians, censorship had been lightened, allowing Held’s words to travel far and wide, and so they did much to Schleicher’s dismay.

    The Reichskanzeler would spend little time on the defensive, however. The lawsuit would be presented on the floor of the Bundesrat, the very body Schleicher wished to eventually dissolve. He would set his allies in the chamber to obfuscate and delay. Money was passed under tables, promises whispered through lips and the houses of at least two Bundesrat ministers visited late at night with ‘incriminating’ evidence. In the end, to the grave disappointment of Held and his backers, the Bundesrat could only manage to issue a prosaic, anodyne slap on the wrist.

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    This would prove merely a setback, however, for Held had another tool in his grasp.

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    During peace, this would have amounted to a constitutional crisis. During wartime, it threatened to tear apart the country and more importantly, the army. Several of the largest states within the Kaiserreich had retained a degree of autonomy over their armed forces since national unification in 1871, including Bavaria, Saxony, Württemberg and several others. The Bavarian contingents were spread far and wide across the battle zones but were most particularly concentrated in King Rupprecht’s former command, Army Group Ivory operating around Burgundy and Franche-Comté in eastern France. Concern immediately flashed through an army command structure already pushed to the limits by the extremes of the war and by the accelerated evolution toward full mechanization that Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord and the Oil Heads were orchestrating. Would Bavarian morale be impacted? Would they refuse to fight? Mutiny? The same questions were swirling about on the other side of the frontlines. In those spring weeks of 1945 the possibility that Germany, so recently on the brink of victory, might implode hung in the air. For the Internationale, it seemed that this might be their ‘Miracle of the House of Brandenburg’.

    King Rupprecht would hold little sway in the debates opening days. The old king’s thoughts on the matter are not recorded as by this time he had almost entirely withdrawn from public life. He was not only still on bedrest but, while still fondly toasted by Bavarians, was seen now as a lingering shadow of the past. Thus, convincing the other states of the Bundesrat to side with Prussia and the Reichskanzeler was necessary. Unfortunately for the Schleicher cabinet, this crack in national unity was also seen as an opportunity for foes of the administration to pile on against him. Advocates of the March 3rd Movement and many of the former Forwards Coalition warmly endorsed Held’s riposte, threatening to split the government at crucial time.

    It was recorded at the time that the Reichskanzeler assembled his cabinet there was considerable panic. The Secretary of Justice, Franz Gürtner, broached launching a countersuit that might throw the case from the Bundesrat into the courts where it could be slowly strangled while Secretary of the Interior, Konstantin von Neurath, pushed for the deployment of Landwehr militia units alongside the Kaisipo and perhaps even a division or two of cavalry to Bavaria as a show of force. Kurt von Schleicher, as always, chose his own path. The Bavarians would be defeated at their own game, he declared. The exigencies of the Second Weltkrieg demanded the issue be dealt with swiftly.

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    The cabinet’s strategy would fall to calling a Reichsexekution upon Heinrich Held’s government. Stating that Held was fomenting public disorder in a time of national transcendental crisis, the Reichsexekution would give Schleicher’s cabinet the authority to temporarily seize control of Bavaria to restore order and unity. Implement this supreme act of control was legal, if little used, and if applied in this case would assert centralist dominance over the states. The only issue was that it needed to be approved by the Bundesrat, the very voice of state power within the federalist framework. The rest, however, would have to be convinced. At the time, the Bundesrat would be made up of 63 votes with 32 being needed for a majority. Prussia and Waldeck-Pyrmont, in the Chancellor’s pocket, were assured ‘yeas’, accounting for 18 votes. Bavaria with its 6, was obviously a ‘nay’. Flurried domestic diplomacy played out over the course of the next week, with Schleicher or his envoys traveling to each state to convince their respective leaderships of the necessity of the cause.

    It was decided that little time would be spent on the larger states of the Kingdoms of Saxony, Württemberg, and Bavaria, who, along with the Grand Duchies of Alsace-Lorraine, Baden, and Luxembourg all had greater stock in seeing the federal system continue in its current form, being its greatest beneficiaries. In fact, together they accounted for a greater count total than the Kingdom of Prussia itself, some 22 to 17 votes. As expected, these six states formed the core of the pro-Federalist bloc. It was in the smaller and middling states that the majority would have to be acquired.

    Both the Federalist and Centralist causes would cut through partisan conservative and liberal lines. In some cases, generally reactive, right-wing states such as the Principalities of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt, Schwarzburg-Sonderhausen and Reuss-Gera, fiercely protective of their federal rights, refused to countenance joining the Schleicher bloc. In some cases, liberal areas like the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe or the Duchy of Bremen were convinced that to back the Chancellor would mean a simplification and consolidation of war efforts. Both had suffered greatly under Internationale occupation when, despite syndicalist efforts, the left-wing elements of both states refused to comply. Others, like Saxe-Altenburg and Saxe-Coburg und Gotha extracted promises of lifting the enabling act once the war was over and other concessions, such as the allocation of more funds for reconstruction efforts. This being said, the heavily agrarian conservative Grand Duchies of Mecklinburg-Schwerin, Strelitz and Oldenburg swung the vote into Schleicher’s favor.

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    In the end, after a tight vote, the Chancellor’s side won out and Bavaria was defeated. Heinrich Held would give a speech that lambasted the Chancellor’s centralization efforts, swearing to fight on. It was at this point that King Rupprecht, roused by his son, Prince Albrecht, interfered and dismissed the Held government. Held, beaten on all sides, gave in on the 7th of May and was replaced by Paul Giesler, a functionary who had once served on Schleicher’s staff during the Siege of Munich. Giesler was a zealous believer in the German National Unity Front’s principles and was afforded nearly extraordinary powers under the Siege Law. Many journalists critical of Giesler and the DNEF along with political opponents and outspoken members of the public would be arrested and tried for treason. 1,494 would be shot while many hundreds more disappeared without a trace to this day.

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    With the defeat of Held the passing of the Enablement Act was reinforced and Schleicher handed almost total power over the German state. Liberalism in Germany had become an endangered species, sacrificed on the altar of national security.

    Crime and Punishment: March – July 1945

    Like his counterpart, Georges Valois, Kurt von Schleicher had been raised to the Chancellorship on the promise of his being a more active and energetic wartime leader. Not only this, but Schleicher also had recent active military experience, supporting the argument that he would be able to direct war efforts more effectively. By spring of 1945 however, more than six months since the last major operations had occurred, some were beginning to wonder where the man of promise was. Die Welt, the major newspaper publication, skirted breaking sedition laws by openly questioning “whether the Chancellor is too absorbed in trying to beat the Bavarians and Badeners that he has forgotten about the French and Russians.”

    While undoubtedly much headspace was being taken up with the Nullification Crisis, this view was somewhat disingenuous as throughout the six months of ‘lull’ between September and March fighting had never quite ceased on either front.

    Over winter intelligence had arrived about massive Russian mobilization efforts with nearly every able-bodied adult between seventeen and seventy being drafted in monthly blocs. Though many of their infantry divisions were ill-furnished and brutally led, the Moscow Accord still had the capacity to replenish their ranks unlike the syndicalists. The rapidity with which the ‘golden’ divisions (the nickname given to the mechanized-cum-tank fleet formations preferred by Pytor Wrangle) were receiving new equipment was concerning. After the capture of tracts of Russian land including the industrial hubs of Petrograd and Smolensk, German analysts had expected to at least dent the enemy’s output, but aircraft, tanks, assault guns and artillery seemed to be appearing in ever greater numbers. The answer to this mystery would come after the capture of Aleksander Vasilevsky and several Savinkovist commissars in the Stanislawow Pocket. It would also positively confirm the suspicion of what had happened to the millions of persons who had gone missing from the occupied territories.

    Since Savinkov’s election in 1934, titanic new industrial complexes had been opened in the eastern wastelands of Russia. These ‘Colonies’ had initially been peopled with political prisoners, resistant minorities and criminals. Since then, the Russia’s vast conquests provided Savinkov and his economic planners with nearly unlimited resources of labor. Approximately 58,000 Germans (mostly from around Königsberg), 103,000 Poles, 280,000 Balts, 3 million Volga Germans, 780,000 White Ruthenians, and 6.9 million Ukrainians had been deported to the Colonies where they were made to man assembly lines and extract raw materials in the Urals and taiga. Until recently these work camps had been geared toward domestic production, but now they were fully committed to the war. No one could name a figure, but all corroborated the fact that death toll amongst these unfortunates was monumental. This added fuel to the fire of German propaganda which began pouring out reams of posters and thousands of hours of radio messaging about defeating the French to save the soul of mankind and the Russians to save its body.

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    It had been agreed that the focus of the allied powers would be in knocking out France this year, but it was possible to undertake simultaneous operations against east and west due to the decisive material advantage now enjoyed by the Reichspakt and Entente over their enemies. With the syndicalists cut off from sea trade and increasingly each other, and with the Entente forces arriving on the European battle lines in strength now, there was energy enough for further action. Thus, to keep the enemy off balance after their huge losses last summer and delay the reformation of the Ukrainian Front, Field Marshal Goltz received the blessing from Oberstes Kriegskommando, Supreme War Command, to undertake offensive actions in the east.


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    Northwestern Russian frontlines as of March 26th, 1945

    From north to south six army groups were assembled 118 divisions in total.
    • Army Group Weiß (White): Heinz Guderian (Northern Russia – HQ in Petrograd)
    • Army Group Grau (Gray): Hermann Hoth (Northwestern Russia – HQ in Pechory)
    • Army Group Braun (Brown): Nikolaus von Falkenhorst (Central Russia: HQ in Smolensk)
    • Army Group Orange: Werner von Blomberg (Northern Ukraine: HQ in Kyiv)
    • Army Group Rot (Red): Ferdinand Schörner (Central Ukraine: HQ in Kamianets-Podilskyi)
    • Army Group Lila (Purple): Wessel von Loringhoven (Southern Ukraine: HQ in Odessa)
    This was bolstered by 101 further divisions, mostly Austro-Hungarian, Romanian, Ruthenian, Lithuanian, and Ukrainian forces, though four Ottoman and two Southwest African colonial units were present. This grouping of allied armies, though impressive on paper, had been ground down over the course of the war and by this point could be considered only of second- and third-class caliber. They would be used mostly to cover the extreme flanks of the German pushes and hold the line of conquered buffer territory outside Ruthenian borders. Only in Ukraine did allied forces take an active part as Hetman Skoropadskyi refused to allow his men play second fiddle in the liberation of his country.

    Against this vast array of power, the Russians could muster 136 homegrown divisions along the entire front by the start of the German offensives. Batches of more than thirty additional divisions were constantly in various states of training, but the Iranians would supplement Russian numbers with another 12 divisions. Added to this were a further 38,000 men organized into three divisions lent from the final unoccupied Moscow Accord member, East Turkestan, formerly known as the Xinjiang Clique. Despite these supplementals, after the destruction of Vasilevsky’s forces and the APON, a clear numerical advantage had been attained for the first time in the war, a radio of some 7.3 to 5.

    While most of the most modern units and the heaviest artillery were being concentrated in the west’s four army groups, the eastern forces had been fully restored over the winter months and could be counted on for one or two decisive pushes. Oberkommando Ost opted for the latter, one to distract the Russians in the north (Operation Nordlöwe) and one to capitalize on the enemy’s massive losses in the south and center the previous summer (Operation Tamerlan).

    On April 4th, the Reichspakt’s armies pounded forward in both north and south beneath a creeping curtain of fire and metal. In the sky, German fighters duked it out with Russian ones in a battle of quality over quantity. In this case, quality in material and tactics won out, with the rapidly expanding fold of German aces scoring hundreds of kills in the first month with comparatively few losses. It was over the skies of Chernozem Black Earth economic region that the first squadrons of the German jet fighters, the Messerschmidt 262, saw action. These would quickly prove as effective as the British Stormwings as they climbed at unprecedented rates and outstripped the best Russian fighters, the Yak-4s. Often, the Me. 262s would appear diving from 25,000 feet or more down onto the Russian fighters, most of which operated between 10,000 and 15,000 feet.

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    Me. 262 in a low altitude dogfight

    Despite a growing air superiority, ground progress in the northern sectors was slow. It had been here that Feliks Egorov had reconstituted the Russian armies with his usual impressive ability. After absorbing the initial Reichspakt attacks, Egorov and his staff identified the weak link between the Hoth and Guderian’s forces which was guarded by the five divisions of the Romanian 9th Army. Armed with most of Wrangle’s ‘golden divisions’, Egorov ordered a counterattack on April 29th that broke through the Romanian line sending tens of thousands of men fleeing west. The Russian spearhead was led by the 8th Combined Arms Corps tank units, which from the 29th to the 30th drove a deep bulge between Guderian and Hoth’s units, cutting off their lines of communication. The Germans, attempting to advance elsewhere, had to reform the line by refusing both their flanks to adhere to the Russians in what has since become known as the Battle of the Wedge. By the time the Russians met effective resistance they had propelled forward almost 120 kilometers leading to an extended protrusion.

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    Russians advance northwest of Rositten
    Operation Nordlöwe had seemingly been turned on its head, but it has since come to be remembered as a successful failure in that while it netted a total loss of territory, Guderian’s forces further secured Petrograd by expanding their perimeter and more importantly, sucked away the best Russian units away from Ukraine where the real hammer blow was falling. Egorov’s gains proved to be fleeting and undecisive.


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    The Russian advance by 16th June
    As their countrymen struggled to gain ground in the north, the German attacks in Romania and Ukraine began on April 20th. The best units across the eastern front, including two motor-panzer armies, were ‘castled’ south from Ruthenia, beefing up Schörner’s Army Group Red and Loringhoven’s newly christened Army Group Purple with 500 tanks and 1,400 APCs and trucks.

    Such was the state of the Russian forces that the Reichspakt forces achieved immediate breakthroughs all across the front. Mikhail Drozdovzky, recently promoted to Field Marshal, was forced to withdraw from the initial line of contact with three of his rifle armies were threatened with multiple encirclements. One of these, the 40th Army, consisting of 9 divisions, was pinned against the coast and besieged there until their surrender on the 17th of May.

    Loringhoven was elated, writing in his diary that “Tamerlan has smashed the enemy. We are moving forward so easily I cannot tell whether the enemy even managed to get out of their cots and into the foxholes.” This jubilation was premature. Despite widespread disgust at the base living conditions found amongst the captured Russians and their overrun positions a growing despair at the stubbornness of Russian troops began to creep in.

    "What will it take to make these people give in?" one soldier, Kurt Fischer, wondered in a letter to his mother. "They subsist on grass, vodka and maybe a weekly potato or trench rat. And yet they fight. They fight harder than any man ought to in his position. What devil spirit animates them? These considerations keep me awake when I try to sleep."

    Indeed, the elan of the average Russian infantryman, perhaps the most abused creature of the war save his Japanese counterpart on the Insulindian campaign, was enough to ensure that the breakthroughs here were not exploited. This curious phenomenon was captured in Private Demyan Novikov's own letter home. "We suffer, but that is the lot of the Russian soul. Leo [Tolstoy] knew it. Fyodr [Dostoevsky] breathed it. This life's suffering brings us joy for we know things can only get better. This is the manna that succors my brothers in arms. Even death brings no fear, for death is at worst the absence of living hell, or at best the entrance into the gates of Heaven, with your arrival trumpeted with the golden horns of the archangels. Smile, Kira, smile ded, babushka. Smile for me and know my life only improves from here."

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    April 23rd breakout from Odessa

    Despite the heroism and sacrifice of many, huge numbers did still flee or submit to capture during the initial weeks of Tamerlan. The carnage inflicted on Drozdovsky’s front necessitated a full-scale withdrawal to the Uman-Nikolaev line, but by early May Blomberg’s forces had crossed the Tylihul river north of Odessa. This endangered the Russian positions north and east of Odessa, negating the defensive line’s usefulness. In the north, General Denikin’s forces withstood the initial attacks from Army Group Orange’s attacks but started giving ground after a week of stubborn fighting. These attacks put Kyiv out of artillery bombardment range, resulting in a thin salient manned by Kappel’s Belorussian front north of the areas of attack.

    Facing a loss of contact between both the Crimean and Ukrainian fronts, Denikin and Drozdovsky agreed at a summit on the 16th of May that they would likely need to retreat behind the Dnieper. This was wired to Moscow which prompted Savinkov to correctly point out that such a fighting retreat across so wide a stretch would place the two fronts in grave danger and allow the Germans every opportunity to find a weakness and exploit it. The Vohzd wanted to fire Drozdovsky and replace him with the Chief of the General Staff, Pyotr Wrangle himself, but Wrangle argued against this. “Playing more musical chairs with commanders at such an inopportune moment reeks of panic rather than leadership,” he stated quite boldly. Instead, he offered to fly to the south to formulate something more workable.

    Wrangle traveled to Denikin’s headquarters where they would agree a strategy of defense-in-depth with multiple belts of defensive lines all the way back to the Dnieper with a series of iterative retreats. Denikin and Drozdovsky’s mission was to resist in front of the great river until at least the end of 1945, after which time additional armies would be coming online. Millions of Ukrainians were conscripted into construction battalions that would create these fortifications across the center of their country. This resulted in a terrible famine that gripped the country that winter as most of the farmers were taken from their fields to instead develop on fieldworks.

    Particularly difficult battles resulted around the Southern Bug and the Inhulets rivers. Fighting across these geographical features was bloody, but Reichspakt forces, aided in one case by Ukrainian partisans, managed to cross and press on. As the height of summer approached, the Russian defensive fortifications were coming into being and the difficulty of advancing was increasing. After late July it became apparent that further pushes were inconclusive, and the Operation Tamerlan was officially ended after the liberation of Kherson.

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    Results of the Spring-Summer ’45 Campaigning

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    The Dnieper Bend campaign would run until late in the year, by which time the Russians had been pushed fully across the great river
    Tamerlan had succeeded in freeing swathes of central Ukraine, from Starodub to Kherson. Almost nine times more land had been taken than Egorov's forces had captured. The land was completely devastated however, and the Reichspakt was left to deal with the outcomes of the famine. This could not really be dealt with given the constraints of their own nations, resulting in a winter in which the Black Horseman of famine rode rampant across eastern Europe. More limited actions to clear the remainder of the Dnieper bend were planned for the second half of the year, but for now all eyes had turned to the west where the cogs of battle had once again begun to churn.

    The Northern Campaign August 1944 – January 1945

    Back in 1939 Iceland had been occupied by the Union of Britain after the conquest of Denmark. To help attain the consent of the populace a syndicalist Union of Iceland had been declared. This puppet nation would be the first layer in the 'Hyperborean Aegis' of Britain's defense. Republican Airforce and Navy assets were stationed in Iceland along with a garrison of twelve battalions, supplemented by two locally raised formations of similar size and two more Norwegian battalions. This totaled around 17,309 men by summer of 1944 under the overall command of General Thomas Jacomb Hutton.

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    Anglo-Canadian plans to retake the Home Isles had long involved a leapfrogging strategy along the island chains leading to Scotland. The greatest planning difficulty had always been how to handle the Republican Navy, but by the mid '40s the Union of Britain's surface force had been devastated by the German Mid-Atlantic and High Seas fleets. After the massive defeats in the Bay of Biscay in 1940-41, Red Britain had switched its Northern Aegis doctrine from a decisive encounter with the Canadian fleet to long-range engagements with aerial and submarine assets. This increased the importance of Iceland, which now received 8 full squadrons of fighters (72 aircraft) and 8 wings of naval bombers (a further 96 planes).

    Anglo Canadian hopes of re-invading the Home Isles ahead of schedule were dashed by the success of these Iceland based squadrons, which sank 23 Royal Canadian vessels, mostly destroyers, over '41 - '43. This included the scandalous sinking of two ships full of troops bound for the Portuguese front as well, resulting in the loss of over 4,000 lives. The submarines responsible for this were later identified to have been based in Iceland, increasing the paramountcy of capturing the island.

    The Dominion of Canada had taken occupied Greenland after Denmark's fall and now used it as a base to build up a force to take on the defenders of Iceland. This force would be carefully built by General Adrian Carton de Wiart who ferociously fought off attempts to siphon men from his force to the defense of Portugal. By summer of 1944 this army, consisting of three marine divisions and a further army division, equaling 54,000 men.

    To pave the way for this, Operation Pathfinder would be undertaken in 1942 and 1943. This would involve using old merchant ships to 'bait' submarine forces while destroyer flotillas followed closely behind to 'net' the enemy. Spotter aircraft also proved invaluable, with 57 submarines being destroyed over Pathfinder's lifetime. Red British air assets in Iceland were also degraded heavily as their few viable landing strips were identified by spotter aircraft and reduced into a moonscape by Greenland based Timberwolf bombers. At first the Timberwolves received a beating on the approaches to the island, but in late 1943 Firebrand A12M long range fighters based off of merchant ships converted into aircraft carriers came into play. By summer of 1944, air and naval superiority was established over the northern half of the GIUK Gap. General de Wiart was given the greenlight to initiate Operation Beluga on August 17th, 1944.

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    Icelandic ‘Red Guards’ before the Battle of Thingvellir

    General Hutton made the mistake of scattering his men about Iceland in parcels, hoping to deter any invasion on the beaches themselves. 29 15mm. shore battery guns were scattered around Iceland but mostly placed around Reykjavik. These would play little part in the fighting as bombers were able to identify and knock many of them out as the invasion fleet approached. The three marine divisions landed north and south of Reykjavik and pressed inland on the first day with 933 casualties. Simultaneously, the 1st and 3rd Airborne Brigades landed in the Westfjords region. Several planes with full complements were lost, resulting in 92 dead, while a further 103 would perish in scattered fighting along the peninsula. This would prove to be the single largest day of losses for the Anglo-Canadians in the Iceland campaign. The capital of the Union of Iceland would fall two days later after sporadic skirmishes on its outskirts. Though Hutton had hoped the Icelandic populace would fight for the syndicalist cause, the Canadians were actually cheered as they entered the city. Informants soon began leaking information of the syndicalist defenses set up around the city and in the marshes of the southern region, particularly Selfoss. This enabled de Wiart's men to bypass several pre-prepared killing fields. Further good news would come the following week as column after column of syndicalist forces, all converging on the perimeter of the bridgehead, were heavily damaged by aircraft raids. A second landing of some further 3,000 men occurred on August 31st on the south coast town of Vik, threatening Selfoss even as its garrison was reduced to help free up men to attempt to contain the Reykjavik bridgehead.

    After the landing at Vik, Hutton panicked and gave the order for his men to regroup on a second ring of defenses located mostly around geographical features such as lakes and glaciers. This premature abandonment of the east coast enabled another full division, 18,000 Australasians, to make landfall and begin snaking their way across the north coast. Hutton's communications with Britain were now threatened as the skies over Iceland were increasingly saturated with Firebrand fighters that hunted down any air supply convoys from the Faroe Islands. Hutton decided to try and hold onto the second ring until winter, by which time the lack of sunlight would reduce fighting hours to only a couple of hours a day. This might enable time for reinforcements to be parachuted onto the west coast where he could make a stand. However, de Wiart sensed this plan and immediately pushed toward the west rather than be baited by Hutton into the highlands. By September 16th most of the coastline was in Commonwealth hands and Hutton's hopes dashed. Now, with his 12,000 remaining men locked into the inhospitable interior tundra of Iceland, they could be starved out. With little option, Hutton offered his surrender on the 29th of September.

    Commonwealth forces aggressively followed up the Battle of Iceland with an airborne invasion of the Faroe Islands on October 16th. General George Nathan, commander of the overall GIUK defenses, had not expected the Commonwealth to move so quickly as the autumn weather had been turning stormy for weeks now. Timberwolf bombers hit suspected fortifications, but this time left the single large airfield on the island alone. The Canadian 2nd Airborne Brigade landed on Vágar, capturing this airstrip, paving the way for an airbridge of another 2,000 troops. A concerted amphibious operation on Streymoy, the largest of the Faroe Islands, followed, along with more airdrops at the island’s south coast.

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    Canadian parachutists preparing for the Vágar landing

    By now the winter weather kicked in, delaying the air attack, allowing the defending garrison to rally and hit the bridgehead on the west coast. This all but killed the momentum, leaving a beleaguered force trapped on the beaches in a situation similar to a frozen Gallipoli. More troops were shipped in from Iceland to help break the deadlock. As the snowstorms broke in late November, the paratroopers were able to land and slowly make their way north in heavy hill and mountain fighting. The element of surprise had long since been lost, and it was only after the Norwegian-British garrison ran out of artillery ammunition that they gave in on December 31st – the last day of 1944. The tiny islands of the proven an even more difficult nut to crack than Iceland, resulting in 2,109 deaths and 3,740 wounded. While not out of balance with the importance of the place, Commonwealth planners were disturbed by the fanaticism of syndicalist defense. It was but a foretaste of the upcoming campaigns in the Orkneys and Shetlands.



    [1] The Brazilian provisions would begin the process by which that nation would essentially usurp the position the United States had previously held bandied the continent. The only exceptions to this were in the realm of finance for Venezuela, which had accrued heavy debts to Germany in the preceding decades. This would consternate the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, who was not invited to the Port Said Conference.

    [2] By 1944, the apparatus of the British Empire, in purgatory for two decades, was widely understood to be untenable under its previous formula. Independence movements, regionalism and republican sentiments had clashed with the old class systems and haughtiness of the British Exiles who had sought to maintain a grip on the throat of the old empire’s social mores even while residing amidst those they considered their ‘lessers’. This air of superiority contributed to sapping Edward VIII’s popularity after he attempted marry the Baptist, twice-divorced American refugee and film star, Constance Bennet. His actions to heedlessly change ancient laws required to do this while having claimed that British Common Law was the embodiment of the very British civilization who’s ‘protection should be the cause of all royal subjects’, had infuriated the citizenry and accelerated his abdication crisis. His brother and successor, Albert I, had worked hand-in-glove with the heads of government for the various former British realms to forge a new, more egalitarian imperial structure that better represented the peoples and interests of all Dominions, subjects and colonies. This would transform the dying British Empire into the Imperial Commonwealth, a supranational federation united in the body of the Sovereign. At the time of the Port Said Conference, only the Dominions of Canada, Australasia and the West Indies Federation were full members



    Next chapter: The Road to Paris
     

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    Chapter 30: The Road to Paris
  • Chapter XXX: The Road to Paris


    Author’s note: Warning, there is some heavy and painful content contained in this chapter. There are mentions of various kinds of war crimes which I have hitherto avoided but cannot do so any longer in the effort of providing a fully rounded view of the war.

    Weaving the Spider’s Web: January – May 1945

    The Port Said Convention had decided the grand strategy and political aftermath of the war. It had also been a chance to update military objectives and set cross-alliance coordination, which had not occurred since the Potsdam Protocol of 1943. After analyzing the bloody nose received in France in 1944, it was decided that a multi-pronged approach would be needed to achieve victory in the least risky way possible.

    • The Austro-Hungarians, after reconstituting much of 1944, would pick up the slack in the Balkans once more by launching an offensive into Illyria with the intent of absorbing as much Italian attention as possible
    • Internationale airpower, especially the British, who now owned the world’s largest airforce, needed to be stretched to the breaking point. To this end, the Entente would accelerate their invasion of the Shetlands and launch bombing raids into northern Britain while Germany would continue to do so into southern England
    • Afterwards, the Entente would feint an attack on Norway while instead going ‘for the throat’ of Britain by taking its outlying islands
    • The Entente, mainly the National French, would launch a seaborne invasion of the Metropol. According to collaborators, Marseille and the south coast was too heavily fortified to ensure success, so ‘satellite’ landings on the Atlantic coast were agreed. Carrying out amphibious operations so far from a base of operations was dangerous but would be covered and logistically supported by the German Mid-Atlantic Fleet
    • Germany would run the sickle cut ‘drive to the Channel’ a third time, though this time a secondary punch toward Paris would be carried out to draw the syndicalists into a confrontation in Picardy would both bleed them white and spread thin their troop concentrations

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    The Port Said Plan

    The Imperial Commonwealth wished to delay its actions into the Shetlands for an improvement in the weather, particularly the heavy winds and short days of winter. Eventually a date was set for mid-March, but storms delayed the crossing between the Faroes and Shetlands by over two weeks. At last, Canadian forces would land on the Shetlands, beginning a long and bloody struggle for the archipelago.

    Chairman Mosely, now deeply pessimistic about the Internationale’s prospects, wished to make the political statement that it would be too costly to invade Britain itself to position the Union for separate peace talks with the Reichspakt. Thus, he made the decision to begin pulling back dozens of squadrons to mainland Britain to defend the island while fortifying the outlying islands. Troops, however, were hard to come by, the BEF could not be evacuated en masse due to the lack of sea control. In drips and drabs the British attempted to pull back before it was too late, causing heated arguments in the CMC. Back in Britain, Mosely traveled to Cambridge himself to give the order to restart and redouble efforts on the Damocles Nuclear Program. Damocles had been put on ice in 1941 after that year’s heavy naval losses. The subsequent German blockade made it difficult to obtain the radioactive elements required to build a super bomb. Instead, resources were diverted to aircraft production to make up for the lack of a battle fleet. It was a decision Mosely had now come to regret, for his nation was woefully behind in nuclear technology according to R.E.D. spies.

    At around the same time the Austro-Hungarians would carry out their attack with its main axis toward Zagreb. Demonstrations and ruses were launched elsewhere along the Drava River, but these were mostly ineffectual. A continual slaughter was carried out as brigade after brigade attempted to cross the Drava under heavy artillery fire. Eventually the bridgehead was established at Marburg by the Hungarians under Colonel General Vilmos Nagy. Nagy successfully petitioned for a concentration of heavy artillery from the Skoda works that, when at last delivered, allowed his 2nd Army to capture the forts beyond Marburg and push on Zagreb. With the attacking force badly bruised the advance was slow, but by summer Zagreb was under Nagy’s guns. The blunt methods of the Austro-Hungarians by this time resembled theirs in the last war, for by now the most well trained and cohesive forces of the empire’s army had long since succumbed to the abattoir of war. Though resultant in carnage, with 4:1 losses in favor of the defenders, the Hungarians were now had Zagreb under their guns. It was a breakthrough they would gloat about, particularly during the upcoming 1947 Ausgleich.

    Though some intelligence officers warned against it, the CMC had fallen under the impression that reported German attacks Ukraine meant that they would not undertake major actions in the west. After some handwringing, the joint chiefs of the CMC released some forces that had been instrumental in the 1944 defense of France to the Balkans.

    The plan laid out in Suez had come to fruition.

    Apotheosis: May 1945

    The CMC was fatally wrong to assume their enemies could not strike west. It was, in fact, the very place where the hammer’s blow would fall. Four full German army groups totaling 108 divisions had been assembled (eight of these had been transferred from the east after the initial easy victories in Ukraine). This totaled at nearly 1.3 million active soldiers, with many millions more behind them in the supply chain, field hospitals, and support staffs. Added to this were the 17 svelte National French divisions, one Canadian, 13 Portuguese (essentially the entire country’s army that had escaped into exile [1]), 13 South African, 9 Austro-Hungarians, two divisions apiece for the Bulgarians and Haitians, as well as a smattering of Lithuanians, exiled Italians, and even the remainders of the Flanders-Wallonian ‘Free Legion’.

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    • Army Group Burgund (Burgundy): Hasso von Manteuffel (Low Countries – HQ in Aachen)
    • Army Group Grün (Green): Franz von Bayern (Franco-Belgian Borderlands – HQ in Dinant)
    • Army Group Petrol (Teal) Erwin Rommel (Central France – HQ in Reims)
    • Army Group Elfenbein (Ivory): Erich von Manstein (Southern France – HQ in Épinal)
    Over autumn, winter and spring western German forces had been renovated with the latest equipment, including hundreds Sabertooth II heavy tanks, thousands of the ‘Heavy Rifle’ Schweres Gewehr assault guns (ironically nicknamed ‘Schwegs’), anti-tank guns and anti-aircraft platforms, and tens of thousands of units of rocket artillery, trucks, armored personnel carriers (most famously the half-tracked Alle Bodenträger, abbreviated to the Al.Bt). New railroads had been constructed leading back to the German heartland to allow for the rapid pulling up of supplies to the front. Collections of vehicles ranging from military trucks to civilian cars were pooled at the terminus of the railheads, often hidden under tree lines, so that supplies could be rushed forward once the troops advanced. There were even 31 special ‘rail layers’ prepared which would flatten the ground and lay track for the rail guns to advance.

    All soldiers had received at least several dozen hours of special doctrine training, reconditioning forces to be able to undertake the combined arms assaults necessary to breaking through the dense syndicalist defense network. Clear and rapid situational communication was emphasized with an entirely new ‘shorthand’ war language, the Kriegszunge, being devised and taught to all officers down to sergeants. Speed and clarity of message, not operational secrecy, were at the core of Kriegzunge, with all platoons now being equipped with radio sets. Hundreds of huge camouflaged temporary command and control tents were sprinkled about behind artillery range and filled with tens of thousands of women pulled from switchboards across Germany into the ‘Signalkorps’ to receive Kriegszunge messages, analyze and disseminate them [2]. This would provide as transparent a view of the battlefield as technology of the day would allow to a combined office of artillerist, air support, mobile and reserve corps commanders. Workflows and processes had been pre-agreed and tuned for optimal efficiency, enabling the most rapid and correct decision making possible given the flood of information. It was Waffenkonzert perfected, an apotheosis of all the lessons learned thus far in the war and all that Germany could bring to bear.

    “If this doesn’t work,” von Hammerstein-Equord wrote on the day before the start of the offensive, “God Himself must by a syndicalist.”

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    Women of the Signalkorps during 1945

    The Filthy War

    The Chief of the General Staff was right to feel certainty. The Entente and Reichspakt had irrevocably achieved superiority of numbers, tactics and morale. In the intervening period since the last major offensives, the Internationale had fallen fully on the defensive, intent on wringing out every force multiplying factor that they could. Since 1943 when the Garde Nationale had been first called up the French had been relying more on mass mobilization than the quality that had carried them so far in the war. The Garde’s esprit de corps was highly polarized. The youngest, those under the age of eighteen, showed a stunning propensity for swallowing syndicalist propaganda. These coed fanatics would often be seen jumping from rooftops onto German columns with bombs strapped to their chests, charging in disorganized masses and attempting to seduce German soldiers only to knife them. The radicalization of youth was a call made by Georges Valois’s propaganda administration and was carried out by the CNR Représentant commissars, the most dogmatic devotees of the totalist cause at this late hour. Those few soldiers who had survived unscathed since the war’s early years recognized these schemes as useless but felt forlornly that they had no hope but to fight on. Many older men, especially those who had served in the last war, resented being called up to fight in trenches once more and would surrender at the first chance. Often, when a Représentant was not present, they would speak with disgust about government and how it was spending the youth of their nation so carelessly.

    The Dutch were in a similar position to the French. Militarily, they relied on their Schutterij [ENG. Shooters] corps for even longer than the French on the Garde. The Schutterij had adopted francs-tireurs tactics early, and thus earned the enmity of the Reichspakt’s soldiers. The Reichspakt would mercilessly mete out collective punishment on captured villages and cities for every soldier killed by a sniper or improvised explosive device, racking up a civilian death toll in the many tens of thousands during their occupation of the Low Countries. Many small hamlets to this day stand ruined and empty after their entire populations were marched into the countryside and shot in recompense for attacks on German soldiers. The Rape of Belgium had been but a foretaste of the Teutonic vengeance to be unleashed in western Europe, a fact the Poles had known all too well since 1939.

    Worse had been the toll on women in the occupied zones. Though many perpetrators were caught, court martialed and summarily executed, many rapists would escape punishment through the collective silence of their fellow soldiers. It was not just for lust that these crimes were carried out, but for vengeance, for once the Teutons had refused to surrender in 1939 much of the same kind of conduct was carried out against the female populace of dominated Germany. Many German sons, brothers, husbands and fathers had relations who had suffered heavily. After seven years of war, much of the characteristic discipline that had once ruled the Heer had broken down in the face of shared trauma and rampant dehumanization. In the east this situation was even worse. The forces of the Ostwall nations of Ruthenia, Ukraine, Lithuania and even the Estonians and Latvians, all having faced genocides of their own at the hands of Russia, looked to wreak unholy retribution on their persecutors. As the wave of German soldiers at the fore of the new conquests into Russia passed by, these eastern Europeans would commit on Russian cities and villages acts that would rival the worst atrocities of the Thirty Years War. Vast swathes of the western Russian countryside were depopulated from humans down to cats and dogs.

    On the Russian side, the practice of collecting pieces of killed and captured German soldiers as war trophies had become prevalent, with many soldiers sporting necklaces of German ears, bones or lips. Some claim that this was influenced by some of the Central Asian tribesmen serving in the Moscow Accord’s armies. Many Germans, likewise, carved iron crosses into the scalps of Accord POWs. On the western front, mutilation were just as common. Whereas conflict between the Reichspakt and Internationale’s soldiery had been seen as ‘somewhat sporting’ back in the Scandinavian campaign, by now each side practiced torture regularly. Some officers on both sides attempted to rein in this breakdown in discipline, but sometimes they might even be turned on by their own men. On the German lines, the taskmaster ‘Prussian aristocrats’ who made up so much of the officer corps became a target of much derision and hatred, with a string of fragging incidents beginning in 1945.

    The war had by now devolved into a showcase of the worst of humanity. Opponents were portrayed as soulless, demonic and animalistic, with casual comparisons made to rats or to bacteria or pestilences. Years of conflict had inaugurated on earth a living hell, one unimagined in the minds of those who had entered the 1900s with hope for a promising, virgin century.

    “In that war there were no heroes, only survivors plagued with the nightmares of what they have seen and done.” – Karolina Pociūtė, famed Lithuanian journalist

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    A French child soldier, late 1945

    The Lost Cause

    Over the course of his premiership, Valois had succeeded in accruing to himself war powers that established him as France’s most powerful ruler since Napoleon. The Premier had spent much of his energy in transforming the administrative machinery of the Commune, relying on the Représentants of the Corps des Normes Révolutionnaires’s to bring him information from the military. He had originally left most day-to-day decision-making in the hands of the CMC while only setting the broad outlines of strategy. As the Reichspakt broke into France however, the premier was drawn ever more into the minutiae of unit movements, supply lines, equipment design and most of all, defining a formula that would keep the Internationale together and Frenchmen fighting. He instituted ‘syndicalist thought’ training into schools, mandated daily ‘pledges to the revolution’, stoked a culture of accusation by establishing ‘neighborhood Missions’ staffed with members of the ever-growing ranks of the Représentants en Mission who would ‘punish’ any anti-revolutionary, often rewarding the informant with possessions of the condemned.

    Sitting like a spider at the center of his web, Georges Valois knew well the dire straits his nation was in. He could feel it in the vibrations of every strand he had woven across France. Large tracts of Champagne, Franche Comte, and Bourgogne were occupied. These regions had been the site of pivotal war resources and industries, especially iron and coal, which left the country with a terrible deficit of materials with which to create new aircraft, tanks, and even guns.

    Valois did not flinch from the bad news nor delude himself from reality or suffer a mental break. Instead, he committed himself to the mission of ensuring that syndicalism (his brand in particular) would make a permanent imprint on the human soul – that it (and he) would achieve immortality one way or another. France would either outlast Germany, killing so many Germans that they would come to the table, or he would perish fighting. “He thinks only of the war and what can be done to perpetuate it. He has lost all his former charm and pensiveness,” Colonel Pierre Thibault, a CMC staffer familiar of the Premier, recorded. “He has been utterly stripped of his essence, leaving behind only a crust like the sea salt from a dried tidal pool.”

    The Premier’s views would be aptly summed up by a statement given to the generals of the Corps des Normes Révolutionnaires in mid-1945. “Should we scream loud enough, the echo may yet reawaken the slumbering spirit of mankind and one day revive syndicalism, be this in Europe or in exile somewhere out in the wide world. Our struggle has already gained us memorability. Now, if we play out our parts to the end, our bones shall form the foundations of inevitable world revolution.”

    Thus did Georges Valois willingly committed the lives of millions to a lost cause.

    To the City of Lights: May – August 1945

    Preparation for the moves to split the western front and capture Paris was complete by late April. After waiting several days for the weather to turn, the plan, codenamed Operation Schwert Gottes [ENG. Sword of God], would go into effect [3].

    Early on the morning of May 2nd, infiltration units and silent glider troops moved under cover of darkness deep into the enemy rear. Then, at 04:45 AM, sheets of fire belched across hundreds of miles of horizon. After expending over a million shells in the first day, German forces moved forward under cover of air wings so thick they nearly blotted out the sky.

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    May 1st, 1945
    Army Groups Green and Teal, with their wings meeting northeast of Reims, pushed through frontline fortifications toward Lille and the town of Melun, about 26 miles from Paris, respectively. The initial release of pent-up energy was explosive, with German tanks pushing south to within twenty kilometers of the Seine by May 4th. It was not a breakthrough, however, for syndicalists had layered their defenses and diffused their units across the countryside acting as a ‘shock absorber’, rather than relying on the more brittle defensive warfare approach of the First Weltkrieg.

    1706904937865.png

    Frontlines as of May 4th
    The northern wing would press hard toward St. Quentin, capturing the city by May 10th. Rather than rushing and outrunning their supply lines though, the generals were persuaded to proceed more methodically. Thus, panzer attacks usually only pressed twenty kilometers or so before waiting for infantry forces to catch up, sometimes taking over a day. Erwin Rommel would argue that this left the panzers vulnerable for French counterattacks, but these such counterattacks rarely materialized in force. The Internationale’s manpower was spread too thin and too deep to mass enough force to neutralize the German spearheads. Smaller hit and run attacks on supply lines by guerilla units left behind would threaten immobilization but German infantry columns usually appeared before any real danger did.

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    An advanced panzer company in northern France, 1945

    1706904997303.png

    Frontlines as of May 10, 1945

    This ‘snails march’ as Rommel would term it, allowed for Reichspakt-Entente airpower to soften any visible enemy defenses preceding the ground advance. This led the syndicalists to adopting tactics of laying in wait in locations where aircraft couldn’t find them, often in hedgerows or forests or urban areas, leading to a corresponding paranoia amongst the invaders in these areas. In some cases, entire hedgerows and fields were simply doused in naphtha and set ablaze, lighting up the night sky. Nonetheless, movement was steady. After battering its way through the ring of forts around the city, the Germans, with the 16. Panzerdivision at the vanguard, would take Lille. Where there had been failure in 1944, now there was tangible progress. The city’s fall was announced on all radio stations at 17:30 on Sunday, June 3rd to much fanfare across Germany.

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    June 3rd – Lille falls
    Thinking correctly that the attack’s center of gravity was in northern France, the CMC ordered an advance in the east to draw off what enemy forces they could. Sensing that the enemy had come presented themselves and could be destroyed in the open field, Erich von Manstein disobeyed his remit and ordered an attack. The result was a series of massive, pitched clashes around Marnay, Gray and Langres. Despite a good showing by the Internationale, the Germans now had the upper hand and the momentum. By the 10th of June Troyes was threatened from the north hand west by Rommel’s and the east by Manstein’s forces.

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    June 10th – Besançon falls once more
    The CMC, now relocated to Orléans, ordered the 10a Armata da Campo to hold Dunkerque and the 7ème Armée de Reserve, previously guarding Paris, to take up flanking positions at Amiens for a counter against the German drive to the Channel. The movement of the 7ème Armée was spotted by aerial Entente observers and communicated to OKW. Gerd von Rundstedt understood that the opening for his armies to strike toward Paris had now presented itself. He ordered an immediate change of objective for Erwin Rommel and the Algiers Regime’s Armée de Libération to swung east-southeast and to bear down on the city. Franco-German troops pressed through Ermenonville Forest, fighting brigades of desperate militia along the way. As Rommel’s men exited the forests, the spires of Paris lay before them.

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    June 29th – Paris in sight

    The moment was recorded by one Corporal Killian Feldt. “I turned to my Leutnant, Falk, and pointed at the city. ‘There it is!’ I exclaimed. The Leutnant had tears in his eyes. He was rubbing a Red Legion of Honor medal pinned on his breast pocket that he’d taken from a dead Frenchman somewhere in the Rhineland. ‘I have waited seven years for this’, he replied to me. For a moment, we forgot the war and wondered in awe at the top of the distant Eiffel Tower glinting in the evening sun.”

    A preliminary and hastily planned attack was launched on the city by 15. Armee. With the large movements of enemy troops to the north and an upping of their communications encryption, allied commanders weren’t sure what would be garrisoned in the city. It turned out that an entire mixed army of four divisions, two British and two French, had been concealed on the city’s outskirts. Other forces soon converged on 15. Armee, launching sorties on its flanks to slow it down until more reinforcements could arrive. The Battle of Paris had begun.

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    The Battle of Paris begins, June 30th
    Over the next several days the enemy would bring in more reserves to cement the frontline on the approaches to Paris. Forces from across France and Italy were sucked into the battle, stopping 15. Armee in its tracks. Though it had sustained the long series of operations well, the increase in the intensity of fighting burned through ammunition reserves at an alarming rate. Added to this, enemy guerillas had switched from attacking stockpiles and railroads to the truck convoys coming from Reims, producing shortages of essentials for Army Groups Green and Teal began.

    Even more symbolic than the opening of the battle for Paris was the defeat of the Italian 10a Armata da Campo in a series of engagements lasting from June 13th. 10. Panzerarmee had struck north of Lille on that date and been caught in a huge tank battle between the 14th and 17th. Unfortunately for the Internationale, the supply situation, particularly in oil, was even worse than for the Germans. After a day and a half of combat, many Italian tanks had simply run out of fuel and were abandoned or converted to static field gun positions. This allowed the German mobile forces to move around the enemy, and nearly reach the coast. Just as it seemed Dunkerque might be within grasp, the syndicalist emergency task force pulled multiple armies along the frontline struck at 10. Panzerarmee’s left flank. The result had been bloody, but the enemy’s forces were ill-coordinated, advancing in dense columns and waves of troops due to lack of fuel. After a day of precarity, 10. Panzerarmee to wrest back control of the situation and stall the enemy advance. Now, only horsemen and officer vehicles could act as mobile forces for the Internationale. The following morning, the General Hermann Balck’s remaining panzers had gone on to reach the sea both north and south of Dunkerque, walling 22,000 remaining men of the Italian force and the last exiled Centroamerican unit into the city in the effort. Rundstedt moved up the elements of 07. Armee to support the reduction of the city and consolidate of the gains made thus far. On July 1st the garrison surrendered. Over a thousand soldiers and civilians, fearing capture, attempted to swim out to sea either across the channel to England or along it to the safety of syndicalist lines. Many died, but the majority were rescued or washed ashore.

    Dunkerque had fallen and with it, the syndicalist military had been cut in two.

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    Dunkerque captured, July 1st

    Field Marshal von Rundstedt petitioned the War Ministry at this stage for additional resources and reinforcements. Only thirty days of surplus supplies were available to match the western front’s current consumption, meaning that Rundstedt’s forces would have to find a way to needle past the syndicalist defenses in that time lest they get bogged down again. Additionally, several more divisions were detached from Loringhoven and Blomberg in the east and sent to support the cauldron that had formfed in the Low Countries. On the 2nd, Rundstedt telephoned all his army group commanders and ordered a general advance with the intent of the Internationale hard on all fronts to ascertain their weakness.

    It soon became apparent what these were. The largest concentration of syndicalist forces remained, as it had been this last year and a half, in the Low Countries. These were now cut off, besieged and blockaded by the sea. OKW assessed that the most threatening enemy force outside of this remained the task force assembled to retake Dunkerque, but the actions from June 13th – July 1st had all but immobilized them. Other large groupings were battling it out with Manstein’s men in the east, thus leaving Paris’s southern flank relatively lightly defended. Thus, an approach vector was identified.

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    July 5th, the push on the flanks begins

    After five days of heavy fighting along the entire front the syndicalists were being stretched to their limits. Reports of deserters and surrendering troops spiked. These new POWs spoke of plummeting morale amongst those units not led by indoctrinated Représentant officers. There was also talk of not just widespread shell hunger, but general hunger. With so many gone to the front, famine had begun to grip France. The fields had been left untended and had now grown wild, which in part had held up parts of the advance in May and June, as these had provided ideal hiding locations for machine gun nests and anti-tank rocketeers.

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    German troops push south by July 8th

    Despite the enemy’s rapid weakening, Rommel feared an attack on his flank by the syndicalists north of Paris. Archduke Franz von Bayern’s troops were already split between defending the Dunkerque salient and supporting the siege of the Low Countries Pocket, and so the lion’s share of the frontal attack into Paris itself was handed over to the National French forces in the Armée de Libération under the command of General François de La Rocque. De La Rocque would exhort his troops to overcome the barricades that the National Guard from the cupola of a tank as they advanced through the city’s suburbs. “Forward, sons of France! The city of lights yearns for God and freedom!”

    In Orléans, Marshal Catroux outlined for Premier Valois that the Germans were clearly flanking Paris while the city’s northern quarters were being engulfed in outrageous artillery fire. Catroux warned that if Valois made a stand at Paris, not only would the city’s cultural heritage be destroyed but the Internationale’s armies risked ‘being dashed against the rocks of the city, leaving nothing to defend the rest of the country’. He all but begged the Premier to authorize a retreat past the Seine to a line anchored on the Sarthe and Loire rivers. He also advocated once more reaching out to the Germans for an armistice. To do so with an intact army would increase chances of arranging acceptable peace terms. The Premier relented but not for the sake of peace. Instead, he wished to shorten the frontline and concentrate all remaining forces on an ‘unbreakable line of defense’. “I will die before I surrender to the Boche dogs,” he spat, stating that he would make an endless graveyard of Germans between here and the Mediterranean with the intent of either positioning France for a white peace or to weaken his enemies that the Russians could drive on Berlin from the east. Clearly, these outcomes were impossible at this stage and were simple window dressing for Valois’s suicidal mission of holding out to the bitter end.

    Once the retreat was sounded, the premier finalized his politicization of the army by raising Joseph Darnand, the leader of the Corps des Normes Révolutionnaires and its commissars, to the rank of People’s Marshal. The rank was co-equal to that of Marshal of France, held by Catroux. This effectively displaced Catroux, for Darnand was Valois’s man and could always count on him to take his side in the event of disagreements of strategy (which began immediately). It was thus that no military-led coup would appear that would overthrow the government to seek terms with the Reichspakt.

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    July 18th, Red French forces begin a retreat over the Seine. On this day, the CMC and Premier Valois left Orléans for the safety of Bordeaux

    This move would leave masses of syndicalist forces stranded in Flanders-Wallonia and the rump of the Batavian Commune. This desperate pocket would fight on for some weeks more, though their plight soon began to resemble a humanitarian disaster more than a military action.

    “Our forces are in a calamitous state. We no longer have a rear or flanks, only a ‘core’ and a front. It is impossible to tell who is in command. We have suffered such losses. There is talk of a breakout, but most of our vehicles have run out of fuel and are being used for ramparts. The ring of fire closes in on us. I am drinking wine in the cellar of an abandoned chateau right now. It is the only liquid I can find to sate my thirst. Our supply train is destroyed and I am surrounded by strangers. I can’t find my officers,” Corporal Romjn Onrust, 119 Schuttersbrigade, Antwerp, July 1945

    Several thousand of these men would make the arduous crossing across the German salient bereft of any heavy equipment but most were tightly shut up in the cauldron now centered on Antwerp.

    In Paris, on the 20th, 12. Armee cut off the retreat of a ragtag French division left behind as a rearguard. From the north the Armée de Libération approached while the 12. Armee flooded the city’s east and south. This fight toward the city center had taken on the air of a race between De La Rocque’s French exiles and the Germans. Many syndicalists fled to their countrymen in hopes of finding more solace with them than with the Germans, but by the 21st those remnants south of the Siene were cut off from De La Rocque’s men. The Germans had to engage in house-by-house fighting once the defenders realized they could no longer reach De La Rocque for surrender.

    It has been debated which of these forces could first to claim the title of ‘Conquerors of Paris’, with the argument generally boiling down to whether the capture of most of the city’s great monuments counted or whether it was the elimination of the last syndicalist holdouts that really mattered. With resistance against them crumbling, De La Rocque’s men reached the Île de la Cité, the Notre-Dame, Arc de Triomphe, and Champs-Élysées Palace on the morning of the 23rd. The last resistance faced in the city however would fall to the Germans around the neo-Classical columns of the Panthéon that afternoon.

    Regardless of the debate, the iconic image of the city’s fall lies to this day with the 200. Jägergruppe of 12. Armee, who snapped an image of the German Battle Flag being raised over the Panthéon.

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    German soldiers raise the Battle Flag over the Paris [4]

    As evening fell, the shellshocked residents began to emerge seeking food and medicine from their new occupiers. For the third time in seventy years the City of Lights had fallen to Germany. Along with it had come the major French production and infrastructure hub. Now, only a few southern cities were able to still contribute to the Internationale's war effort.

    Nontheless, the war had not ended. News of Paris's fall was met with wild celebrations across the hamlets, villages, towns and cities of the Reichspakt and Entente. Even in bastions of neutrality such as Madrid, Zurich, New York, Helsinki, Caracas, and Tokyo, parties and wild jubilation abounded at the mortal blow to the syndicalist hydra. Only in Delhi and the Bharatiya Commune were the tidings met with grim silence.

    That night, Valois’s voice was carried out over the wireless to the entire world. In an address admitting the loss of Paris, he nonetheless spoke of his conviction to fight on ‘to the last drop of blood’. Who’s blood was meant by this statement the premier failed to mention.

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    Reichspakt + Entente Gains as of August 1945

    [1] Operation Dynamite: The Franco-Canadian evacuation from Lisbon and Porto extricated 108,000 Portuguese, 27,000 French, 36,000 Canadian and 12,000 South African troops. These forces would form the core of the Entente Expeditionary Force in Europe

    [2] Women’s Rights in Germany: For their tireless vigilance and coolness under the pressure of the battle to come, many thousands of German women were awarded the Signalkorps Star, a new military medal. The recipients of the award would disproportionately lead the call for suffrage, feminism and women’s equality in the post-war world

    [3] Operation Schwert Gottes: Named for Atilla the Hun’s legendary ‘Sword of Mars’. Atilla, the Scourge of God, had supposedly carried the divine sword into battle in the Catalaunian Plains when invading Roman Gaul. The parallel between the invading German ‘Huns’ and the defending ‘Gauls’ was symbolic in the minds of the operation makers, though unlike their forebears, the German General Staff did not intend to lose this battle

    [4] Picture sourced from u/-et47- on Reddit here
     

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    Chapter 31: Slowly, then Suddenly
  • Chapter XXXI: Slowly, then Suddenly

    The Northern Isles and Second Portuguese Campaigns: June 1945 – December 1945

    Most of the Union of Britain ground forces were still concentrated on the continent when Mosely’s order for the full-scale preparation of Britain and Ireland for invasion came through. There were British units in France, Italy, the Balkans and Portugal but the majority were in the Low Countries making up the backbone of the Northern Forces Grouping there. This was the traditional stationing point for British armies on the continent throughout history, from the Hundred Years War to War of Spanish Succession to the Napoleonic Wars down to the Weltkrieg, all due to the importance of the Channel ports.

    The Union’s leadership had counted on the defense of northern France to be a prolonged struggle, allowing them to covertly pull out as many forces as possible, but the rapid collapse of the flanks abutting the Northern and Central Forces Grouping between May and July 1945 left the former besieged on three sides with their backs to the ocean. The remaining Channel Ports were in grave danger of falling into German hands while the Channel itself was a No Man’s Land torn between German sea power and British airpower. In August, British priorities were forced to shift from island fortification to rapid escape from most continental deployments; without the personnel to man them, defensive installations were meaningless.

    Those forces occupying Portugal were deemed of immediate importance to the defense of Britain and were thus hastily evacuated in June and July. The French, desperate for manpower, followed suit in August, leaving the small country with a weak, tottering puppet government. In September, part of the National French / Portuguese force built up in preparation for the invasion of the Metropol, would land unopposed in Porto. This would secure a closer base of operations for the landings on the Metropol’s west coast, though first Portugal would have to be cleared of opposition. This would not take long. Only the thinly manned Red Portuguese militia and two remaining French divisions would put up resistance. By October, most of the country had fallen to a combination of Entente forces and local uprisings, holding the syndicalist remnant into a small cordon in the Algarve.

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    In December, looking to save his own skin, the Chairman of the short-lived Popular Republic of Portugal, José Carlos Rates, would seek terms. Those offered to him were the same as those agreed to be dictated to all syndicalist countries at the Port Said Convention: unconditional surrender. Rates, along with his entire cabinet, fled to neutral Spain seeking political asylum. This was granted by Prime Minister José María Gil-Robles y Quiñones despite his government’s moderately conservative attitudes – he would attempt to use Rates as a piece in future negotiations with the Entente. Extradition to Portugal was eventually granted but Rates and his compatriots would flee on charter flights to India where they would continue to claim to be the ‘legitimate’ government of Portugal – a phenomenon that was to be repeated by members of the governments of other conquered syndicalist countries.

    The Second Portuguese Campaign had lasted only four months and cost only 18,000 lives in total as opposed to the brutal confrontation of the First. Peace had come to the Portuguese countryside for the first time in years. The nation’s infrastructure and ecology had been devastated by the four-year trench stalemate along the Tagus. Over three million civilians from Portugal, Italy, France and other nations had fled into Spain these last several years, creating a refugee crisis unseen in the nation’s history. While most would return to their homelands after the war, over a million elected to remain in Spain. This influx of individuals seeking to better their lots along with no war debts or damage helped lead to the rise of Spain as the first of the ‘Latin Lion’ economies.

    Over the course of April to September 1945, the Battle of the Shetlands would be prosecuted by Dominion of Canada forces. The island of Northmavine was attacked first, with the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Airborne Brigades being dropped along the A970 road to cut enemy logistics support to their strongholds on Ronas Hill in half. Ronas Hill, the highest point on the Shetlands, had been emplaced with heavy shore batteries with the range to hit ships ten miles or more away. Simultaneous to the airdrop, Australasian and Canadian troops landed on the islands of Yell and Unst. Using the islands as cover from the Ronas Hill guns, the shipborne invasion was able to approach from the east despite a peppering of air attacks. Heavy fighting occurred on the south of both islands but after five days the last resistance was eliminated. The parachutist brigades, operating on an airborne logistical tether, were now able to be relieved as artillery set up on Yell was able to begin knocking out the Ronas Hill batteries. On the 10th of May, a large attack was conducted across the Yell Sound. After six more days of intense fighting, the remainder of the troops garrisoned on Northmavine surrendered.

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    Paratroopers landing in Northmavine

    Now, Entente forces could utilize their seaborne mobility to attack the island of Mainland, where most syndicalist forces were stationed, from multiple directions. These unfolded over the course of the next month, nibbling away at the coastline, and slowly pushing inland. The most important landing was the one that took place on the 27th of May, which seized Sumburgh Airport. The defenders were now fully cut off. Over the course of the next three weeks some would surrender in drips and drabs but a hardcore of resistors would fight on along the spine of hills on Mainland. Only on June 29th did the final holdouts surrender. The spirited defense of the Shetlands had cost the Imperial Commonwealth over 26,000 casualties, many of which had been inflicted on the airborne brigades, who by now were no longer fit to partake in the campaign to seize the Orkneys.

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    The Battle for the Orkneys

    The Battle for the Orkneys would open on the 6th of August with landings on the outlying islands which were heavily opposed by British airpower, though no ground troops. The defense of the Orkneys was centered around yet another island called Mainland, and two more, Hoy and Rousay, where the dominating heights allowed for yet more coastal guns to bombard approaching vessels. One ship, the cruiser HMCS Secord, had its rudder disabled by a shore gun. It was then pounced upon by dive bombers. At 08:01, it received a hit to the ammunition magazine which detonated, sinking the ship in less than a minute. All but four of its 681 sailors would perish. Another vessel, the Royal Canadian Navy’s most recently launched battlecruiser, HMCS Frontenac, struck a mine and began sinking at 09:31. Only through the intercession of fuel shortages was the dominating British airpower dissipated, allowing Canadian forces to land on Rousay and Mainland.

    Battles would rage on the islands for weeks despite Red British forces being hopelessly outnumbered. With Hoy’s eventual fall, victory was achieved. Periodic waves of British fighter bombers would continue to wreak havoc on the Austro-Canadian soldiers and sailors, who dubbed their situation the ‘Orkney Basting’ but in the end the Union of Britain was simply unable to put enough men onto the islands to hold them nor fuel in their aircraft tanks to drive off the enemy’s navy. Altogether, Entente casualties for taking the archipelago topped 20,000, which, together with the fights on Iceland, the Faroes and the Shetlands, had heavily blooded the Austro-Canadian island hopping force. Time would be needed before undertaking the final step in the long-dreamed of goal of the reconquest of Britain.

    Fracturing Foundations

    Though British operations in the Southern Forces Grouping in Italy and the Balkans had been scaled down in the last year, there was still a full field army, the 8th, stationed around Udine, Italy along with almost ten more divisions scattered across northern France. The loss of the Channel ports and the abandonment of Portugal effectively trapped British forces on the continent, with only those in the Antwerp Pocket being prioritized for precarious air and sea evacuation due to their proximity to the Isles. Despite heavy propaganda and media censoring, this rapidly deteriorating situation was apparent to the populace. Many would secretively listen to low frequency band German wireless stations while many others simply pieced together what was happening by what was not reported on the BBC, which was wholly controlled by the Ministry of Information.

    In August, coinciding with the fall of Paris, the first mass anti-war demonstrations would take place on the streets of London, Edinburgh and Glasgow. Mothers, sisters, and daughters would make up many of the protestors. They demanded the return of their men from seven years of futile and bloody conflict. At this stage the protestors did not demand a change in leadership, but there was a strong undertone of disgust at the totalitarian nature of the regime as seen in the calls on placards and chants for de-censoring, a restoration of civil rights that the populace had once enjoyed under the Union’s pre-Mosely governments and most of all, food.

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    Anti-war demonstrations in Hyde Park, London – the marchers would throw ‘mud bombs’ at the police in anger at their attempts to disperse protestors

    Most striking of all at the photos taken of these demonstrations was the gaunt appearance of the protestors. Partially blockaded since 1941-42, the Union had struggled to provide foodstuffs for its peoples. Britain had never been fully self-sufficient in food production since the Industrial Revolution, and thus the loss of trade greatly impact the caloric intake of the population. Most of this was ‘taken on the chin’ in the ‘stiff upper lip tradition’ of the British people, but the strengthening of the German Bombing Campaign and its targeting of known food storage locations had caused mass starvation. Between malnutrition and the increased chance of disease, some 200,000 Britons and Irish civilians would perish that winter and spring, leading to a wide-spread loss of faith in the government.

    With most intelligence resources focused on external affairs, the authorities were taken off guard by the initial protests. After August, Mosely ordered the beefing up the police presence in the cities and institute the most complete domestic surveillance campaign in modern history. The next major protest, the ‘Hyde Park March for Peace’, organized by the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL), was met with a heavy police presence that attempted to disperse the event before it even got off the ground. Clashes between the protestors and police would escalate into a full-blown street battle that would see the death of eighteen protestors and a policeman and the injury of over three hundred others. After this, military units were called into the cities to lock them down. This did not stop widescale organization of resistance in the countryside however, where cells of anti-government forces had begun making contact with Canadian agents. These groups, mostly in northern England and Scotland, had begun to be armed by Canadian airdrops conducted under the cover of darkness in anticipation of the long-awaited invasion.

    The increasingly oppressive methods used to quell social unrest disturbed many in the military, who saw their occupation of Britain’s cities as anathema to the Revolution that had brought the Union of Britain into existence. Over 1944-45, this growing rift between pro and anti-Moselyites in the military was noticed and taken advantage of by spies and agitators loyal to the Imperial Commonwealth. Most anti-Moselyites could not contemplate a return to the pre-1925 government, but some, seeing the Union as constitutionally weak enough to allow for the rise of a dictator, began seeking a path that might combine the best of the pre- and post-Revolutionary governments.

    Breakthroughs and Follow-ups: France and the Low Countries from July 1945 to December 1945

    Retreat under fire while being pressed by an enemy is often cited as one of the most difficult military maneuvers even in the best of circumstances. For syndicalist forces severely short on ammunition, fuel, fodder, and luck, and having to coordinate between multiple field armies that spoke different languages, it would prove impossible. Over the next several months the Internationale’s worst fears would be realized as many of its formations were pursued, isolated, and destroyed across France.

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    Planned Internationale ‘Barricades’ drawn up but Premier Valois and the CMC – these defensive lines were mostly flights of fancy, along with many of the formations set to man them

    It would begin on the 14th of August. After the rapid abandonment of Paris, the divisions of the Central Forces Grouping were supposed to move into new positions around the Loire River. Under intense pressure and suffering breakdowns in organization, a gap developed between the 9ème and 7ème Armées. Scouts of the 4. Panzerdivision under Dietrich von Saucken would notice this gap and begin a deep probing operation which identified columns of enemy troops moving south behind a rearguard still defending Troyes and Orléans. Von Saucken would request permission for his Panzerdivision forward seeing to overtake the fleeing enemy and capture the Yonne River bridges before they reached them. Rommel, upon hearing Saucken’s report, heartily endorsed the move.

    At first the panzers were met with roads clogged full of refugees fleeing before the syndicalist retreat. After a morning of delay, von Sauken would venture to the fore of his column and mercilessly order his men to “churn anything in their path.” The tanks would crush women, children and the elderly in their charge forward. Not wishing to risk being added to the red mash, the rest of the refugees cleared the roads. Within a day, the panzers reached the Yonne virtually unopposed.

    With no sign of the enemy, von Saucken took the initiative to continue the advance. His tanks would break free of their logistical tether and push deep into enemy territory. Only an improvised group of National Guardsmen met the tanks but were broken in minutes, opening the road to the Loire, who’s bridges von Sauken was now eyeing. The panzers were forced to stop overnight but resumed their drive before sunrise the next day. By 08:00 the head vehicles had reached the river. In only two days the Germans had covered 90 kilometers. Knowing Rommel was sending infantry divisions in the rear, von Saucken decided to drive onward parallel to the river, threatening the encirclement of the entire French rearguard before von Manstein’s forces. Within another day 4. Panzerdivision had moved another 50 kilometers, stopping only as their supplies ran out.

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    Threatened by the advance and its follow-up, the syndicalists would abandon Troyes and flee in a confused mass, mixing in with the hordes of refugees. 8,000 were captured just outside of Troyes, unable to escape the jaws of the German advance. With their air forces mostly concentrated further north, the retreating troops were consistently strafed and bombed by vengeful Reichspakt planes. The Reichspakt and their Entente allies would advance south. Faced with only periodic resistance, they were able to march move the frontline over a hundred kilometers further south over the next four weeks.

    Up north, nearly the entirely of the Northern Forces Grouping (NFG), made up of three armies of totaling over 360,000 souls, had been essentially surrounded with the July 1st capture of Dunkerque. The High Seas Fleet had made its return to the scene soon thereafter, establishing a blockade to prevent the NFG’s transport to Britain or behind the frontlines. This was a wasted effort though, as even had the syndicalists intended to escape, on July 3rd Premier Valois had gone over the heads of the CMC to order the commander on the scene, Marshal André Boris, to hold his ground. He would attempt to manipulate Boris by tugging on his pride through awarding the commander in-absentia with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Legion of Honor, France’s highest military decoration.

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    Marshal André Boris, last commander of the Northern Forces Grouping, a storied formation which had once stood on the banks of the Elbe besieging Hamburg and Berlin

    The Premier’s reasoning was that the NFG could act as a force that threatened the enemy’s rear – a fanciful notion, given the dire state of the NFG on the ground. Valois ordered the combined syndicalist air forces to assemble an airbridge to deliver supplies to the beleaguered men of the Antwerp Pocket. Over a thousand military and civilian transport planes and over two thousand fighter craft were duly assembled and added to the contingent the British had attached to the NFG. It would prove the death knell of the Internationale’s air power, with high-altitude German and Republican French fighters pouncing on the heavily laden transports and their escorts.

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    Between this time and the fall of Paris, on the 23rd, the German-controlled corridor severing connection between the NFG and the Central Forces Grouping (CFG) was only 34 kilometers wide at its narrowest point. Cut off from the sea, demoralized from the news about Paris and receiving less than a quarter of the promised air supply drops, Boris’s position rapidly deteriorated into August. Desertion became an issue for the NFG after the fall of Paris, with groups of men ranging from individuals to several dozen strong constantly slipping away in the dark to risk the German corridor to escape the encirclement. This was stopped at first by the posting of ‘perimeter companies’ which shot the deserters, but soon groups as large as regiments were surrendering to the Germans or attempting their own escapes. Some forces would operate in the region behind enemy lines, bringing what supplies they could or at least hitting the Germans where it hurt most. The largest of these special forces groups was the ‘Springfield Avengers’, a brigade-sized force of American socialists who had fled their homeland after the fall of the Combined Syndicates of America. Led by the Illinoian, Ronald Reagan, they would conduct an epic hit-and-run trek of hundreds of kilometers through enemy territory, inspiring the plot for the 1963 war film ‘The Magnificent Escapade’ starring Reagan himself. By the time of the filming of the Escapade, Reagan had renounced syndicalism, voluntarily undergone the ‘Alaskan Reform Program’, to become an actor and outspoken critic of leftist ideologies [1] [2].

    The ‘leakage’ of soldiers, breakdown of equipment, and expenditure of ammunition stocks forced the NFG to give ground slowly. On the first of the month, the combined forces of Army Groups Burgundy and Teal would launch Operation von Galen [3] to reduce the ‘kessel’. By August 3rd, Leuven would fall. On the 10th, the exiles of the Flanders-Wallonian Legion were marching through Brussels. On the 18th, Charleroi was abandoned to shore up the margin of the NFG’s defensive area. On the 22nd, German motorized troops entered Bruges with hardly a shot fired at them. With each mile yielded the German corridor expanded and the NFG’s hopes dimmed. On the 17th of September, King Adalbert I von Hohenzollern returned to the Palais Royale, which since the Dutch Revolution had begun, had been turned first into a museum then into an arsenal (knowing that the Reichspakt would purposefully avoid destroying symbols of monarchism).

    In the central region of the theater, the syndicalist lines managed to not buckle and put up a stout defense of Orléans and Rouen. In mid-July, Henri Adeline’s 7ème Armée de Reserve had been moved to the northern extremity of the Central Forces Grouping’s positions to reinforce the thin coastal cordon the syndicalists still held. Adeline would launch counterattacks on the German corridor on July 18th and August 15th. Though repulsed, the moves notified Gerd von Rundstedt’s OKW office that the enemy still had the strength to mount offensives in the sector. To ensure the NFG was not re-connected with the CFG, a new movement was devised.

    On August 26th, part of Franz von Bayern’s command, Panzergruppe 5 under Walther Nehring would push from Amiens through Boulogne countryside. They would smash into the undermanned 2e Corps which guarded Adeline’s southern flank and ground lines of communication, reaching the Channel on the 27th. The 7ème Armée de Reserve had been encircled.

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    Encirclement at Calais

    With its strongest body neutralized, the position of the CFG now began to crumble as well. German and National French troops would push past the Parisian suburbs and beyond the Calais encirclement to take Rouen on the 5th of September. Still, the syndicalists refused to surrender. The CMC pulled yet more reserves out of Italy. Added to this was the fruits of a slapdash effort to raise yet more National Guard units comprised of child soldiers and the elderly.

    After the pocketing of Adeline’s army, Mosely had ordered the covert exfiltration of all British forces from the rapidly shrinking Antwerp Pocket to escalate to immediate evacuation. The result was the planning of a series of ‘aero-convoys’. The Chairman would contact the CMC and inform them that he would be evacuating his troops from the pocket to reform them south of the frontlines, while having absolutely no intention of doing anything other than bringing them home. The incident caused a diplomatic firestorm between the Internationale nations, with Valois denouncing Mosely’s “cowardly little ploy”. It fell to Italian Chairman Gaetano Salvermini to attempt to defuse the situation by reminding all parties on a phone conference that “while events are bleak, they may yet be rescued, but only if we hold true to one another.” The first wave of aero-convoys, launched without consultation to the CMC, arrived at Ghent airfield after suffering horrid casualty rates over the Channel. André Boris would order some of his last operable tanks onto the runways to prevent the British from leaving but before his forces even arrived hordes of anguished civilians appeared, knocking down fences, mobbing the airfield, attempting to climb onto the planes and even toppling one over. The aero-convoy was trapped. Days of bickering ensued, wasting time that could have been used to rescue as much of the NFG as possible.

    As events played out and news percolated, it would cause further divisions in the Internationale. Not only had trust in the British evaporated, but the Republican Army’s high command itself was riven between ‘seeking the honorable course’ of fighting to the end against ‘abandoning the sinking ship to save our own’. In the meantime, the Germans would push further along the coast, taking advantage of the increasingly poor quality of syndicalist forces. By September 21st they were approaching La Havre in Normandy.

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    With the situation growing critical, Marshal Boris would continue to contract his perimeter. Heavy street-to-street fighting would leave Antwerp in flames.

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    Last days of the Antwerp Pocket

    With thousands surrendering every day, the British evacuation planes grounded, and food having long run out, Marshal Boris would order the white flag raised above the wreckage of Antwerp Central Train Station. It would be the largest single syndicalist surrender of the war, with over 278,000 men passing into Reichspakt prisoner of war camps. Fighting would continue for several more days with holdouts in the Westerscheldt islands, but in the end, these too would surrender, adding an additional 44,000 men to the surrender rolls. The campaign for the Low Countries had ended. A week later, the 52,000 men trapped in Calais would follow suit.

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    Mixed nationality POWs in the Low Countries

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    French Theater frontlines as of October 1st

    The Reichspakt and Entente had advanced beyond Versailles to the gates of Orléans, past the Loire to the approaches to Lyon and Annecy and captured the rump of the Batavian Commune [4]. These gains, all secured in under two months, had secured 85,242 square kilometers for the allied forces.

    On October 2nd, Oberkommando West would move its headquarters to Paris alongside those of the Entente Expeditionary Force, now under the consolidated leadership of General François de La Rocque. With the fighting now well past Paris, a victory parade was held to the dismay of the Parisians. Leading the parade would be de La Rocque’s troops, soon followed by columns of Germans in feldgrau. It had been 2,771 days since 27,000 Germans captured in the ‘Black Month of the German Army’ had been marched under the Arc de Triomphe.

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    General de la Rocque during the belated ‘Capture of Paris’ celebrations

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    German troops during the celebrations (colorized)

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    Parisians were ‘persuaded’ to attend the celebration. Many wore mourning blacks while others openly wept. While conservative and anti-syndicalist sentiments could be found in some quarters of the country, including Brittany and much of the countryside, Paris had been the beating heart of the ideology for 26 years. Its de-syndicalization would take years.

    Cruelly marched at the head of the German procession was Charles Delestraint. The former Marshal of the Commune had been found languishing in a subterranean cellar in the Parisian Catacombs. Having survived two years of imprisonment, Delestraint was in no condition to be paraded about, von Rundstedt insisted on playing Caesar to Delestraint’s Vercingetorix. Despite a badly infected foot and a life-threatening bout of pneumonia, Delestraint would survive and live on after the war.

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    Charles Delestraint’s mugshots, taken before his 15-year sentence in Spandau Prison (the sentence was later reduced to 8 years)

    Gerd von Rundstedt would report to Supreme Headquarters in Potsdam that it seemed the enemy had ‘totally collapsed’ and that the war in France would be wrapped up by Christmas. Wanting to do his part to help finish the war as soon as possible, he recommended the dispatch of two of his army groups (46 divisions) to fronts in more need: one to the east to support the defense of Bulgaria against the Russian tide now reaching up from Ottoman territory and one to the Italian theater. This was hastily accepted. Reichspakt strength in France had now reached near parity with that of the Entente, some 62 to 57 divisions.

    At this stage it was Army Group Ivory’s objective to reach for Marseilles while Army Group Teal aimed for Nantes. The Algiers Regime’s amphibious invasion force was now ready to depart from Portugal and would head for the beaches outside La Rochelle and Bordeaux. With the fall of these cities the only remaining major industrial center left to France would be Toulouse. The Marseilles path would also open the ‘backdoor’ to Italy, after which a pincer with von Bayern’s Army Group Green, now allocated to Südtirol, could capture the Po Valley and knock the SRI out of the war.

    After a pause to adjust to the reduction in troop strength, active operations would resume on October 18th. The dilution of strength with the departure of von Manteuffel and von Bayern’s troops, not to mention the time given for the Internationale to reorganize, was immediately felt. The enemy had would cling to a series of ‘stronghold cities’ such as Clermont-Ferrand, Lyon and Orléans, all of which would take over a month to fall.


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    Push on Nantes, November 25th


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    Push on Marseilles, November 25th

    By the end of November only modest gains were recorded by Rommel’s troops, though a promising protrusion nearing Grenoble had been won by Manstein’s men. The slugfest’s apogee would near as this, the bloodiest year of the war, began to end.

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    French theater frontlines as of December 10th

    After lobbying the Algiers Regime incessantly for its long-awaited amphibious invasion for months, and having to suffer the delay of the Second Portuguese Campaign, the OKK could at last sigh with relief as the final nail in the coffin of the Commune of France was driven in on December 15th when troops under Charles de Gaulle would land in a combined air-sea-land operation around Bordeaux. A smaller, follow-up attack would appear at La Rochelle the next day.

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    The Entente lands near Bordeaux, December 15th

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    Despite the poor seasonal weather, the Entente force would manage to build a bridgehead in western France

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    National French soldiers, along with Canadian, Australasian, Portuguese and South African contingents assemble in western France for a push inland
    The attacks in the west would be a mixed bag. Though they would manage to hold onto Bordeaux, La Rochelle was nearly retaken in a stunning counterattack led by the Red émigré Mikhail Tukhachevsky. Having run out of tanks, Tukhachevsky would requisition the horses in the countryside and lead what would turn out to be the last great (and successful) cavalry charge in history. As the 3e Corps (constituting the majority of the La Rochelle force) moved on Poitiers, Tukhachevsky led 10,000 mounted horsemen against them in a surprise attack that appeared out of a rare, driving snowstorm. The National French would break and flee back to the coast, being pursued, and cut up by syndicalist sabers the entire way.

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    Tukhachevsky and his ‘Red Horsemen’
    Tukhachevsky’s success was isolated. Not only this, but it would be the final notable Communard victory of the war. With Bordeaux lost, the French leadership would flee to Marseilles. Though he still refused to surrender, central command and control between the increasingly overstretched organs of the syndicalist armies in France would prove impossible. The Central Forces Grouping was now almost entirely out on a limb, receiving only patchy and periodic orders to ‘hold fast’ and ‘counterattack’ with divisions that existed only on paper. Even within the CFG, army and corps commanders were beginning to have to take independent action, further opening up holes for the Reichspakt and Entente to exploit.

    Gerd von Rundstedt had been correct in October: France was now but a mopping up operation. Still, his subsequent actions would be judged harshly by history. The premature reallocation of troops had prolonged the war. Given the lack of crisis elsewhere in the war at this stage, it had proven a costly and unnecessary action. As 1946 dawned, all could see that this would be the final year of the war. The sense of an undeniable endgame had settled over western Europe. Now, it was only a question of how much blood would be shed for a doomed cause.

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    French theatre as of December 20th

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    Change in territory between July and December 1945
    Victory in the Cone

    Buenos Aires had been besieged in August of 1944 and still held one year later. Brazilian troops, lacking the kind of siege artillery necessary to reduce the entrenchments established around the city, had relied on the employment of a combined sea-land strangulation. The Brazilian navy had decisively met and defeated remnants of the Argentinian one in the Battle of the Río de la Plata, stripping the city of all but one narrow landward corridor of escape. As Buenos Aires starved, the rest of the South American front was undergoing a slow-motion collapse.


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    Argentinian return fire missing the Brazilian dreadnaught Minas Geraes

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    The expanses of the Pampas would see Brazilian and Peru-Bolivia Confederation forces spread out over vast, untamed landscapes, chasing an enemy that was equally deprived. Only occasionally would syndicalist forces turn to face their pursuers, but for the most part it was a cat-and-mouse game. More vicious combat would occur in the east where the syndicalists were being slowly forced up against the coastline.

    Two major actions in May, 1945 and July, 1945, would see the capture of the city of La Plata and subsequently (combined with a naval landing) the fall of Bahia Blanca. The conquest of these cities completed the encirclement of Buenos Aires and cut off most supply to the remaining Argentinian forces. On the 28th of August, with the fall of Bahia Blanca, syndicalist government of the Argentinian Free Territory would surrender on the condition of their safe conduct from Buenos Aires to Santiago where resistance was continuing. Buenos Aires had fallen, and with it, Argentina.

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    Able to shift most forces toward the Chileans, the end in South America was now swift. As Brazilian forces flooded west while the Confederation concentrated to push south, the Chilean government (and with it the former Argentinian government) would flee Santiago via the Commune of Hawaii to Bhartiya. On the 20th of October, the provisional leadership of Chile, essentially a series of upjumped trade unionist ministers, would offer the political surrender of their nation.

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    Some guerilla action would continue for years in the harsh terrain of the far Southern Cone, but for all intents and purposes the war had ended in South America. It was the second major theater of the war after the Pacific to conclude [5], bringing peace to a wide and uncertain swathe of the world.

    Argentina, Chile and the Confederation had suffered hugely. Having entered the war only in 1943, Brazil had escaped destruction on its own lands, been the deciding competitor in South America, and had also a major source of loans, food, and raw resources for the Reichspakt. The victory heralded the emergence of Brazil onto the world stage as the undisputed, self-confident titan of the southern hemisphere. Though already engaged in Europe to some extent, now Brazil would further flex its power by devoting its now humming war industry and muscular army to helping end the war across the ocean.

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    [1] The Magnificent Escapade: Aired in 1963, the Magnificent Escapade was part of the ‘Reconciliation Campaign’ sanctioned by the American military government. The theme of the film was on American ingenuity, brotherhood, and anti-socialism. Its lead actor, Ronald Reagan, who played a fictionalized version of himself, portrayed a rugged but brainwashed captain of the Springfield Avengers, exiles who bitterly missed the America of their youth. Over its 172-minute runtime, Reagan’s character would undergo an ideological transformation while leading his band of troops in a fight for survival through the war-torn French countryside for 82 days, climaxing with his monologue renouncing syndicalism. The slight smile on his face as he sees free enterprise businesses lining the rebuilt streets of Frankfurt during his bus trip to a prisoner of war camp serves as the film’s denouement.

    [2] The Reform Program: Many tens of thousands of post-war Americans would be sent to camps in Alaska where they would be forced to undertake hard labor and re-education. Prisoners were often subjected to intense strains, including hard labor in the frigid wilderness, pervasive beatings, starvation, lack of sanitation, solitary confinement, mental tortures of all kinds and the dreaded ‘pop quizzes’, where prisoners unable to provide the politically correct answers to unprompted batteries of rapid-fire questions would be shot on the spot. Sentences usually lasted around five years for the ‘disloyal inactives’, those who hadn’t held political power in the rebellious states. ‘Diplomas’ were awarded to ‘graduates’ upon the completion of their terms, usually to men so thoroughly broken they would cower in fear at the mere hint of something disloyal to the MacArthur government

    [3] Operation Von Galen: Named for Cristoph Bernhard von Galen, a bishop who fought alongside the Emperor Ferdinand III during the Thirty Years War. Inspired by J_Master’s suggestion!

    [4] The Fall of the Batavian Commune: David Wijnkoop and the civil government of the had long since relocated to the Union of Britain, thus, while the territory of the Commune was fully occupied its political apparatus refused to surrender

    [5] Major Theaters: Depending on the historiography of different countries, the South American theater was the fourth major theater to end, with the Second American Civil War being the first, the Pacific the second, and the war in Africa the third
     

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    Interlude 12: Harsh Calculations
  • Interlude XII: Harsh Calculations

    He sipped at the whiskey again. Lagavulin 16 Years. It had been his favorite but tonight something about it was off.

    “Is it me?” he wondered aloud.

    “What, love?” Maureen asked. She rolled over to face him. She was naked on the bed, lithe and beautiful.

    “This tastes like bollocks,” he assessed, turning the tumbler over in his hand. He placed it on the windowsill and walked back to her, sitting on the edge of the bed.

    She looked up and gave him a cheeky smile. “I didn’t poison it, if that’s what you’re thinking.”

    Fred Copeman snickered. “I trust you.”

    “Then I did my job well,” she winked. “But it seems I didn’t tire you out enough last night. Couldn’t sleep?”

    “No.”

    “Saaremaa?”

    “Yes,” he said simply. It was all that needed to be said. The nightmares of that hellish place kept him awake many a night. Jelgava, Königsberg, Paldiski, and all the other places Force Thunderclad had fought in paled in comparison to the more than a year they’d spent stranded under siege on the Estonian island of Saaremaa. The starvation. The endless bombs. The promises of help that never came. The taste of human flesh.

    Now it had all come home to Britain.

    “How long have you been up?” she asked.

    “A while,” he said, glancing down at the papers on his desk. They were lit by a bar of silver moonlight that slipped into the room from a crack in the blackout curtains. On them were outlined the defensive networks and troop dispositions across northeast England, including the port of Newcastle.

    “Don’t we make a pair. The old soldier and the spy. We’re a sandwich short of a picnic,” he said, turning back to her. The sight of her form, slightly luminous in the spare light, was far more appealing than the duty that had delivered him those papers or the purposes he had for the information they contained.

    She put a finger to her lips, stood and placed a record on the gramophone. A drum solo overlaid with a mysterious oboe tune and accompanying piano keys scratched into existence. It was a piece by Gene Krupa, the American jazz musician. The Swell Days Are Here, Fred remembered its name. Krupa had been popular amongst the American syndicalists who’d escaped to Europe.

    “You never know who’s listening,” she reprimanded, dropping the American Exile accent she affected while out in public. Now, her vowels were more rounded; Canadian.

    Mosely’s rats were everywhere these days. Every telephone line seemed bugged, every minister and general and union leader followed around by agents. Mosely knew there was talk amongst the military. Agitation against the Chairman had grown since the Port Said declarations stating that the only acceptable terms to end the war were unconditional surrender. None had any confidence old Oswald could land a peace deal despite his blustering. The Chairman was highly sensitive to any perceived threat. Paranoid, even. Only last month his Ministry of Information agents had arrested Field Marshal Alan Brooke and beaten his teeth out before tossing him into a dank Highlands prison for simply joking about Mosely resigning. Someone in the hallways of the War Rooms had heard him and reported it up the chain.

    He shrugged, causing instant pain to shoot up from shoulder to neck where a headache had already been blossoming. It had been for that reason he’d cracked open the bottle. He rubbed the old wound on his shoulder. There was a chunk of flesh missing, giving him a strange, blacksmith kind of lopsided look. He’d scratched it against something as banal as a piece of metal sticking awkwardly out of a doorway while back in Estonia. He’d ignored it and for his bravery had been rewarded with a gangrenous wound. A medic had incised deeply, cutting out the rot and bathing the fresh wound in the only thing they’d had to disinfect with: the bottle of Oban he'd managed to get sent on one of the increasingly infrequent flights from Scandinavia.

    Maureen’s hands found his trapezius muscles and began working them. “You’re tense.”

    How can I not be? Fred thought. I’m knowingly sleeping with a Canadian spy. He stroked her hair. Maureen was not only his mistress, but an Entente agent sent to collect information on the island’s defenses. What she’d instead managed to do was far greater. She had made him into a collaborator. They were using each other in a way, but for the same ends; Mosely’s end.

    “It’s all the same,” he murmured to himself.

    “What?”

    “Nothing, dove,” he replied. Chairman Mosely had turned the Britain into an even greater Saaremaa. Now it was British cities being terror bombed, British children and womenfolk restoring to horseflesh and sawdust bread, British rights trampled underfoot by tyrannical ‘exigencies’. Mosley had killed the Union that Fred Copeman had pledged allegiance to. He’d transformed it into a police state in which people vanished never to be seen again, unless that was, to be made an example of as a placarded corpse hanging in Parliament Square Gardens

    Mosely would kill the country behind Union to keep himself in power a while longer, he reminded himself. Though it struck at every fiber of his being, he had to keep reminding himself that The Plan was necessary. It was for the greater good. It would, he couldn’t lie to himself, be personally satisfying to see Mosely sitting in a cell in the Tower of London.

    I’ll promise to relieve you, to give you those artillery shells you’re always harping on about, to give you the food your men are begging for, he’d say, all while pissing on the mustachioed shite. He savored the dream. It might mean the end of syndicalism in Britain, but it wouldn’t be possible to ever go back to the way things were before 1925. Too much had changed. There would have to be compromise, a synthesis of old and new. Dialectics.

    “Today’s the day,” Maureen said, laying her head on his back.

    “Aye,” he sighed, offering her the whiskey. She took it and sipped.

    “It tastes like victory,” she said.

    “Mine or yours?” he asked.

    “Ours.”

    He chuckled, stood slowly, and went to the desk. The music ended and a new piece began with a cellist plucking at cords. He collected the papers, organized them, and placed them into an innocuous manila folder then packed them in her satchel. She stood and looked into his eyes. There was so much depth in those gray eyes; the emotions they’d built for one another after all these long months, gratitude, and sorrow. They would likely never see one another again after today. But perhaps…

    “When will it happen?” he asked. It was the first time he’d asked her about the plan to invade Britain.

    “Soon,” she said. She glanced at the briefcase and must’ve decided to give him something for all he’d given her, “Four weeks unless there’s weather delays.”

    He nodded. “How will you get out?”

    She was about to say but stopped herself. If she did and he was caught she wouldn’t be getting out if he was forced to confess under torture.

    “Then, you’ll tell your superiors what I intend to do? That the beaches here will be cleared for them as much as I can manage?”

    “You know I will. And I’ll do everything I can to secure your safety afterwards.”

    He appreciated that she admitted the limits of her own sway.

    “Then get dressed, dove. Best you go with the sunrise and the crowds.”

    She kissed him, then hugged him, entwining their forms.

    How symbolic, he mused.
     
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    Chapter 32: My Death Shall Be Precious
  • Chapter XXXII: My Death Shall Be Precious

    With the beginning of 1946 events began to move at an exponentially rapid pace. To date the struggle had been marked by long stretches of grinding warfare interspersed by periodic bursts of movement. Now, the situation was reaching a point of fluidity yet unseen. The war had reached its zenith. In the coming months, the ensemble of nations involved in the struggle would see their number detracted from and added to. The shadows of great banners representing Revolution and Revenge would be cast into the flame of a new sun, in who’s center a validated and vengeful superpower would reside. The destiny of the next one hundred years of human history hung in the balance. The God of War cackled his last as he gazed out in all directions.

    Collapsing the Southern Front: October 1945 to February 1946

    After Field Marshal von Rundstedt’s restructuring of the western front two whole army groups were freed up. Franz von Bayern’s Army Group Teal would be sent to Austria to support a drive on the Tyrrhenian coast. In conjunction with the attacks on Zagreb, the move would provide a jumping off point for the eastern mandible of the great pincer on Milan that would take place once southern France was pacified. AG Teal moved at lighting speed and was in place by October 26th. They would commence their attacks on Halloween Night with white-clad skiing troops gliding down the flanks of the Alpine landscape, silently navigating their way into the kidneys of the Internationale’s formations. Bridges were sabotaged, ammo and fuel dumps blown, and command posts located and radioed back to headquarters. The next day the main offensive would begin.

    With their now customarily well-gelled precision, German air and artillery cover was perfectly timed to coincide with the sabotage groups launching surprise attacks while tank and mechanized infantry rolled forward. In a wide circle around the city of Bozen and Udine multiple ruptures in the front were achieved in the first morning. Many Red troops, having learned about the caving in of the French Front, were already suffering from their lowest morale of the war yet. Most weren’t even aware that a seasoned German army group had relocated to their sector and were taken entirely unawares by the exquisitely conducted efforts now aimed on their dugouts and fortifications.

    With overwhelming force, the Reichspakt attack drove achieved a breakthrough deeper and quicker than any the Italian or Balkan fronts had seen in years. Several syndicalist divisions simply melted away, abandoning their posts, or surrendering to the Germans for simple want of hot meals. By November 4th, the coastline had been reached and the main objective of the attack, severing the Balkan front from the Italian, had been achieved. Now, the syndicalists would have to rely on sea transport to reinforce or evacuate the Balkans. The Italians would announce to their allies that they would make a long, graduated retreat to shore up the defense of their peninsula.

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    November 5th, 1945

    Next, the follow-up attacks out of Bozen would drive the Internationale’s forces from their final strongholds in southern Austria. The fighting on the mountainous landscape was difficult and slower, but the employment of German parachutists into outskirts of the city of Trent destabilized the entire front. The syndicalists were forced to pull back to the base of the mountains.

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    November 16th, 1945
    With the front so volatile, Army Group Teal would follow where it perceived the enemy’s greatest weaknesses to exist. Combined with Austro-Hungarian units, an attack was staged into occupied Carinthia with Trieste as its aim. Another prong advanced on Venezia. Around Trieste the syndicalist defenses were tighter but were stretched over the following weeks due to a lack of supply – the Austro-Hungarians were also marching on Rijeka. Trieste would fall on the 29th, ending years of syndicalist occupation. Now, there was no hope of reconnecting the Balkans with Italy for the Reds. With this, the syndicalist lines in the Balkans began to unravel.

    Franz von Bayern now eyed the rich Po Valley with all its rich farmland and industry. With that taken, Italy’s back would be broken and its fall all but assured. The Veneto Campaign would involve the last stand of the famed British 8th Army, which actively counterattacked von Bayern’s forces. Between the 10th of December and the 3rd of January, the 8th would be shredded by Reichspakt airpower before the attack into deeper Veneto was ordered. The sheer weight of Reichspakt numbers carried them forward mile by mile. By February, the Reichspakt stood on the banks of the Adige River. Italy had been broken into. Now, the vast expanse of the Po River Valley presented a tempting target for German panzers.

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    The Eastern Fronts: July 1945 to April 1946

    Despite suffering cataclysmic losses in men and material these last seven years, the Russian State, under the helmsmanship of its greatest tyrant, was able to produce more tanks, airplanes and guns than ever before. This was largely thanks to the titanic amount of slave labor employed in the Siberian Colonies. Where once the endless steel jungles of poorly insulated factories had produced consumer goods to sate the appetites of the Russian cities, now war machines were churned out in quantities undreamt of. In fact, the Russian economy had been geared to such a degree of dependence on the war effort that now man despairing professors of Moscow, Ekaterinburg, Kazan, Tsaritsyn, and other cities wondered whether the nation might collapse even if it somehow won the war the next day. These men might have proved some of the last free thinkers outside of the Kremlin, for the propaganda machine had reached a fever pitch in promoting the war as a holy crusade. Films about Alexander Nevsky, Peter and Catherine the Great, Kutuzov and the Battle of Borodino, even films about Nikolas II, were streaming endlessly in the streets of Russian cities. Newspapers were plastered with words about the Great Motherland War. An entire industry popped up around patriotic songs, with the winners awarded loaves of bread untainted by weevils and sacks of unblighted potatoes.

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    Thanks to the transformation of Siberia into the arsenal of oppression, the Moscow Accord was able to field the last true threat to the Reichspakt that existed as of 1946. The last six months of 1945 were relatively quiet by Eastern Front standards, with no major campaigns or battles being carried out save the pacification of the Dnieper Bend and the securing of several German bridgeheads over that river. The Russians would spend the time reorganizing and generating force. In STAVKA, it was known that the war was likely to be over soon. The western syndicalists were collapsing. There would be one more chance to position the Accord for negotiations, and thus the most ambitious Russian offensive since Operation Svarozhits was prepared.

    Buying time before the arrival of German western army groups was the second Balkan Front. After the death of General Anton Turkul, Abram Dragomirov was assigned to the task of the invasion of Bulgaria. Previously, Dragomirov had been commanding the smaller shielding force that protected the Russian attack on Constantinople from the Bulgarians. The strict disciplinarian was perfect for conducting holding actions. Multiple Bulgarian armies had haplessly hurled themselves at Dragomirov’s smaller force. Pyotr Wrangle gave Dragomirov the latitude to defend Russia’s most prized conquest of the war, but instead of defending, the general decided to attack to disrupt Reichspakt preparations to retake the now so-called Tsargrad. 80% of available Russian forces in Anatolia and the Balkans were called up and launched into Bulgaria on multiple axes of advance.

    Dragomirov’s attack broke through the Haemus Mountains and plunged deep into Bulgaria between September and November, taking two-thirds of the country and decisively shattering the Bulgarian army. The victories were not to last as on the 19th of November the first German forces deployed into the field. Army Group Burgundy, the liberators of northern Germany and conquerors of the Low Countries, had arrived. After acting as a sea wall to the storm waves of the Russian offensive, the Reichspakt prepared its counter.

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    General Abram Dragomirov
    To pave the road for its offensive that aimed to push the Russians out of the European element of the Ottoman Empire, Ableitung III had established contact with Sultan Ömer’s underground resistance force. For the last six months the Sultan had led his resistance forces from Anatolia where the greater space and loyal agricultural population had made hiding in plain sight easier. In January 1946, using Bulgarian refugees as cover, Ömer would covertly relocate back to Constantinople along with thousands resistance fighters. Provisioned by Ableitung III, simultaneous uprisings were planned in Constantinople and across the Bosphorus in Mytilene and İznik. As the sun rose on February 14th, the Ottoman resistance would strike. With most Russians now departed from Ottoman lands to the fight in Bulgaria, their rear was perilously exposed. All three cities were taken within a day. This day would be forevermore remembered as the ‘Nusrat al-Rabea Ashar’, the ‘Victory of the 14th’– the symbolic rebirth of the Ottoman Empire.

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    The Ottoman Uprising begins
    On February 15th, just as the scale of the chaos in their rear had been recognized, the Germans attacked. Relying on the operational flexibility of Auftragstaktik, mission-tactics, Manteuffel’s men would conduct a lightning campaign that organically cleave toward the paths of least resistance. Within days the Russians were in full scale retreat, leaving behind pockets that had been swiftly surrounded by German forces.

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    Even as they attempted to escape Europe back into Asia, Reichspakt reinforcements flooded into the Bosphorus from Syria where they had used their shared basing rights agreed in the Halifax Conference to prepare a second force. Much of Dragomirov’s force was trapped on the European side of the sea and liquidated.

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    News of the loss of Tsargrad, so briefly held, was entirely withheld from the Russian public. It had been deemed that Tsargrad, the sole Russian conquest in years and the dream of Russian imperialism for centuries, was on the same par as Moscow. Reams of articles and books had been published in this last year explaining to the public how it would be Russified, how a million Russians would be transplanted to it to transform it into a cultural Orthodox hub once more. This time, the Vohzd’s censors managed to convince the public through the endless propaganda streaming from the Kremlin’s halls, that this was the truth. It wouldn’t be until later in the year that average Russians would learn that they had lost Constantinople along with all of Anatolia.

    Nonetheless, the actions in the Balkans had indeed delayed the Reichspakt in reinforcing the eastern lines. As summer approached, the final and largest Russian offensive of the war was prepared.

    Opening Moves of the British Campaign: January – April 1946

    The long campaign over the Northern Isles and the attempts to rescue the Antwerp Pocket had broken the back of the Union of Britain’s airpower. Though it could still muster many aircraft, it would never reclaim the title of ‘World’s Greatest Airforce’ that it had held up until a year ago.

    With France falling, the 8th Army trapped in Italy in an increasingly hopeless campaign and the Russians seemingly unable to push the Reichspakt off its territory, Mosely had begun sending out peace feelers. These were all soundly rejected. In turn, the British dictator would begin gearing his people for a final, calamitous battle that he knew would take place on British soil. Mobilization of citizen-soldier units comprising males upwards of seventeen (fourteen for behind-the-lines duty) was announced. Nightly addresses by the Chairman wreathed in apocalyptic imagery were broadcast from his subterranean bunker, Site 1, which lay deep underground in the sleepy hamlet of Corsham. If the Entente and Reichspakt could be defeated and an invasion of Britain proven impossible, Mosely promised, then all would be well. They would have to come to the table and recognize the Union as a peer, he insisted. All the while, the British populace starved and shivered due to lack of food and fuel.

    The question now was where, exactly would the battle take place? The Germans, still engaged on the continent were not expected to conduct an attack, and so all eyes turned north to the islands now occupied by the Entente. Scotland was reinforced with the bulk of British veterans extricated from Europe. Hurried construction on defensive lines around the old Antonine and Hadrian Walls was prepared. The expectation of an invasion directly into Scotland was a failure of the imagination – what the Austral-Canadian forces planned was far more ambitious.

    Under the direction of Field Marshal Harry Crerar, two amphibious assaults were prepared. An accompanying naval operation was planned hand-in-glove alongside the most wide-reaching and long-planned intelligence action of the war. For all this, the largest All-Dominion armed force in history was assembled on the Orkneys and Shetlands. This itself proved one of the greatest logistical feats of the war. After extensive buildup over the winter months, the wheels were set in motion on March 2nd, 1946, just as the Commune of France was experiencing its death throes.

    The battlefleet would feint Edinburgh, attracting the attention of the Union’s fighter-bomber squadrons only for these to be met by an ambush of Dominion interceptors based out of the Orkneys. After an intense battle that saw heavy aircraft losses for the Union, the battlefleet would double back, collect a transport force carrying two divisions, then head toward Hebrides islands that hugged the Scottish west coast. As they did so, several commando units were deposited on the Isles to wreak havoc and draw attention. The fleet would proceed, squeezing between the narrow North Channel separating Ireland from Britain.

    This confusing array of actions left the battle planners of the Union constantly trying to guess the intentions of the invasion fleet. Units were constantly shuffled around based on the shifting expected landing spots, from the north coast where they had been dug in to the west, and even to Ireland, which was reinforced with several more divisions of infantry to guard that island’s ports. At last, the Imperial Commonwealth fleet would anchor off the coast of the Isle of Mann, which was defended whose garrison had been stripped to defend Scotland. The two divisions would land on the northeast and northwest coasts apiece, between Ballure – Bride and Kirk Michael – the Cronk respectively. Such a wide landing stretched the garrison’s ability to meet the attack, exactly as the excellent IC spy rings had reported. Mann was taken within two days. The island was soon reinforced with a powerful set of airwings that contested the skies between Ireland and Britain, essentially splitting the islands apart.

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    Landings at the Isle of Mann

    Now, the Union’s expectations of an invasion had shifted to the entire west coast of Britain. Divisions long since strenuously dug-in in northern Scotland were hurriedly moved south. As this occurred, the real invasion fleet set sail from the Orkneys. A dozen divisions were ferried south in a wide arc around the Moray Firth under cover of low, gray skies. Sending such a large invasion fleet on a mission bereft of strong air and naval cover was a recipe for disaster, but the Commonwealth forces were confident in the intelligence they had received from collaborationists.

    On March 10th, the fleet arrived off the coast of northern England with the city of Newcastle on the horizon. At 07:49 in the morning, an open band message was broadcast from the HMCS Raven. It repeated a single word: “Commuter.” It was a pre-arranged signal for the collaborators in the area. A coup, long planned, was initiated, with administrative buildings, transportation points and police and radio stations seized. At 08:28, a response signal was broadcast from the BBC studios on Barrack Road in the city of Newcastle. “Turnstile.” Tentatively, the IC landing craft began approaching the coast. They would do so under eerie silence, with no enemy aircraft or shore batteries opening on them. By 09:00, thousands of Dominion troops were assembling ashore with hardly a shot fired.

    The British commander in the area, General Fred Copeman, had long since been turned to the Restorationist cause. Embittered by what he saw as a betrayal from Oswald Mosely and the British high command during the Estonian campaign, Copeman had become one of the leading accomplices to the Commonwealth. As the feint actions had taken place in the North Sea and west coast, Copeman had eagerly surrendered the most ideologically firm of the units under his command to the defense of those locations, for he had known exactly where the Commonwealth was aiming. He had also removed most remaining forces under his command from the coast, pulling them inland some ten miles citing planted IC intelligence that spoke of a sudden Dominion air invasion. It was all a ruse.

    Meanwhile, Copeman continued to obfuscate for as long as possible, providing contradictory reports to those that leaked out of an invasion of the east coast. This could not be kept up much more than half a day for the deluge of information was simply too great, but it did slow responses enough for Canadian and Australasian forces to begin seizing tactical heights and securing in their bridgehead. Before the day was out the invasion was positively confirmed in London along with Copeman’s betrayal. The mobile reserve, held back in case of an enemy breakthrough, was released to prepare an immediate counterattack.

    The Battle of Britain had begun.

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    The Fall of France: January 1946 to April 1946

    By now, all but the most hardcore of syndicalists could sense the end nearing. Unfortunately for the French population, those hardcore syndicalists tended to make up the ranks commanding the troops. Since the failed Saturnite Conspiracy, Valois had continued to place more power in the hands of party officials that he considered trustworthy. Thus, even after communications began to break down between Marseilles, where Valois had holed up, and the rest of the country, fighting continued.

    On January 7th, to restore some form of central control, the People’s Marshal, Joseph Darnand, was sent by the Premier to Nantes to command resistance in the north where the bulk of the remaining Central Forces Grouping remained intact. With ground lines of communication nearly severed between the Germans, who were on the borders of Limousin and Poitou and the National French in Aquitaine, this would make Darnand the effective warlord of northern France. In the ever-shrinking corridor between the two advancing powers, Mikhail Tukhachevsky had swapped the cupola of a tank for the saddle of a horse and taken command of resistance. This was largely in the form of form of hit-and-run cavalry and francs-tireurs raids. The few remaining organized infantry battalions in this region desperately attempted to hold open the line of supply to Marseilles, Toulouse and the south, but by the time Darnand arrived in Nantes the CFG’s supply was already in a critical state. Even had he not been a complete military incompetent, Darnand would have been able to do little to prevent what was about to happen to his command.

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    All northern French units were now suffering major supply and organizational problems

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    Southern French forces were in only a slightly better state, connected as they were to the major supply centers of Marseille and Toulouse

    The Marshal of France was equal in rank to the Chief of the Imperial General Staff in Germany, effectively sitting above any commanding field generals, but by the new year Georges Catroux was reduced to directly commanding the Force de Resistance (FdR). This ad hoc assemblage of forces was pulled from the CFG and the Southern Forces Grouping (SFG) in Italy along with whatever was extracted from Portugal. It was the Commune’s last effective fighting force.

    Catroux and the FdR had slowed Reichspakt progress since October and so in December Oberstes Kriegskommando in Potsdam had halted active operations over the winter to determine the most efficient way of ending the war in France. It was decided that linking up with the National French and wiping out all resistance in the north should be the first order of action to better concentrate all forces on the elimination of the south. On February 3rd, action recommenced under the codename of Operation Kaisereiche [ENG. Imperial Oak].

    Part of Rommel’s group blasted through the weak syndicalist defenses around Le Mans and began moving on Caen. The underequipped French defenders fled toward the city with German infantry hot on their heels. North, Le Havre, which had been under siege since November, obstinately continued to resist. The city, with its stocks of supplies, was a well-defended citadel that had resisted multiple head-on assaults. The collapse of the defense before Caen spelled doom for the defenders, who now saw their last lifeline being cut off.

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    February 3rd, defenses south of Caen collapse

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    February 6th

    On the 7th, German tanks entered Caen unopposed, the French there having fled only hours before. 04. Armee, the major component of Rommel’s army group engaged in heavy urban fighting in Le Havre, at last forced the last defenders from the city center, bottling them against the coastline between that city and Caen. A serious portion of the CFG now lay surrounded and pinned to the coast.

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    Marshal Darnand would order an immediate counterattack on Caen to help extract the trapped troops, but both his orders and timing were ill-judged. The man was a political apparatchik, not a military leader, and had little idea of what he was doing. There were few men capable of moving, let alone conducting a concerted attack. Nonetheless, the Marshal would personally send forth an attack consisting of four already shattered divisions. These were predictably annihilated before even reaching the outskirts of the city. At the same time, German forces attacked toward the southern edge of the Cotentin Peninsula while, yet a third corps moved on Nantes. In danger of being isolated in Cotentin, Darnand fled south with his staff. On February 12th the rump garrison of Le Havre raised the white flag, shortly followed by the encircled force in Cotentin.

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    At this same time, Nantes itself was only several dozen kilometers out of reach of German ground forces. Capturing had become Rommel’s intermediate objective, for doing so would fully cut off Britanny from the rest of France and allow him to focus on driving south to meet up with De Gaulle’s forces, which, while holding the regions around Bordeaux, was struggling to break out from its La Rochelle bridgehead.

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    A massive attack from the north of the Brittany Peninsula to the outskirts of Nantes was conducted on February 20th. 03. Mobile Armee broke through the defenders and began rushing up the peninsula toward Brest. The following day, the defenders at Nantes gave way. Marshal Darnand again fled south, but this time the conspicuous convoy he traveled in was hit by German close air support incendiary bombs and decimated. The Marshal’s body was only recognized by the dint of the half-melted gold braid on his kepi. With central command and control gone, the Central Forces Grouping, which had at one point in the war held Prague and Budejovice, disintegrated.

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    The troops in Brittany were besieged in Brest while the remnants of the CFG, largely now moving solely at the brigade and divisional level, attempted to withdraw south to safety. It was of no use. De Gaulle’s 10e Corps in La Rochelle finally managed to push inland and establish direct contact with Rommel’s left flank, cutting off any hope of escape for anyone north of his position. Between February 24th and March 3rd, the final holdouts of the CFG were forced to surrender for lack of food and ammunition. It had been exactly one month since the beginning of Operation Kaisereiche. For the men of Army Group Teal, who had consistently faced the CFG since the war’s darkest days, it was a sweet victory.

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    Final days of the Central Forces Grouping

    With the destruction of the Central Forces Grouping, it was judged time for the final reckoning of the Commune of France. Erich von Manstein of A.G. Ivory, Erwin Rommel of A.G. Teal and their top army commanders were summoned to a conference. All agreed that the Entente / Reichspakt forces held a dominant enough position to push everywhere at once. The wide attack would revolve around a single spearhead aimed at the heart of syndicalist resistance: Georges Valois. Should his final den in Marseilles be taken, surely all remaining resistance would collapse. The name of this final drive would be Operation Amalric [1].

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    German and Algiers Regime staff officers near the site of von Rundstedt’s final all-hands war conference

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    Frontlines as of 8th March

    On March 19th, with all combat-ready divisions lined up against the frontline, the final attack would commence. Seven Reichspakt and four Entente armies advanced simultaneously beneath a two thousand strong bomber raid that pulverized enemy artillery positions.

    Three days prior, Marshal Catroux had warned Premier Valois that the French army had already been essentially destroyed in the actions between the fall of Antwerp and Nantes. “The war is over, we have lost,” Catroux was reported to have said. The reporter of the quote, Colonel Jules Thorez, recorded his own thoughts on this in his diary.

    “Though the Marshal has requested to the Premier many times prior that we enter negotiations he has never as forcefully reported the fact that the Commune is doomed. The Premier retorted that Catroux was always too dramatic, to which my superior said that what was dramatic was that they stood not in Bordeaux nor Lyon let alone Paris but in Marseilles. He rudely spat out that the Premier had led France to the most ultimate destruction possible. He exlaimed that every minute that the war continued more unnecessary deaths occured and that he would rather resign than live with this any longer. The Premier simply stared for a while with the flat, black eyes of a shark. I felt I might explode in the silence. I feared we would be sent to one of Doriot’s Bidonvilles to be tortured to death. Instead, Valois at last simply told the Marshal to do his duty to France and return to the front. I shouldn’t have let my nerves get to me so much. The Premier was always calm these days, letting even the worst news pass around him like wind.”

    Catroux would not resign. Instead, he returned to his command post just in time for the full fury of Operation Amalric to break. To defend the rump of France Catroux could call on 78 divisions marked for combat. More could be added from the National Guard militia and police. Presumably this was over a million souls but that was only on paper. Catroux’s Force de Resistance probably consisted of only a little two-thirds of this with almost all no formations in any shape to fight. Though they had valiantly resisted since the end of 1945, the few munitions and weapons factories left could not supply many of these brave men with rifles, bullets or anti-tank rockets. Only several hundred fighter craft could still take to the skies, all of them powered by bunker-fuel adjacent synthesized petrol.

    Regardless, ultimate victory in this war was not the point in the mind of the Premier. Not anymore. Now, he aimed to inspire future generations. Over the last months he had been slowly abdicating more responsibility to Jacques Doriot, his second, to gain time for writing a manifesto. This work, like Karl Marx’s, would propagate through the world in decades to come. Like the Communist Manifesto would result in unexpected outcomes.

    Amalric would unfold with the flame, fury and steel of tens of millions of guns, cannons, bombs and bayonets. Men who had been killing each other for almost eight years, who’s fathers and grandfathers had killed each other, flung themselves at one another one final time. The dogmatists believed they did so in service of ideology or triumph or fatherland. The war-maddened did so for the joy of killing. The rest did so out of fear. Fear of each other, of their commanders, of letting their comrades down. On the syndicalist side of the lines, the most potent driver was what the Germans, might do to not only them but their families. Millions of individual wills sang out across hundreds of kilometers in these final moments of a historical epoch that was crashing down with titanic tumult.

    The struggle burned for a week, with the syndicalists giving ground as slowly as they might. Only the Entente’s axes of advance were softer-than-expected responses encountered. A kilometer here, ten there, all at the price of hundreds and thousands of the enemy. Yet, bereft of all the requirements and accoutrements modern war required, they fast approached a breaking point. On March 27th, Erich von Manstein’s armored fist of 05. and 10. Panzerarmee and 03. Mobile Armee, was unleashed south of Valence. Frenchmen and Italians, with few weapons left able to crack the sturdy armor of the Jaguars and Sabertooth panzers, at last broke. After an engagement that lasted 7 hours around the forward line of battle, the panzers ruptured the syndicalist line. Suddenly, there was nothing facing them but the 130 kilometers of open countryside all the way to Marseilles. Von Manstein gave the order. The panzers darted forward while 03. Mobile Armee secured the supply line behind them. Catroux would pull some forces off the line to attempt to pinch closed the thin corridor.

    The road signs counted down the distance to Marseilles. 100 kilometers. 86. 72. 40. 22. 12. Historic sites such as Avignon, Orange, and Nimes would fall. The distance was covered in five days. It would have been two but for the long columns of civilians fleeing south. Marseilles itself had been receiving between 30,000 and 40,000 refugees a day for over a week now.

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    Civilians fleeing the onslaught

    Hundreds of civilians (likely more) who could not get out of the way quick enough were smashed beneath tank treads. Where barriers such as traffic snarls made up of broken-down vehicles, supply wagons and abandoned belongings could not be blasted or run over, the tanks would have to circumvent by going off road. Small units of National Guard militia hidden in the unkempt weeds of the once fertile farms or in the tree lines demarcating land plots would strike at these moments, but these small attacks were not enough to stop the marathon to Marseilles.

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    General Balck atop a panzer

    Approaching Marseille’s outskirts, a final nest of syndicalist fanatics, the praetorian guard of the state, remained. These men would fight to the death in the streets of Marseilles, oftentimes strapping bombs to themselves and running underneath the tank treads. The mechanized infantry accompanying the tanks would have to dismount and fight door-to-door with these zealots. On the second day of fighting, a divisional commander Arthur Schmidt was killed when a grenade was phenomenally tossed from a rooftop into the open hatch of his tank. Such deaths were common in Marseilles.

    Back in his forward headquarters at Montélimar, von Manstein grew nervous as Catroux threw yet more forces into the developing battle at the neck of Balck’s supply conduit. He ordered Balck to advance into the city and take it regardless of casualties. With artillery positioned up on the limestone hills overlooking the city and the arrival of two infantry divisions, Balck ordered everything forward. Entire quarters of the ancient city, founded by Greek navigators thousands of years ago, were pulverized with creeping barrages to cover the advancement.

    On the fourth day of battle, the fighting had reached the footsteps of the Hôtel de Ville de Marseille where Premier Georges Valois was known to be residing. Resistance was wild. German infantry attempting to traverse the ruins were mown down repeatedly by hidden machine gun nests until mounds of bodies surrounded the building. These were used to inch closer and closer, until eventually at 14:39 on April 6th, under the command of Hauptmann Rupert Larenz, a detachment of stormtroopers managed to enter the building. After fighting room-to-room for several minutes, a loudspeaker positioned somewhere in the building began blaring out so loudly it was heard by troopers outside the Hôtel even over the continuous rattle of small arms fire. It was Premier Valois.

    To their distress, many survivors claim they could not remember much about the final days of the war in the west – too much happened too quickly. Thus, there are many contradictory statements about what exactly Valois said over the loudspeakers. What those who could speak French all remembered though is the Premier’s final line. “My death shall be precious!” The exclamation was punctuated with a massive explosion. The fireball vaporized Rupert Larenz and his stormtrooper company along with all the French still fighting in the building. Several nearby edifices were gravely damaged in the huge detonation which rose to hang like the Grim Reaper over the decimated city. Captured syndicalist officers who were interrogated after the battle relayed that Valois had purposefully filled the building with high explosives and held there until the last moment, then blown himself up with as many Germans as he could.

    Premier Valois was dead. After about another hour of fighting, the ranking syndicalist military commander approached the nearest Germans under a flag of truce. He would surrender the city. Word spread and by sundown an eerie quiet had fallen over Marseilles. A small group of surviving Communard leaders were spotted fleeing east in a convoy of vehicles on the road to Toulon. Among them was Valois’s deputy, the mass-murdering Jacques Doriot.

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    Marseilles in ruins

    As news arrived at Georges Catroux’s headquarters that evening, the Marshal immediately ordered small groups of men he knew to be loyal to him to proceed with a contingency he had long planned; the massacre of all Représentant commissars in his headquarters. The assassinations were carried out over the course of the next hour, with many Représentants being shot where they were found. This being done, Catroux messaged all remaining syndicalist forces, stating that he now claimed leadership over the Commune. His first action was to send a delegation to Erich von Manstein to request an immediate armistice under terms of unconditional surrender. The ceasefire would go into effect the next day at 06:00 after word had gone out to all syndicalist commanders.

    There was immediate confusion, for at 02:04 in the morning, Jacques Doriot’s voice would appear on the radio waves stating that he was alive an in control over the Commune from Nice. Neither the Italians nor British in the line were under obligation to obey Catroux’s surrender. General chaos would break out as French forces by and large accepted Catroux’s announcement, ceasing all resistance. These left tens of thousands of Italians and British stranded as the Germans now strolled past where the front had once existed. Some small groups of French, including the garrisons at Perpignan, Montpellier, Toulon, and Nice refused to acknowledge Catroux’s surrender, but they would submit soon enough. The Commune of France had been relegated to history. The heart of world syndicalism had ceased beating.

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    [1] Operation Amalric: Named for Arnaud Amalric, a Cestercian monk who participated in the Albegensian Crusade in southern France in the Middle Ages. Amalric is most famed for uttering the phrase "Kill them all. God will recognize his own," when asked how to distinguish the innocent from the heretics of a captured town
     

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    Chapter 33: Vae Victus
  • Chapter XXXIII: Vae Victus

    “There are decades where nothing happens, and there are weeks where decades happen.” – Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

    The Fall of Britain: March – August 1946

    As Imperial Commonwealth forces surged ashore around Newcastle, General Fred Copeman would join them with several dozen trusted collaborators. He would explain the lay of the land, the country’s defenses and the fact that it would only be a matter of time before the Union’s reserve forces appeared to attempt to wipe them out. He also expressed disappointment in the size of the IC’s invasion force; 20 divisions, most of which were still coming ashore. He was told that given continued resistance on the continent this was all that could be managed. Besides, hadn’t he assured them that the Union’s army was withered away?

    One way or another, the IC knew that speed was their ally. With a fully mechanized force, they advanced from one coast to the other in two days, bisecting the Britain along its second most narrow geographical point. This enabled the swift movement of forces built up in the Isle of Mann onto the mainland too, adding an additional two divisions to Harry Crerar’s invasion force.

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    Tenth day of the invasion (I+10)
    Northern England had been chosen for the invasion not only because of the presence of a collaborationist military governor but also due to its rougher-than-usual terrain. Such terrain would be invaluable in defending against the inevitable counterattack from the south, which began as soon as the fourth day after the invasion. Time would soon tell if the gamble of attacking into England directly would pay off or not.

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    Field Marshal Harry Crerar, Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Commonwealth Army (CCA) during the Invasion of Britain

    The IC’s military leadership had planned a rapid encirclement of the enemy defenders stationed in in the north and moved all forces not absolutely necessary for defending the line in Cumbria to the Scottish Borders. It was here that the Union had stationed their best defensive units, and it was here that the simplest supply route back to Canada through the Northern Isles and Iceland could be established. Thus, Crerar ordered his commanders to move with all due haste to capture Glasgow and Edinburgh.

    The invasion’s timetable was tight but believed achievable. Dumfries fell on March I+4 and the outskirts of Edinburgh reached on I+5. A garrison in the city fought for two days but would surrender after their show of resistance. By I+7 the capital of Scotland had fallen and scout regiments were already on Glasgow’s outskirts. Recognizing that the much-anticipated Commonwealth attack had sent all its power south rather than landing directly in Scotland, the regional commander of Union defenses stripped his fortifications of men and sent them south on the narrow land gap south of Glasgow. The arrival of tens of thousands of defenders blunted the Commonwealth’s attack at the Firth of Forth. This quick thinking proved a potentially deadly development for the CCA, which would be forced into an attritional battle to capture Scotland. It was at this time, after a few blundering encounter battles, that the Union’s rapid reaction reserves reached the Cumbrian frontline in force. Crerar’s CCA now faced a solid wall of opposition to both north and south. On D+17, Union forces attacked in strength, regaining the initiative. On D+21, the 21st Division made a breakthrough at Middlesborough, thrusting north until finally being slowed at the outskirts of Durham.

    Since the first week of the invasion, German attaches had been present in Britain to coordinate naval coverage of resupply routes to the Orkneys. These men relayed the steadily worsening situation back to Berlin. On April 2nd, a top-secret conference was convened which involved the Reichskanzeler, Foreign Secretary Adolf Georg von Maltzan, their respective staff and the top military brass of the army and navy. The Reichskanzeler would open the conference by asking the military for their analysis on the situation. It was confirmed that at this rate the Entente would most likely lose their bridgehead within the month.

    As planned, Schleicher pivoted to Ludwig Föppl, head of the Ableitung III b intelligence department. Föppl would speak up, explaining to everyone the state of the Union of Britain’s nuclear program. Reactors had been built, uranium enriched, and the mechanisms for a bomb built. Only the logistics creating enough fissile material and delivering it in a warhead were holding back Oswald Mosely from initiating the world’s first nuclear war. Evidence was provided. The room fell silent. Then, Kurt von Schleicher would state simply, “Germany has shed too much blood to allow the cancer of syndicalism to survive in Europe, let alone atomic-armed syndicalism. I order the Imperial Army and Navy to prepare plans to ensure the Union’s downfall does not fail.”

    A task force of eleven veteran divisions was immediately assembled, drawn from troops fighting in France. Dietrich von Saucken, the commander who had achieved the breakthrough in France the previous year, was given responsibility for the task force. Force Saucken mustered at Wilhelmshaven within a week of the conference. Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord himself traveled to the port to brief von Saucken on his mission:
    • Support Commonwealth military objectives
    • The capture or liquidation of Oswald Mosely and the Union’s political-military leadership
    • The seizure or destruction of all nuclear technology and scientists
    This last point was especially sensitive as the Imperial Commonwealth would attempt to secure their own position in the post-war world with nuclear weaponry. It would remain a secret until the time in which Germans neared anything or anyone associated with this objective. With that, von Saucken and his men departed. Only when they were in-transit to Newcastle was the Commonwealth informed. This struck a nerve as Commonwealth leadership feared the Germans attempting to make a permanent presence in Britain. Schleicher understood this possible fear and had limited the size of Force Saucken intentionally to partially alleviate this. All due outrage was expressed, but mostly for show. German intervention was recognized as perhaps the only possible way to save the course of the invasion in Ottawa.

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    Despite having been fighting in sunny southern France less than two weeks before and likely entirely disoriented with the rapid change of locations, climate and enemies, Force Saucken immediately deployed to where the frontlines had stagnated south of Glasgow. All save that is the 121. Garde-Division, which lost 2,000 of its number in the North Sea crossing after a British submarine destroyed one of its transport craft, SMS Emlin.

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    The effect was immediate. Von Saucken’s men would storm British lines using all the knowledge and tactics accrued these last eight years. Supported by Entente forces, the now overwhelming allied superiority broke the syndicalist defense of Scotland in only days.

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    Glasgow would fall on April 23rd. With it, most syndicalist forces in Scotland, already demoralized with the fall of France, surrendered. Some pockets of resistance would cling on in the highlands and north coast for several weeks to come but these were summarily dealt with.

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    After the Union’s northern collapse, von Saucken to the Midlands with the aim of driving south to Birmingham. It was here that Ableitung III b had confirmed the existence of the Union’s sole nuclear reactor.

    While Force Saucken was redeploying, back on the continent, some of the Third Internationale’s last captured lands were being liberated. Denmark, Schleswig-Holstein and Sweden had been occupied since the early days of the war. The subjugating troops here had been hardly involved in any fighting in several years as the focus of the war had shifted to the western front. Now, with most of their heavy equipment long since drained away to other battlefields, the occupiers began to fall apart. It began with a Brazilian naval landing in western Denmark on April 24th.

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    April 24th

    To support the Brazilians, Field Marshal Model’s Army Group Mauve was ordered for the first time in years in a general offensive. Dilapidated and withered, the Internationale forces crumbled. Where Model’s force had been stopped many times before, this time a full breakthrough was achieved.

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    Frontline as of May 3rd

    The enemy was rapidly pushed back beyond the Kiel Canal and on May 8th the city of Flensburg, the last major German city under enemy occupation, was freed. The celebrations could wait, however. Model, determined to position Germany to control the Skagerrak and Kattegat Straits, ordered his men to immediately break for Copenhagen in a joint army-navy attack. The Danish isles were captured so quickly that the syndicalist occupation force was unable to escape to Sweden, instead being besieged at the top of the Jutland Peninsula.

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    Frontline as of May 20th

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    Frontline as of May 23rd

    On the cusp of June, Copenhagen had been taken. A composite Reichspakt force began pouring into Sweden, initiating the liberation of the first Reichspakt nation to fall to syndicalist arms all the way back in 1938. The British-Norwegian forces in Scandinavia would continue to resist both in Denmark and Sweden until the final clash had been decided in Britain.


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    June 1st

    In Britain, Dietrich von Saucken and Harry Crerar along with their respective staffs would meet and agree a plan of attack for the coming month. Force Saucken backed a Canadian tank division and French motorized division in blew an opening in the lines on May 5th. British defenders had failed to dig in deep enough, instead hoping to go back on the offensive as soon as they had beaten off the enemy attack. British troops sagged backwards behind overwhelming cannonades and aerial bombardment, soon opening a hole in the line that the Reichspakt + Entente could exploit. Liverpool, Manchester, Sheffield and soon Nottingham were all bypassed by the vanguard. They would soon fall to rear troop formations, scooping up in a single week the most productive industrial base of the Union. Soon, Birmingham with all its nuclear secrets was under threat of encirclement.

    On May 10th, Ronald Forbes Adam reported to the War Cabinet that British forces would run out of supplies, namely artillery ammunition, within weeks. Parts of the country were in open revolt or had declared for the collaborationist government established in Newcastle, headed by Fred Copeman. Adam, like Georges Catroux, explained that he could not muster any more reliable forces. When undertaking a levee en masse for the militia was suggested, Adam would scoff. The militia were entirely demotivated. The people had lost faith in the government. Any man given a rifle might join the enemy, who was already rectifying the food situation with Canadian and American grain. “The promise of food is an even greater boon for the enemy than our shell predicament,” Adam said.

    Still, Mosely refused to surrender just yet.

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    May 7th

    The evacuation to London of all atomic bomb prerequisites was ordered on May 11th. The Director of the Damocles Project, Mark Oliphant, explained that shutting down the lab and reactor would delay development of the weapon by months. In a direct conversation with Chairman Mosely however he would explain that what materials they did have could possibly be transformed into a weaker version of the originally planned bomb. This presented a lifeline to Mosely, who decided it could either be used in the field to wipe out the heaviest concentration of enemy troops to enable a counterattack or perhaps as a bargaining chip to split the Entente and Reichspakt. Such hopes would never blossom into reality.

    On the 13th, a troop of German scout cavalry operating behind enemy lines happened across the Birmingham-Oxford Junction Railway just as a railcar appeared in the distance. Hungry, they hewed down a tree onto the tracks to stop the train for food. In a stroke of absurdity, they would find that the train contained Mark Oliphant and everything from Project Damocles that could be broken down for transport, including weapons grade uranium. Even luckier, the cavalry commander in charge of the troop had been one of the few men not on von Saucken’s staff briefed on the situation and ulterior motives of this British expedition. Recognizing the situation after interrogating one of the scientists, decided to hold the location until German troops arrived, which they did after a tense day of waiting. One of Saucken’s objectives was achieved, though this act would have massive political ramifications in the years to come.

    Now, with the loss of his trump card, Oswald Mosely and his ministers fell into hysteria. They began preparations to evacuate the government via submarine to the Bhartiya Commune. They would covertly abandon London just as Canadian troops appeared on the northern outskirts of the capital.

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    The Battle for London would begin May 18th at sunset in the sleepy outlying hamlet of Barnet, where one of the great clashes of the War of the Roses had taken place. The hilly terrain made for a difficult fight, but by the 20th the heights were captured and the dome of St. Paul’s Cathedral visible on the horizon (despite complete aerial impunity now, German and Entente bombers hadn’t damaged the great church given its usefulness as a geographic marker). Around the rest of the battle line there were too few British troops to defend every location, and so the Entente and Reichspakt reinforcements that kept pouring into the country would continue to find holes and shove the enemy back. A fierce defense at Norwich prevented the Harry Crerar’s flank from assaulting the east of London, but German troops based out of Oxford were able to thrust into the city’s west due to lack of British artillery. The fighting would close in on the city center over the course of three days. The hardcore remnants of the Republican Army made a final stand in the ruins of the Barbican, holding open the bridges over the Thames for civilians. At the last minute, the bridges were blown to slow any pursuers down, though one of the bombs didn’t detonate properly on Tower Bridge, leaving it usable after some minor repairs the next day. London had fallen.

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    With the city taken, the only remaining cohesive Union forces left hugging the south coast and Mosely and many of his high-ranking ministers missing, the succession fell to the President of the Trade Unions Congress, Manny Shinwell. Shinwell would officially request a cessation of hostilities. In a highly publicized event at Albert Hall in South Kensington, Shinwell would sign the documents of surrender. The event was delayed until the 24th of May, the eight-year anniversary of the start of the war. At 10:00 that morning, as Shinwell placed his signature on the terms of surrender, the Union of Britain ceased to exist after 22 years. Only one final coda on its death was yet to occur.

    A day after V-B Day (Victory in Britain), a submarine would be spotted by a German naval patrol off the coast of Britanny. Depth charges were thrown into the water. The submarine was forced to the surface after sustaining damage and its crew taken prisoner. Despite having shaven his moustache to anonymize himself, Oswald Mosely was recognized. He and 13 other high-ranking officials of the Union were taken into custody in the Tower of London to await their trials.

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    A photograph of the prematurely aged Oswald Mosely before his trial in 1948

    The Fall of Italy: April – July 1946

    The momentum of the Reichspakt had snowballed into an unstoppable force by April. With Communard troops largely surrendering and deserting, German forces under Erich Manstein faced almost no resistance through the Alpine passes into Italy. Manstein would order his commanders to take the initiative and advance for as long and as far as they could, and this they did.

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    April 14th, Italian western borders breached

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    April 17th

    One detachment of German troops would head south to the sea, cutting off the Communard remnants from Italy while the rest of army group would advance deep into the Social Republic’s heartlands. Simultaneous attacks, the eastern mandible of the great pincer planned earlier in the year, began as Manstein signaled his successes to OKK.

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    April 28th
    The Commune would make its final stand defending the strip of coastline connecting its rump to Italy, with the ostensible new Premier, Jacques Doriot, fleeing through the corridor to Rome before German forces fully cut it off. Remaining Commune of France troops were surrounded into multiple pockets about Nice. General de la Rocque demanded he be given the opportunity to offer these hapless men a chance to surrender. Germany acquiesced. The final Commune troops around the French Riviera capitulated command by command.

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    By the end of April, the final holdouts in Perpignan gave in after the garrison murdered its fanatical commanders and elected a new leader to tender their surrender. This was the final act of political statement in the Commune of France. The war in France had fully ended.

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    In Italy, the lines SRI’s commanders were able to equitably spread-out forces to slow the Germans as they left the Piedmont and entered the peninsula proper. High level diplomatic talks began in Venice around this time, with the SRI’s leaders looking for a way to end the war without delivering themselves into the noose.

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    May 14th

    While the talks progressed, the situation in the Balkans finally began to be resolved. Internationale forces there transitioned from crumbling to collapsing in May as central command and control all but ceased to exist. The Tyrrhenian Sea was still contested, and thus as many ships as could began fleeing back to Italy. One of these ships, the Gracchus, was sunk by a German U-boat with over 5,000 soldiers on board. This was the worst maritime incidents in history. Over two dozen similar sinkings, though none as major, would take place in May as the Italians attempted to make their way home from their erstwhile conquests.

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    May 24th

    Army Group Teal under Rommel would be brought into line and puncture the enemy’s Tuscan defenses on the 25th. His tanks would plunge deep behind enemy lines, not allowing the Italians time to convalesce. This would prove the final offensive in the west. On the 28th, several Italian divisions were encircled in Ravenna but the Germans refused to stop to reduce the fortress town, instead taking aim at Rome itself.

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    June 1st

    Unable to adjust to the frenetic German pace, the Italians began a pell-mell retreat down the boot of Italy. The SRI’s high command wished to make a stand at an appropriate place in the mountains, but the retreat soon turned into a route. On June 6th, Rome itself was under fire from German long-range artillery.

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    June 6th

    Bowing to the inevitable, on the 8th of June the Social Republic of Italy’s leadership would order all troops to stand down. Through the diplomatic channel open in Venice, the letter of surrender was delivered to the Reichspakt and Entente delegation. The fighting had ended on a line stretching between Rome and Ancona, mercifully ending the battle for Italy before the rest of the peninsula was sucked into the struggle. Norway would follow suit the following day. It was the final syndicalist government in the war to yield.

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    Potato rations being distributed in Paris

    Across Europe, exiled governments began returning to their shattered lands. Entire communities that had been repressed or expatriated tentatively began making their way back home. Order was restored via emergency measures. Largely these came in the form of military-police regimes that enabled the top-down controls necessary to rapidly feed and house the homeless and scattered masses. How exactly to rebuild society was a question left to each of the new leaders and reconstruction committees that now held power across the broken continent. The legacy of syndicalism could not be simply whitewashed, for it had changed the very soul of Europe.

    The storm had blown through and expended its energy, leaving naught but fair-weather clouds behind. The war in the west had ended.

    Analysis

    The peroration of the Internationale between January and June 1946 had occurred stunningly quickly. Once Germany and the Entente had mustered the strength to begin their march on Paris the course of the conflict was fully decided. Yet, none had foreseen the rapid knocking out of the various syndicalist powers from the vantage of New Years Day.

    This was due to the critical mass of industrial, martial and political strength gathered by the allied nations through the last several years and the culmination of efforts to destroy the productive powers of the Internationale through air bombardment, covert actions, land conquest and sea blockade. Each of these threads played a critical part in the western triumph, with respective roots stretching back to the darkest days of the war.

    This is not to say that a German victory was pre-determined as early as 1940. The Internationale had an advantage in all these fields as late as 1942. It was their inability to capitalize on their gains, to convert the conquered German population to their cause, and to strike a final blow at Berlin despite being within a hundred kilometers of it for over two years that certified victory. The German Empire had been on the brink of defeat and partition by the vengeful syndicalist nations during the whole first half of the war. Only through the enemy’s mistakes, their lack of coordination with Savinkov’s Russia and the tenacity of the German people, military and leadership were the proverbial irons able to be pulled out of the fire.

    This brush with the death of their young empire would color Germany’s social and political milieu for the remainder of the century. What this would mean for the world would only be seen in time.



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    Military casualties as of June 1st 1946 [KIA, WIA, MIA, POW]

    The Bear’s Last Swing: January – May 1946

    Since the beginning of the war Boris Savinkov had taken the position of refusing to negotiate or harmonize strategy with the Internationale. This was one of the key pillars of failure for the far-left and far-right revisionist bloc of nations. Even when the syndicalist governments were under threat of being snuffed out, Savinkov ignored the voices around him that insisted Russia launch a strong attack against the Reichspakt to draw out the battle in the west. The destruction of syndicalism was one of the Vohzd’s long-term goals, and had Germany fallen, he would have undertaken to march on Paris himself. Instead, Savinkov had ordered his country to begin preparing for a final, decisive, and climactic battle while the Reichspakt battered itself bloody in western Europe.

    Since 1944, the Moscow Acord had mostly gone on the defensive. Only the Egorov Offensive and the battle in the Balkans had punctuated Stavka’s new turtle shell strategy. The grand design behind this guarded stance was the shepherding of Russian strength for what many had begun to refer to as ‘the Ultimate Push’. The aim of Stavka had been to launch the long-anticipated offensive as the battle in the west reached its climax then to launch it before Germany could transfer its forces east. The date for this attack, Operation Veles [1], had originally been planned for late springtime 1946 when Russian forces had achieved overwhelming numeric superiority in men and materiel. It would be bumped up to February as it became clear that the Germans were still able to gain ground in the west even after shifting their army group deployments. To Stavka, it appeared that they may have missed the short window of opportunity, but if they did not try then Germany might be able to swing its full weight against them by summer.

    Operation Veles’s order of battle consisted of over 6,000 aircraft, 4,000 tanks, 2,500 assault guns, 29,000 artillery and rocket units and 1.7 million personnel. It would focus on using the salient gained in the Egorov Offensive along with a thrust in the Smolensk sector to surround the entirety of Falkenhorst’s Army Group Brown and a portion of Hoth’s Army Group Gray. This would open the flanks of German forces to both the north and south, allowing for possible follow-through to either engulf the Baltics or destabilize the entire rear of the Ukrainian front.

    These plans were in vitro for so long that they had become almost common knowledge amongst the fighting men, even in the Reichspakt. Ableitung III b had so thoroughly infiltrated to structure of the Russian army by this time that while the whole picture was not visible, minute details of the contours of Veles were becoming visible even as its timetable was brought up. In fact, on February 18th, the day the attack was to begin, German artillery opened on Russian staging points inflicting heavy casualties.

    This inauspicious start would typify the upcoming catastrophe. Despite the spoiling bombardment, twelve Moscow Accord field armies began trundling forward in what was supposed to be a lightning offensive. Instead, save for Egorov’s troops, the many amongst the masses of mobilized men had never partaken in an offensive. It was one thing to sit in a trench and shoot back when advised to and another entirely to undertake a combined arms offensive.

    Aircraft did not coordinate with one another, resulting in airwings getting tangled up and in some cases firing on one another. Bombardments, despite having been pre-sighted for months, failed to hit many of their targets for the Germans, knowing of the upcoming attack, had built thousands of decoys. Reichspakt artillery was not suppressed in the slightest. Tanks arrived at the front only for men with only a few hours of driving experience to be thrown inside them. Some of the tank crews had even been former deserters that had been caught – they were welded into their vehicles and moved to the head of the columns with promises of pardon should they still be alive by the end of the day. Waves of infantry were mown down by camouflaged machine gun nests and riflemen in dugouts that more resembled fortresses.

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    German assault guns outside Smolensk
    At the end of the first day Russian spearheads in the south had only achieved minimal gains of a few kilometers. To the north, advances were more moderate, with several penetrations ranging between fifteen and twenty kilometers. The cost was criminal. Over 33,000 Moscow Accord troops, 90% of them Russian, were recorded as killed in action. The missing and wounded topped another 60,000. It was one of the bloodiest days in human history, surpassing anything seen in the Weltkrieg.

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    German engineers preparing an anti-tank ditch near Ostrov

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    Russian aircraft near the northern attack outside of Ostrov

    Encouraged by the success in Egorov’s district, Stavka ordered the attacks to continue. Even Feliks Egorov believed his men on the brink of a breakthrough, but the next day his tanks hit the third line of German defenses beyond the Velilkaya River. Hundreds of anti-tank guns, self-propelled assault platforms, thousands of miles of trench works and tens of thousands of mines blunted the Russian attacks, destroying several hundred tanks in a day. Still, the assault would not end. Egorov mustered his siege artillery and rail guns to blast a hole in the German lines. On the third and fourth days, this was partially achieved. The Russian general would order his reserve mobile forces to pour into the line, hoping to exploit the hole to establish a breakthrough. Instead, they were met with a thousand German close-air support bombers escorted by 1,700 fighter craft, many recently transferred from the western fronts, and the tanks of 11. Panzerarmee’s three corps. The greatest tank clash in history unfolded beneath sheets of black smoke. The fight lasted through the short February day and into the night, with illumination shells and a constant barrage of explosions lighting the battlefield. By the time the sun rose, it was clear Egorov’s attack was defeated. The carcasses of over 1,300 tanks and tens of thousands of Germans and Russians polluted the landscape.

    “It appeared we had been transported to the moon,” one conscript recorded later. “Only, there was perhaps a little more oxygen and a lot more dead bodies than that place.”

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    A mixed array of German vehicles near Mogilev after an air attack

    The situation was no better in the south, where Vladimir Kappel’s armies bashed themselves against the multi-levelled German defenses. Recognizing that the long-awaited Russian attack afforded his men the ability to build a defense-in-depth, Falkenhorst harvested the tactics of the First Weltkrieg to establish perhaps the most heavily fortified position in the world. To send conscripts against it in their first offensive was tantamount to ordering men off a thousand-foot cliff. Kappel would next sacrifice his veterans, hoping they could achieve what his fresher armies had not. There was some mixed success, with two advances punching deep into the gut of Reichspakt lines, but these were both stopped before moving more than fifty kilometers from their starting points. Mogilev had been threatened for a time, but by this time the German counterstroke had been prepared.

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    Operation Veles

    The entire mobile force of Army Group Burgundy, 08. Panzerarmee and three mobile infantry corps, had been railed east and deployed behind Smolensk – Mogilev in the south and Ostrov – Opochka in the north. Combined with the forces already present, the Germans switched into the attack and moved forward. Under crushing airpower they rolled forward, retaking all the ground lost the previous week. Russian air fleets were thrown into the battle to help regain the initiative, but the Germans chose this as the time to unleash their newly formed 01. Sturmluftflotte which was entirely equipped with jet aircraft. The Russians had no answer to the massed grouping of jet fighters and suffered grievous losses. Only once back over Russian lines where flak cover was present in sufficient mass was the pursuit by German aircraft halted. On that day, February 25th, the Russians suffered their greatest loss of aircraft in a single day: 394, with a quarter of them coming from the largest dogfight of the war over Velikiye Luki.

    The bleeding would not stop there. German armies now pushed forward, hoping to initiate a route. Surprisingly, Russian defenses budged but did not buckle. Despite being mangled in the failures of Operation Veles, Russian forces were so densely packed that the Reichspakt could not achieve a decisive victory. German forces pushed some sixty kilometers beyond Pskov in the north and 46 toward Velikiye Luki in the south. Between the two cities about 26,000 Russians were cut off and forced to surrender, but this was a drop in the bucket compared to the overall campaign now being waged.

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    The Rositten Pocket

    As February bled into March, Field Marshal Goltz insisted on continuing the attacks. In drips and drabs units from the west were arriving and being thrown into the meatgrinder piecemeal. Small, iterative gains were continuing to be made, but no force had enough strength or initiative by now to translate these into anything more than positives on the tactical-operational scale. Goltz would call for a halt to reassemble forces, pulling units from both the west as well as Guderian's and Hoth's army groups. These would be added to Falkenhorst's force and directed toward Moscow in an intermediately strengthed attack.

    Vladimir Kappel's armies had suffered the greatest in the last two months. So bad was the situation that a fullscale route opened the line on the Vyazma access for two days, through which German tanks raced. Only the intercession of the 71-ya Motorizovannyy Kazachiy, the 71st Motorized Cossacks Brigade, halted the Germans in an ambush at the town of Safonovo. This brigade would fight until its essential destruction, but it was enough to restore the line. Over the next several weeks the Germans attempted to expand their foothold on the road to Moscow but any gains were met with savage counterattacks. By late April the frontline had frozen up again. Vladimir Kappel could not breathe a sigh of relief however as on 17th of April a refusal to attack German lines again escalated into a mutiny that affected the entire 43rd Army. The situation grew so tense that Kappel himself would negotiate with the mutiny leaders. Kappel pledged not to use the 43rrd in offensive maneuvers but required it to hold the line. The leaders of the mutiny agreed to their own arrest, using their army's compliance with the request to remain on the defensive as leverage for their safety in prison.

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    The Eastern Front as of March 25th

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    Counterattack and Continued Ukrainian Advances

    To Field Marshal Goltz, OKO and his army group commanders, the counteroffensive’s gains were a disappointment after the crushing defeats wreaked on the Russians. “The highway to Moscow will be paved in bones this way,” Goltz was remembered having muttered during one particularly resigned conference. These lessons of what were now being called ‘Krieg Stoppen’ [ENG. Halting War] were relayed to Berlin where a contingency was being formed. Goltz was ordered to halt any further attempts on the enemy. Reinforcements from the west would likely be arriving en masse soon. Along with this, Kurt von Schleicher would deliver to Goltz a cryptic promise of a wonder weapon that would certainly turn the tides of battle.

    Though the Reichspakt had been halted an air of hopelessness began to grip Stavka headquarters. The year plus of stagnated front had made it too difficult to break through for either side in their current state and now there were even mutinies breaking out. Worse yet, this attack had represented the fruits of a long buildup of forces in the north which had come at the expense of Anton Denikin’s southern forces in Ukraine. France seemed about to capitulate, Britain would soon be invaded, and then the full weight of the Reichspakt would be turned against Russia. Despite her maximized industrial base, it would be impossible to win in a war of attrition against the whole of central and eastern Europe. Pyotr Wrangle would consult with some of the finest minds in Russian governance and concluded that the slow, interminable stalemate, or worse, a loss, could fracture the Russian state. Having already witnessed one civil war, Wrangle would do anything to prevent another.

    To justify a palace coup the Field Marshal knew he would need a political catalyst large and catastrophic enough to warrant an attempt on the heart of the Russian State. And so, the man known as the Black Baron bided his time, waiting for a juncture of events large enough to finally sour the unexcitable hearts of the Russian people on their tyrant.



    [1] Operation Veles: Named for the Slavic pagan god of Earth, Water and the Underworld



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    Chapter 34: Revelation
  • Chapter XXXIV: Revelation


    *Author's note: Warning, this one gets pretty dark

    After eight years of the worst war in European history, the syndicalist regimes had fallen, imploding under pressure from all sides. With the war in the Americas, Africa and the Pacific over, all eyes turned to the eastern reaches of Europe where the final chapter of the Weltkrieg was playing itself out.

    Donner und Blitz: June – July 1946

    The spring campaigns for both the Moscow Accord and Reichspakt had proven inconclusive. Now, German high command awaited the transfer of all military units not required for occupation duties (or the Irish Civil War) to the east. With the full strength of the German army at their disposal for the first time in the war, Oberkommando Ost began drawing up plans for a ‘Grand Offensive’ to take place in mid-summer 1946. While Goltz wished to focus the offensive east of Smolensk to break open a path to Moscow, German high command denied this. Some of the heaviest defenses in the whole world now lay between the two cities. Even if these were bypassed and Moscow captured, it would likely not mean the end of the war.

    Ableitung III b had long since penetrated Russia, though only recently had the extent of the enemy’s industrial plant become understood. The dehumanization of and mass deportations to the trans-Ural factory cities of millions form the Ostwall nations supercharged the already thrumming ascent of the enemy’s war economy. The sheer figures of Russian output were mindboggling, surpassing German ones by over three times. Thus, both the Reichspakt’s political and military leadership agreed that the capture of a few more cities, even Moscow, would not suffice to end the war. The weak point of the enemy, Kurt von Schleicher recognized correctly, was its will to resist. What was required now was an event that made the futility of the enemy’s position so utterly undeniable that its people would give in regardless of who led them. A visual manifesto of unprecedented magnitude was required.

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    To enable this doom, air supremacy was necessary. The Luftmarschall of the Luftstreitkräfte, Manfred von Richtofen, was given the task of winning air supremacy over central Russia. The two branches of the German air forces, the tactically based Luftwaffe and the strategically-focused Luftstreitkräfte, were once more brought under the singular control of von Richtofen. To complete his task, the Luftmarschall would be able to call on more than 9,000 fighter aircraft, 4,000 tactical bombers and fighter-bombers and 1,600 strategic bombers. These figures included a thousand jet aircraft (many pilfered from France and Britain).

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    Luftmaschall von Richtofen, the ‘Red Baron’, aged 53

    The hardest work of breaking the Russian air force’s back had been completed in the preceding year, but now von Richtofen’s aerial armadas swept left from the skies. This could only be achieved for a limited time, however, for fuel supply issues still bit. What naval fuel production could be diverted to the higher quality fuels required for aircraft had long since been switched over but there were still limited reserves for such a wide-ranging operation.

    The Reichskanzeler held a meeting on June 8th, the day after Norway’s fall, to inform his top eastern commanders and Luftmarshall von Richtofen of the reasoning for the massive air campaign. There, to this limited audience, he revealed the development of a secret wonder weapon which required dominance of the air to deploy accurately and effectively.

    The Seeds of Summer Glass

    Unbeknownst to all but a very tightly knit circle, the German government (together with Austria-Hungary) had established the ‘Revelation Program’, 'Der Offenbarung Programm', to create the world’s first atomic weapons in 1942. To achieve this, the Program had enlisted the services of an impressive, multidisciplinary array of scientists and weapons manufacturers. Included amongst the chemists, metallurgists, biologists, mathematicians, ballistics engineers, and geologists. The stars of the show of course were the physicists: Lise Meitner, Hans Bethe, Werner Heisenberg, Kurt Diebner, Abraham Esau, Fritz Strassman, Neils Bohr, Erich Schumann, and Albert Einstein among others.

    The Revelation Program had already produced the world’s first atomic bomb, codenamed Sommerglas [ENG. Summer Glass]. Sommerglas, with a yield of 14 kilotons, had been detonated successfully in the Namibian desert in March 1945. Since then, the network of uranium enrichment reactors and warhead assembly plants had produced an additional five bombs with eight more on the way.

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    At the time the first several bombs had been prepared it had seemed like they might be used against the syndicalists. The heavy factory complexes at Toulouse were chosen as the initial target, though this spurred a debate amongst the Reichskanzeler’s inner circle. Economic State Secretary Carl Friedrich Goerdeler reminded the assembled that under the terms of the Halifax Accords Germany would have to in part fund the rebuilding of France. Already creaking under the cost of the war, German finances might not withstand the reconstruction of yet another entire city. Besides, by that stage Paris was about to fall and German troops had all but triumphed in the Metropol.

    German eyes had turned to Britain next, but upon further inspection it was clear that Great Britain would be contested soon and mostly at cost to the Entente. Better to let what was likely to become a postwar rival in the Imperial Commonwealth weaken itself fighting what would be its own future subjects. Italy was considered, but if both France and Britain were defeated its collapse was a matter of months if not weeks. As the syndicalists fell in quick succession of one another, the Reichskanzeler decided that the war with Russia should be resolved by the end of summer. Luftmarschall von Richthofen had his timeframe.

    The Push to the Borders: June – July 1946

    At the June 8th conference, Field Marshal Goltz and Chief of the General Staff Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord presented plans for their next offensive. The Reichskanzeler would take this opportunity to reveal the secret of the Revelation Program and explain its significance. The commanders of the eastern front immediately intuited atomic weapons as battlefield tools that could be used to break through the titanic Russian defenses before Moscow. Schleicher agreed, but only in part. He warned his generals that they were developing ‘Kremlin tunnel vision’. This new breed of weapon had vast implications for the world that went far beyond the military sphere. These new ‘atomiks’ would be used on targets of both military and political value.

    The Reichskanzeler wished to eject the Russians from most of Ukrainian soil before unleashing this new Armageddon on them. While Schleicher stated that his reasoning for this was to collect more evidence of Russian crimes against humanity and thus justify the use of the bombs, the reality was that he wished to take away what few bargaining chips Savinkov (or whoever succeeded him) might have left – should Ukraine be liberated, the only Reichspakt nations still under Russian control would be Azerbaijan and Georgia.

    Regardless, to carry out the pre-bombing campaign a truly gargantuan force was assembled on the eastern front – the largest in all the war. The main theater would be the Russian front, which saw assembled between the Baltic and Black Sea more than 2.4 million German soldiers. The order of battle for Germany would be Army Groups White (Guderian), Red (Schörner), Brown (Falkenhorst), Gray (Hoth), Orange (Blomberg), Purple (Loringhoven), along with the western newcomers from Army Groups Ivory (Manstein), Green (von Bayern), Teal (Rommel) and Mauve (Witzleben). Added to this were a further 2.3 million soldiers from across the Reichspakt.

    There would be two further peripheral theaters, one in Scandinavia and one in Anatolia. In the southern theater, the 240,000 Germans of Army Group Burgundy committed along with 1.5 million Reichspakt coalition soldiers. In Norway-Sweden, only recently liberated, small scale battles and skirmishes were unfolding along the Artic Circle, with a composite battle group some 50,000 strong deployed.

    In all, as June settled into July, the Reichspakt had deployed 6.5 million men under arms between the White Sea and the Mediterranean. It was perhaps the greatest force ever prepared in human history. Facing it was the Moscow Accord’s armies, which totaled nearly 5.3 million distributed in a proportional manner. Though their quality was poor, especially in infantry, the fortifications that the Accord had settled into were strong. Multiple concentric lines of defenses that had been established before Moscow and across the Ukrainian steppe and beyond into central Russia. As ever, field works had proven a strength of the Russian military.

    On July 1st, the plan agreed on June 8th kicked off with thousands of Manstein’s planes asserting air dominance over western Russia. It had been here that most of the remaining Russian air force had been located and here where it would die.

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    Roving about in hundreds of squadrons of twelve, German aircraft combined with other Reichspakt planes to ‘blot out even the clouds’. Beneath this coverage, the Grand Offensive thundered into existence beneath a creeping barrage that expended a total of 1.4 million shells a day for the first week and a half. This massive stockpile had been gathered in the time between offensives, with confiscations of ammunition from the defeated syndicalists contributing greatly. Mostly concentrated in the southern bend of Egorov’s salient and Ukraine, German tanks encountered hard battles during the first week of July before managing to acquire some limited breakthroughs.

    Reichspakt forces would tear through one line at multiple locations, dig in, wait for reinforcements to enter the breach which would then begin clearing enemy strongholds in the rear, then reinforce the advanced line. Siege artillery and aircraft would be brought up, the next set of enemy positions surveilled and bombarded, then the whole process would be systematically repeated. This would continue bloody mile by bloody mile through most of July, until at last by the 27th Reichspakt forces stood on the northeastern Ukrainian border. Only the far eastern sliver of that country along with the Crimean Peninsula now stood in Russian hands.

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    Reichspakt troops at the Ukrainian – Russian border marker
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    Further north a prong had been forced in the direction of Moscow some eighty kilometers from Vyazma. From here, German bombers were able to receive full escorts to and from Moscow, though losses to anti-aircraft guns were heavier than expected. Beyond the Moscow axis, heavy battles at last forced Feliks Egorov’s armies out of their salient threatening the Baltics. The general, now promoted to marshal, skillfully withdrew his men but this was of little comfort to him. The Baltics were now forever out of his reach and he knew it. As Russia’s most celebrated commander in the second half of the war, Savinkov had grown wary of this general. Egorov’s politicking was well-known in Stavka circles. It had been his intrigues which had led to his ascension from mere corps commander to leader of the Baltic Front. Despite being a relative unknown at the beginning of the war, Egorov risen relentlessly and even replaced one of Savinkov’s favorite allies, Vyacheslav Naumenko, after openly betraying him by refusing to reinforce his offensive during the Second Baltic Campaign. Back then, Savinkov had refused to punish Feliks, allowing his star to rise to engender jealousies and competition amongst his commander, but he had never trusted the general again.

    For his own part, Egorov had become increasingly disgruntled with the lack of support he had received from Moscow. His front had been continually undersupplied and undermanned yet overperformed compared to his three other colleagues. This was a fact Feliks had shared openly and loudly amongst his men, garnering their personal loyalty in a way unmatched by any other commanders in the Russian army. Egorov blamed the Black Baron, Pyotr Wrangle, whom he felt had left him and his men out to dry, drawing his men’s ire on the generalissimo of the Russian forces. He also had a personal animus toward Denikin who equally disliked Egorov. As he withdrew before the German summer onslaught, Egorov began to shepherd supplies for his own purposes as he felt Savinkov’s position became increasingly untenable.

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    Early August
    With the utter destruction of the Russian air force and the restitution of most of Ukraine, Kurt von Schleicher decided that his requirements had been fulfilled. He would pass authorization for the use of nuclear weapons to Luftmarshall Richtofen. As this occurred, commands were passed to the army group commanders ordering them to pause their attacks, though to be prepared to resume the offensive ‘within several days’.

    Richthofen had delegated locational planning to a targeting committee which included staff members from all army groups and the General Staff. Data was collated and on August 3rd the targets chosen. The date set was August 12th. It was the eight-year anniversary of Russia entering the Second Weltkrieg. The attack would be codenamed Operation Rache [ENG. Revenge].

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    The Drive to the Borders, July 1946


    The Day of Seven Suns: August 12th, 1946

    It had been a hot these last months across western Eurasia. In Kazan, Tambov, Saratov, Samara, Belgorod, Yaroslav and more the grass had lost its spring luster and adopted a high summer brown. The trees were thirsty and the skies blue. It was some time since the last rainstorms had blown over, leading wildlife to congregate around the rivers and lakes to quench and cool themselves. In Moscow, where the mercury had reached the mid-30s centigrade, people too had retreated indoors where possible.

    One person in particular, Boris Savinkov, had retreated from the Kremlin to his summer dacha on the shores of Lake Pleshcheyovo, about a hundred and twenty kilometers from his capital. It overlooked the medieval Monastery of St. Nicetas and its onion-domed 18th century chapel. The dacha was a secretive place, though its existence, if not its importance, was known by German intelligence. It had never received a bomb or even an overflight thus far. Even so, Savinkov’s regime had established a vast underground network of bunkers there where Stavka occasionally met.

    On the 10th of August, the Vohzd had ordered Anton Denikin, commander of the Ukrainian Front, to report to him at this place. Denikin suspected that this meeting would lead to his execution. Despite serving as one of the most capable commanders in Russia since the very first day of the war, his formations had been mostly forced out of Ukraine. Savinkov had grown to admire Denikin during the Russian Civil War and his early successes in the Second Weltkrieg, but by now the increasingly paranoid and maddened Vohzd had resorted to blaming everyone around him for recent setbacks. He indeed intended to murder Denikin to set an example to Stavka of what happened to those who retreated from objectives they had been ordered to hold. Denikin delayed as long as he could, claiming ill health, but eventually could prevaricate no longer. Early on the 12th, he traveled to the Pleshcheyovo Dacha having already written out his will and last testament and taken his last rites. Ironically, for what the day was about to become, going north when he did saved Denikin’s life.

    As the Ukrainian Front commander traveled from Moscow airport to Savinkov’s residence, six German bombers were being loaded with the first atomic arsenal ever intended for human victims. These would begin departing from three different airfields at about seven in the morning. Four were calculated to drop their bomb loads on operational objectives within fifteen minutes. These would be intended to support the field armies by causing maximum chaos within Russian lines. In two cases, these were the thickest of the defensive networks where many divisions were dug in. In the next two instances, heavily defended logistics hubs were targeted. Unfortunately for the people living there, these happened to be in the center of two cities.

    The sixth and final bomber, aiming for a strategic target, climbed to high altitude for a longer flight. Despite a transitioning high-pressure front bringing fresh winds from the southwest, conditions were optimal for this plane to reach its target 440 kilometers away within an hour.

    Each of the six planes sailed toward their targets unharried. The Russian air force had long since ceased to exist as a threat to bombers flying as high and as fast as these. The seconds ticked into minutes, and at ground level in five different locations keen-eyed observers might spot the silhouette of a distant, dark, lone aircraft approaching. In Belgorod and Bryansk, air raid sirens went off. Above the lines of the Vyazma Strategic Defense Zone, with its thousands of kilometers of trenches and bunkers, a single bomber wasn’t enough to warrant concern. Men went about their morning routines as normal, huddling around samovars for tea, lining up for bread, freeze-dried fruit or if they were lucky, a cut of nondescript meat.

    At 07:18, the first bomb fell from the sky. Eyewitnesses describe seeing a second, even more powerful sun turn the sky from azure to white. What clouds there were evaporated ahead of the shockwave which flattened houses, trees, fences, ripening crops, barns, and the hundreds of tents and pre-fabricated structures which served as the staging point for 53-ya Strelkovaya Diviziya [ENG. 53rd Rifle Division]. The bomb had exploded 225 meters (739 feet) above the ground. The fireball expanded to 274 meters (900 feet) and gave off a core heat of over 1 million degrees Celsius, igniting everything for a kilometer around. The surface of the fireball was reminiscent of the sun at over 6,000 degrees centigrade. Thousands of men at the staging point suddenly disappeared, vaporized by the heat or killed by ionizing radiation and gamma rays that burst blood vessels and internal organs. Paint on vehicles and buildings boiled, crackled and dripped off surfaces.

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    Anatomy of an atomic fireball – snapshot taken during the Sommerglas test, Namibia

    The shockwave raced outward at 1,300 kilometers per hour (800 miles per hour), tossing ancient oak trees and modern tanks like the bath toys of a child. The blast wave caused massive damage up to eleven kilometers away. Thousands were crushed as pillboxes and concrete fortifications crumbled. Thousands more suffocated as they were buried in the trenches they manned were filled in with tons of dirt and debris. The small towns that just so happened to be located around the field fortifications were pancaked by the concussive blast. Nearby copses and primeval forests, dry from the August heat, exploded into a conflagration, blackening a sky already darkened by a towering mushroom cloud.

    Moments later, a second, then a third atomic explosion occurred south of the original bomb, hitting similar targets: the staging sites and heavy field fortifications of Vladimir Kappel’s 54th and 59th Armies. The bombs achieved similar results. Many of the bulwarks that had been built up over the last few months lay in ruins. Seven Russian divisions had lain near the three explosions. Together, they suffered catastrophic casualties, leaving gaping holes in the defensive line of Kappel’s Western Front. Worse was to come.

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    South in the city of Bryansk, another explosion bloomed like a violent, alternate sun. Five Russian divisions had been positioned in and around the city, which now lay on the frontline. The bomb had exploded above the Bryansk Drama Theater, instantly blotting it and many of the city’s other cultural heritage sites from existence. The nearby city parks erupted into starry incandescence. Clothes and flesh burst off human frames, leaving charred, malformed bones mixed in with the ash from everything around them. Birds and insects were remembered to have spontaneously exploded in midair. Across the river Desna, which momentarily evaporated in the vicinity of the city center, the forests caught fire even as they collapsed beneath the concussive blast.

    Bryansk had been home to 215,000 before the war but was now packed with 310,000 people, many of them refugees from the countryside. The Vohzd had ordered the civilian population to remain put in the hopes that a city full of women, children and old men would stiffen the resolve of his soldiery. Many of these people had been put to work on the outskirts of the city digging trenches, anti-tank ditches, emplacements and hauling supplies to soldiers from the train station in the city center. Many were on their way out to the day’s work at 07:31 when the bomb hit.

    Instantly, 19,000 had perished. By the end of the day, 32,000 more would join them, succumbing to wounds, dying beneath the rubble or perishing from the fires and radiation that persisted in the area. By the end of the week, with no emergency services able to support such a cataclysm, the death toll in Bryansk had climbed to 89,000. Of the Russian army stationed in and around the city, only about half the strength of four of the divisions able to report for duty once the dazzlement receded. The fifth division, which had been on rotation in the city itself or given guard duties for the railheads and army stockpiles there, had simply disappeared.

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    The ruins of Bryansk
    A similar situation would occur in the smaller city of Belgorod. With only 86,000 people, Belgorod was nonetheless served as the anchor for the 63rd Guards Army’s four divisions. Given its smaller geographic spread, the bomb had a correspondingly higher impact on casualties per capita. Between the military and civilians in Belgorod, 54,000 would die from incineration, radiation poisoning, wounds or secondary effects over several days. As the mushroom cloud rose, the city had been wiped off the face of the map. Belgorod had been Anton Denikin’s headquarters location, a fact that had been established by Ableitung III b’s infiltration of his army group. The Germans had missed the commander by a mere 7 hours.

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    The mushroom cloud above Belgorod

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    The same mushroom cloud as witnessed twelve kilometers away

    It was the single deadliest morning in human history. Those who survived it did not know it yet, but their suffering had marked the beginning of a new age. The chaos was too raw for the victims to understand what had happened to them. German soldiers who witnessed the sky bursting open miles ahead of them seemed to sense it, however. Awe rippled up and down both frontlines like a shiver down the spine. The insanity of the Second Weltkrieg had climaxed. Five of the worst weapons ever devised had been used – and still, the day’s abyss was yet to come.

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    The sixth bomber flew high and steady, its windows glinting in the summer sun. On the horizon, its target slowly came into sight; the crisscrossing gray-brown of human development expanding across the landscape to slowly fill up most of the horizon. Snaking through its heart was a river that gleamed golden in the morning light; the Moskva.

    The morning had seemed like any other. At 08:15, heat was already rising and the chirping crickets beginning to fade into whatever cool, dark spots they could find to shelter from the coming midday sun. People were on their way to work, many to the factories that were sprinkled throughout the city. They were emerging from the ‘Bloki’, the endless rows of apartment buildings constructed in the last several years to house the Moscow’s rising population, which had crested to 4.8 million.

    As the war had gone on, the Vohzd had used the Kremlin less and less, preferring his bunkers and dachas. Still, the ancient fort remained abuzz with activity, especially on a Monday morning as it was on August 12th. Many officials of the ruling national populist Union for the Defense of the Motherland and Freedom (SZRS) were still in holding events in the Kremlin, including the Savinkokv’s number two, General Secretary of the Party, Dimitri Shepilov. Only a few hundred meters away, in the red-brick Russian Revival architecture of the State Duma building, the legislature was meeting to provide the rubber stamp ratification on the latest of the Vohzd’s laws. As usual, the new laws were being read out by another SZRS official, the Party Executor, Victor Mikhailovich Baidalakov.

    At about 07:45, reports of a string of cataclysms began filtering in from the west to the Chief of Staff to the Vohzd, Nikolai Ustryalov. Nikolai, a long-time compatriot of Savinkov, typically remained in Moscow whenever his master was away to watch over the workings of the state – most especially Shepilov, ensuring that none were conspiring against the Vohzd. Ustryalov could not make sense of the reports. Some claimed a natural disaster. Some claimed that the Germans seemed to have detonated a ‘hundred thousand bombs at once’. He made his way to the Grand Kremlin Palace where Shepilov was running through the agricultural analyses from the Ural oblast to discuss what was happening. At about the same time, 08:17, the air raid sirens began blaring. Ustryalov wrote later that he looked up and could see a single bomber far overhead. His adjunct, a Natsgvardia major, disregarded the bomber with disdain, thinking it a spy plane taking photographs. Ustryalov, unnerved by the reports of disasters in the east, insisted they go to the bomb shelter under the Kremlin Armory anyway. This would save his life, leading him to become one of the few that survived within a kilometer of the blast.

    At 08:19, the German bomber, the Anton, would release its payload and frantically pull away from the expected vicinity of destruction. This bomb, the most powerful of the six, yielded 30 kilotons of explosive. It detonator’s timer would malfunction and trigger a mere 61 meters (200 feet) over the northwest corner of the Kitay-Gorod neighborhood, 300 meters further down than intended.

    Originally established in the 1500s, the quarter was densely packed with buildings and artefacts of historical and cultural significance, including 18 parish churches, a cathedral, winding streets filled with tenements, warehouses and offices, the ‘Trading Rows’ filled with shops and market stalls, Moscow’s first university (the Slavic Greek Latin Academy), the Chambers of the Romanov Boyars, an opera hall, the art nouveau-style Metropolitan Hotel filled with priceless paintings and sculpture and more. Even the keys to Berlin, captured in 1760 during the Seven Years War had been housed in a museum here. All this would vanish in an instant, reduced to superheated particles by a fireball 342 meters (1,122 feet) across.

    The bomb’s epicenter was only 700 meters off from its target of the Kremlin. Despite this ‘escape’, eight of the eighteen Kremlin towers, from the Petrovskaya to the Spasskaya around to the Troitskaya were crushed by an overpressure wave which hit them at 1,000 kilometers per hour, toppling over like matchstick cabins. The ancient Ivan the Great Belltower suffered a similar fate, as did the Kremlin’s Court of Justice, the Arsenal and the Chudov Monastery which had been founded in 1365. Other buildings of the Kremlin received extreme damage. Two of the three cathedrals and the Church of the Twelve Apostles would burn to cinders over the course of the day. The Grand Palace would largely survive the blast, though its two northern-facing facades were torn open, lacerating General Secretary Shepilov to death. Part of the Armory building would partially collapse, trapping Ustryalov and his comrades under rubble. It would take two and a half days before they were dug out, delivering them from the worst of the radiation.

    The beautiful, Easter Egg colored onion-domes of St. Basils Cathedral were almost instantly destroyed along with the rest of the church, leaving naught but its charred foundations visible. The State Duma building where the Russian Senate had been meeting was similarly obliterated. Despite making their way to the bomb shelter when the air raid sirens went off 337 of 459 the legislators were killed. A majority of those within 1.5 kilometers of the blast who survived and managed to surface from beneath the wreckage received doses of over 500 rem of ionizing radiation. The few who survived the day would likely die within a month, typically coughing or vomiting up viscera until they bled out, suffered massive organ failure or heart attacks. This number included Party Executor Baidalakov, who perished six days later in hospice care in Khimki. It was a fitting end for the man who’d overseen the detention and relocation of millions to the squalid conditions of the ‘Colonies’.

    Above it all, the mushroom cloud’s stalk loomed almost nine kilometers high. The head of the cloud, an irradiated ovaloid three kilometers wide by four kilometers tall, hung over the city for an hour before losing shape. Some who saw it claimed to witness malevolent, demon faces laughing in its roiling smoke.

    People would receive third degree burns across 16 square kilometers, or up to two and a half kilometers from the blast site. Within 14.4 square kilometers, many of the residential buildings crumbled. Buildings made of the summer-dry wood burned easy. The fire would spread throughout the day, creating a localized microclimate that incited yet more fire as the conflagration drew in more fresh air from the surrounding areas. Soon, rather than winds gusting out of the blast zone they were rushing towards it. With so many windows and roofs blasted open, the flammable contents of buildings were easy to ignite, especially since the air was thick with red-hot ashes. The day’s winds, which had continued to pick up to gusts of thirty miles per hour, stoked the disaster into a tragedy of unparalleled proportions. A cyclonic firestorm had begun.

    Many who had survived the blast fled the subsequent flames by taking cover in the underground metro. Thousands would asphyxiate as oxygen was sucked out of the tunnels by the ravenous conflagration. Above ground, survivors who attempted to flee in confusion found themselves sinking in melting asphalt. Many would be converted to human torches as globules of molten glass came raining down, burning their clothes and hair. People attempting to take refuge in the Moskva River around the Yakimanka and Zamoskvorechye districts were killed as the fiery debris choked the waterway, crushing frail human bodies. Some bedraggled survivors trying to take shelter in those non-wooden buildings still standing were baked alive as the stones and concrete heated like the confines of an oven. The intense winds created tornadic activity with massive pillars of twisting fire reaching up a thousand feet or more. Stacks of corpses were blown together toward what few walls remained, forming meters-tall slag heaps of partially fused human remains. Blackened skulls rolled downhill like a sick parody of bowling balls. Mankind’s innovation had given birth to a waking vision of hell.

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    No emergency services could operate in these circumstances. What salvation there was to be found was in individual and personal heroics. Men and women who charged into certain death to save loved ones or even those they didn’t know. People who shared what little food they had amidst the blackened flotsam of their lives. The children who were small enough to worm their way into rubble to bring succor to those buried under collapsed buildings. Those who brought buckets of water from burst pipes to the victims of a thousand manmade maladies. Those who shared the scant shelter available with fellow human beings. One particularly poignant scene was the Mass of Patriarch Anastasius I, who had survived the devastation. Two days after the bombing, the Patriarch would convene an outdoor mass before the wreckage of the Church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Survivors began appearing until a crowd of hundreds had formed. Many fables and claims of miracles have arisen from his moment, with dozens of claims of burns being salved arising.

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    Patriarch Anastasius I (Anastasy)

    Beyond providing comforting words, Anastasius would begin directing what some form of support by dispatching priests, deacons and other churchmen into the countryside to rally the peasants from the countryside to bring food and help into the city. These first grasps of self-organized efforts would be the defining moment that would see the coming meteoric rise in political importance of the Russian Orthodox Church.

    Germany had dropped The Bomb on Moscow knowing full well Boris Savinkov was not in residence there. Killing the Vohzd had not been the goal. Sending a message had. Kurt von Schleicher recognized that he would need someone to negotiate Russia’s surrender, and thus once Savinkov’s absence was confirmed, he had affirmed the targeting committee’s choice of Moscow.

    Events would soon deny Schleicher the jubilation of receiving Savinkov’s surrender.

    The Reaper’s Due

    As the worst of the disaster faded, men from the Moscow Military District Garrison began appearing to help with firefighting activities. Many of these had arrived spontaneously, but by Wednesday the entire division of Natsgvardia (ENG. National Guard) arrived to spearhead relief efforts had arrived. They would communicate the scale of the monstrous event back to Wrangle, who was by now also receiving detailed reports of the other bombs that had gone off in the west. Darker still were the details of the various breakthroughs the Germans were making as a result. By Thursday, it was clear that the entire central Moscow administrative okrug was utterly ravaged and unsalvageable. Inestimable amounts of religious, cultural, and historical treasure were lost. What the blast had not devastated the firestorm had.

    As the dust settled the toll could be ascertained. Over 522,000 people in Moscow had died between August 12th and 15th, with many tens of thousands more in the months to come. Over one million more would suffer injuries of varying kinds, many which would go untreated for weeks due to the dearth of healthcare facilities and medical experts. The effects of radiation sickness would be suffered by some for days, for others, decades.

    Altogether, the six bombs had slain nearly 700,000 people, injured twice that number, and rendered millions homeless. It was a tragedy unparalleled in history and evidence that humanity’s powers had far exceeded its wisdom.

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    The ruins of Moscow, nine weeks later

    Battle in the Black Rain: August 14th 1946

    The Black Baron had been at Stavka headquarters in Tula when the bombs hit. He, along with the entire General Staff, were taken aback by the sudden chaos over the radio waves. Dozens of junior officers were dispatched to locations across the front to confirm what seemed to be impossible. When corroboration did come, it arrived just as the German forces resumed the offensive. Vast, gaping holes had opened in the frontlines through which the enemy’s armored forces were pouring. Wrangle would attempt to raise Savinkov multiple times on the 12th, but the Vohzd was silent. Savinkov was unable to internalize the events that had just taken place, completely removing himself from reality. With the Vohzd absent and most of the party leadership in Moscow missing and presumed dead, the General Staff began to wonder if they might be the last vestige of centralized control in the country.

    On the morning of the 13th, Reichskanzeler von Schleicher sent a broadcast on open radio waves to all of Europe explaining the significance of what had just happened. He stated that more bombs would be dropped on Russian cities were a surrender not forthcoming and that he was willing to reduce all of Russia to cinders before Christmas.

    The Stavka argued all day about whether Germany had more such bombs while all along the front Russian forces fought desperately. Kappel would call eight times throughout the day demanding the release of the mobile reserve but Wrangle refused, holding firm that the time had not yet come. At about noon, another message would come in over the wireless: the Siberian ‘Colony’ of Iskupleniye [ENG. ‘Redemption’] was in open revolt, incited by news of the atom bombs. The vast throngs of German, Ruthenian, Ukrainian, Central Asian and Baltic the slave laborers had wrested control of the local garrison and looted it of weaponry. Worse, they had taken possession of the railyard unopposed, putting Krasnojarsk and even Novosibirsk in danger.

    Finally, later that same day, Boris Savinkov called. He gave orders to hold the line on pain of death. He demanded that National Guard units be placed all along the front line as blocking detachments to kill anyone who ran. Wrangle could hardly believe what he was hearing. He argued that the Germans might have more atom bombs and extrapolated on the Natsgvardia being needed to help reform a line much further back than the currently compromised one. If the dozens of armies in the frontline remained where they were they risked being surrounded. If reinforcements were simply sent in piecemeal these too would get cut apart. Geographical features were needed to re-anchor a firm defense.

    The Vohzd manically declared that only through sheer will could the Motherland overcome such adversities and that if they did not do this then his wrath would be more terrible than anything the Germans could conjure. Wrangle shot back “Everything is disintegrating! Should I follow these orders, you will have ruined the Motherland more completely than any single person has done before!”. Those in the room, listening on the radio set, squirmed as the line crackled with static for almost a minute. At last, the Vohzd spoke, ordering Wrangle to the Pleshcheyovo Dacha to discuss this further, then hung up. As Denikin had, Wrangle believed summons meant his death. The Black Baron decided he would travel to Pleshcheyovo, but not alone.

    Taking only those he trusted, Wrangle flew north at low altitude under cover of darkness to Vladimir. There, he would enact the contingency he had long planned; the usurpation of the levers of power. At Vladimir, he had long since placed there a unit of men loyal to himself who now accompanied him on the two-hour drive north to Savinkov’s dacha.

    The movement of tanks, trucks and horsedrawn artillery could not be kept secret for long. At Pleshcheyovo, Savinkov quickly deduced Wrangle was mutinying. All military forces in the vicinity were recalled, though only a garrison brigade and some SZRS party paramilitary forces were nearby. A disoriented Anton Denikin, held in a cell for two days, was marched in front of the Vohzd who explained the situation. The dazed Field Marshal had thought he was about to be killed. Instead, he was told to organize the defense of Pleshcheyovo.

    The battle would open in the dawn twilight of the 14th about a kilometer from Savinkov’s dacha with the paramilitary force ambushing the leading elements of Wrangle’s column. A tank in the column’s front was hit with an anti-tank ‘stovepipe’. As the vehicles behind attempted to move into the forest, two more hit mines. Seconds later, a grenade was lobbed into the open bed of a truck carrying ammunition. It exploded, engulfing a squad of cavalrymen. In a little under an hour and a half, Marshal Denikin, perhaps the State’s greatest defensive commander, had improvised a plan of resistance around the Vohzd’s compound. Ironically, two Marshals of Russia were duking it out in their own country with forces miniscule compared to what they tended to command. Nonetheless, this would mark the origin point of the Second Russian Civil War.

    Despite a poor beginning to their venture, Wrangle’s forces far outnumbered by the Vohzd’s defenders and maneuvered out of the forest and into the open fields before the town of Pleshcheyovo. In the distance, the dacha stood on a bluff overlooking the countryside and lake. Wrangle’s men would have to fight through the town to reach it, and so they began dismounting for urban combat while the field artillery pieces unlimbered and loaded. Despite sunrise by this time, was dark, with thick cloud cover being exacerbated by the smoke from Moscow still billowing northwest with the wind. At 06:38, a black, sooty, apocalyptic rain began.

    Back in the dacha, Boris Savinkov sent an emergency radio broadcast to the nation. He proclaimed that Pyotr Wrangle had betrayed the Russian State and attempted to take his life. He ordered that all loyal citizens should hunt down Wrangle, his family, friends and any compatriots that had sided with him. Having effectively called for a Damnatio Memoriae against the military’s leader, he named Anton Denikin as new Commander-in-Chief of all armed forces in the hopes that this would keep the army onside. Denikin, out commanding his forces, would not even hear of his promotion until that night.

    As the thunder of artillery rent the morning air, Boris Savinkov decided to evacuate his dacha and make for Ivanovo. He would travel in a convoy with multiple lookalike vehicles aiding his escape. The motorcade would have to pass through Pleshcheyovo to escape, but with the fighting still on the other side of the village it was deemed more than doable. Only, a Wrangleite artillery officer would spot the headlights of the column through his field glasses and think it incoming enemy reinforcements. He gave his battery the orders to open fire on it. By sheer luck, one of the shells hit Boris Savinkov’s car. The car’s bullet-proof skin was pierced by the 122mm howitzer shell, instantly killing the Vohzd of the Russian State.

    Russian had been decapitated. The floodgates had been opened, and through them poured the chaos of the Russian Anarchy, a second Time of Troubles.

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    Chapter 35: All Quiet on the Eastern Front New
  • Chapter XXXV: All Quiet on the Eastern Front

    The first stage of the Second Russian Civil War coincided with the end of the Second Weltkrieg. Across what was once Russia, the opening weeks of the Civil War are now remembered as the Anarchy. As power devolved into a handful of cliques, a mad rush for the loyalty of various governors and military leaders across the country began.

    The Death of Savinkov

    The Battle in the Black Rain ended with Anton Denikin conceding the battlefield around Pleshcheyovo to Pyotr Wrangle’s forces. Despite the victory, Wrangle would win little. Denikin, with the last blessings of the Vohzd on national radio, was recognized as the Commander-in-Chief of all Russian armed forces. However, he could not reach Tula where the General Staff was, nor was he sure of their loyalty. Instead, he would go west to Tver to establish his new headquarters. This site was chosen strategically.

    • It was equally positioned between Marshals Egorov and Kappel’s headquarters, both of whom he sent immediate demands for public acknowledgement of his rank
    • Denikin would root out those not loyal to him by ordering the General Staff to relocate from Tula to his new location – any who did not make the trip would be cast as Wrangelite traitors
    • By the time the Tver move had been made, Nikolai Ustryalov, Chief of Staff to the Vohzd, had been rescued from beneath the Moscow rubble. As the highest-ranking remaining member of the government, Ustryalov proclaimed himself Vohzd in Tver. Denikin aligned himself with Ustryalov, who confirmed his legitimacy as Commander-in-Chief
    This last point would backfire spectacularly. The 56-year-old Ustryalov had made many enemies in his rise to Savinkov’s inner circle. Greatest among these was Alexander Lvovich Kazembeck, an early Savnikovite and the Vohzd’s first General Secretary. In 1937, Kazembeck had been replaced by Dmitri Shepilov due largely to Ustryalov’s intrigues. Kazembeck had been all but exiled to Kazan as the new leader of the Astrakhan Governate. Now, he sought his revenge.

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    Nikolai Ustryalov, the New Vohzd

    By August 18th, news of Ustryalov’s accession had spread across the continent. Kazembeck, who had remained politically isolated until this moment, jumped back into the limelight. He declared Ustryalov a usurper and cast himself as the rightful defender of the people, government and party. He demanded the SZRS leadership reconvene to select a new primus inter pares from amongst its number and invited all SZRS governors and party officials to flock to his banner, all the while urging the military to arrest Ustryalov. He even insinuated that Ustryalov’s survival of the Moscow atomic bombing meant he had foreknowledge of the disaster. Not too far off, Field Marshal Mikhail Drozdovsky of the Crimean Front had always fought to escape Denikin’s shadow since the Russian Civil War, often competing with him for plaudits on the battlefields of Ukraine. It was just one of the many rivalries Savinkov liked to engender in his subordinates. Now, Drozdovsky saw his chance to shine, declaring for Kazembeck’s ‘Kazan Government’ on the 19th. Drozdovsky was named Commander-in-Chief of Russian forces by the Interim President, Kazembeck. After evaluating their options, which included potentially being fully cut off from Russia by Drozdovsky’s forces, the commanders of the Anatolian Front, who occupied the Caucuses and the eastern half of Turkey, also professed their loyalty to the Kazan Government.

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    Alexander Kazembeck, the ‘Legitimist’

    Up north, Feliks Egorov watched the disintegration of Field Marshal Vladimir Kappel’s forces with interest. The Western Front had been the premier force of the Russian State’s military, receiving the cream of the veterans and equipment. Demoralized and in shock from the atomic bombings now battered by German forces surging through the gaps in their lines, Kappel’s troops seemed to be in general collapse. Egorov, along with Kappel, cast in their lots with Denikin and Ustryalov’s ‘Tver Administration’.

    Meanwhile, Pyotr Wrangle had established himself in the Moscow suburb of Zelenograd. Knowing Denikin’s escape would initiate civil war, Wrangle moved quickly to build his powerbase. He did this by leveraging the apparatus of his General Staff loyalists, which still controlled the four reserve armies (about 300,000 men) recently formed and in various states of training in camps scattered between Yaroslavl and Ryazan. Upon hearing of Kazembeck’s rebellion Wrangle sent out feelers in this direction but was rebuffed by Drozdovsky’s partisans who saw him as a threat to their new power. Left in the Russian heartland with an atomically cratered city in his rear and only green troops at his disposal, Wrangle was forced to pivot his appeal in an entirely new direction. Socialism, republicanism, and Savinkovism had all led Russia to disassembly, despair and death. This had led Wrangle to the conclusion that the Russian glory its people loved so dearly was inextricably tied to its imperial and religious past.

    On the 24th, he, along with Patriarch Anastasius would take to the airwaves declaring that Russia’s experimentations of the last quarter century were a deviation from its holy path. Together, the two expressed that a Romanov would be restored to the empty throne of the Russian Empire, reigniting the destiny so foully disrupted by the Bolsheviks. Just which Romanov’s rear would grace the royal seat of state was not stated. Posterity has named this new power the ‘Zelenograd Faction’.

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    Pyotr Wrangle, the ‘Imperial Dark Horse’

    Another early force of the Anarchy was Anastasy Voniatsky, Governor General of the Ural Oblast. Based in Yekateringrad (renamed from the Germanic-sounding Yekaterinburg in 1938), Voniatsky had led the Russian Homeland Party (PRR) during the early 1930s. The PRR had gone into coalition with the Savinkov’s Union for the Defense of the Motherland and Freedom, helping the latter consolidate authority over Russia. For this alliance, Voniatsky had been granted a relatively free hand in his oblast. Voniatsky was particularly brutal on the slave labor camps under him, with those ‘Colonies’ having the highest death rates of all. The threat of revolt had thus always been high, with several foiled attempts earning Voniatsky an outsized proportion of garrison units at his beck and call. When the Iskupleniye colony in far off Novosibirsk rebelled, Voniatsky immediately offered his support for the Siberians – provided they submit to his authority. As the rebellion spilled into Krasnojarsk, the various governors of the east began to fall into line. Voniatsky’s troops, a hodgepodge of military district garrison units, Cossack hordes, crack security forces and four veteran divisions from the Turkish front, began to assemble. Voniatsky did not reply to any of the calls from Tver, Kazan or Zelenograd, knowing himself safe on the far side of the Urals. He hoped to use the time he had before any of the factions in the west could gain the upper hand to eliminate the rebellions in Siberia and consolidate his power there.

    Voniatsky paid no heed to the breakdown in authority on the far side of the Urals. When calls for submission to one of the three emerging western factions appeared, Voniatsky’s fledgling regime would remain ominously silent.

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    Anastasy Voniatsky [at the podium], the ‘Siberian Butcher’
    In August and September, the situation in Siberia was extremely confused. The initial rebellion at Iskupleniye was soon joined by another at the ‘colony’ of Proshcheniye [ENG. Forgiveness], where a hunger strike at the factories had begun when word of Moscow’s fate strained through. With rumors of peace talks in the air, the colony’s council of wardens were uncertain of what to do, when news of the Iskupleniye rebellion arrived, they decided to round up the leaders of the strikers to make a statement. Among these unfortunates was Danylo Skoropadskyi, son of the current Ukrainian Hetman, who had been captured in 1940. These people were shot in full site of the strikers on the catwalks of Complex 471. Before their bodies hit the ground the second rebellion had begun. Hundreds of slave rebels were killed by the guards before they managed to seize the Colony’s armory.

    Within days, the rebellions at Iskupleniye and Proshcheniye accidentally run into each other near the town of Abakan. They would fire on each other, confused each other for the enemy given the mishmash of guards uniforms, weapons and armored vehicles they had taken for their own. By September 12th, though, their leaders had met at Abakan where they would jointly form the Independent Army, with the intent on liberating the other Siberian Colonies. Given the complete lack of standardized customs, weaponry, training, skills and even language between the two dozen or so ethnicities involved, ranging from Balt to Iranian to Turkic to even a few Japanese, the fact that the Independent Army was able to organize at all was a near miracle.

    This alone spoke to the disorder in Siberia. On September 23rd, Krasnojarsk fell to the IA. In brutal revenge for their own treatment, most of the male population of the town were rounded up and forced into slave labor while women suffered mass rape. On the same day, Novosibirsk itself came under siege as ragtag elements under the prisoner and former German general Albert Kesselring entered its outskirts.

    Despite having received the groveling submission of most Siberian governors by this point, Voniatsky had waited to move to their aid or to break the siege of Novosibirsk until he had fully secured the colonies within his own grasp. Prisoners were put onto rations so meager and work schedules so intensive they would hardly have the energy to fight. Still, it was feared that stripping the colonies of guards to send forces west might provoke more uprisings. At last, he concluded the systematic annihilation of some prisoners was an answer to the conundrum. A particular location, the colony of Trudolyubivyy [ENG. Industrious], was chosen. Between the 15th and 16th of September, its population was murdered under a hail of bullets, slaying over 19,000.

    At about the same time as the Iskupleniye uprising began, separatist movements from the Central Asian states, long brewing in the countryside, also began to converge on the region’s sparse cities. With Moscow destroyed and the fronts in chaos, it was open season.

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    Final Days of the Second Weltkrieg: August 15th – August 29th

    In the immediate aftermath of the atomic carpet bombings, the disarray of Russian forces line was immediately exploited by twelve Reichpakt field armies. The fulcrum of the attack was into the vast gap around the Bryansk region where panzers supported by turbojet fighters achieved a full breakthrough toward Rzhev. Likewise, Reichspakt forces moved on two axes past the Russo-Ukrainian border, one toward Orel and another through the ruins of Belgorod toward then arcing north toward Kursk.

    On the former axis, the Russian 9th army was encircled in the forests around the town of Trubchevsk. These 83,000 men would attempt to break out to the west but be unable to escape the iron vice that now gripped them by the collective necks. Thousands were mown down by German air superiority and artillery pre-sighted on roads and paths marked on the maps of captured or surrendered officers. Shells were configured to airburst around the height of the trees, causing most casualties to be caused by wood splinters in a manner akin to naval battles of the Age of Sail.

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    Captured Russians from the 9th Army
    In Tver, Marshal Denikin, having lost control of the rear due to Wrangle, desperately attempted to cobble together a relief force from Egorov and Drozdovsky’s Fronts. Alas, by now, Drozdovsky had cut communications after being in contact with Kazembeck’s forming Kazan Government. The day after Rostov-on-Don fell, Kazembeck would declare Ustryalov a traitor. That same day, the 19th, the Kazan Government would send a delegation across the lines under a flag of truce. This was relayed up the chain of command to Berlin within hours. The terms were approved and for the first time in eight years, a portion of the eastern front fell silent.

    Beyond Bryansk, 12. Panzergruppe had advanced too quickly found itself grounded near Rzhev from lack of fuel. Unmotorized infantry who had been tasked with consolidating the panzer group gains had suffered greatly from radiation sickness as they moved directly through the blasted remnants of the former front line allowing for Kappel’s command to direct a limited counterattack, threatening 12. Panzergruppe with encirclement. However, with more Reichpakt forces arriving every day and the connections with their industrial base lost, Anton Denikin recognized it was only a matter of weeks before the entire front line disintegrated due to lack of supplies.

    The final straw would come on the 23rd when Drozdovsky would turn six of his divisions against Denikin’s old Ukrainian Front command after they refused to transfer allegiance to the Kazan Government. The generals of this command now found themselves facing a new enemy, one who rapidly advanced on their base of supply at Voronezh. That same day, artillery duels began opening between the Ukrainian and Crimean Fronts, instigating the next stage of the Russian Anarchy.

    Victory in the East

    In only three weeks Russia had splintered into five warring factions. The collapse of central authority would not end here. Regionalism, ethnic independence movements, maniacal demagogues and outside forces would soon make their appearance. However, these were all in the future and at the time confusion and chaos reigned.

    From the perspective of the Reichspakt, the situation inside Russia was not entirely clear. It was known that rival warlords were appearing, that Savinkov was dead, and that some of the enemy were shooting at each other, but the details were hazy at best. With their own massive logistical problems of their own and heavy war exhaustion, the prospect of conquering all Russia up to the Urals was not an attractive one. Thus, when radio signals out of Tver began blaring requests for an armistice, the Germans eagerly agreed to meet.

    To ensure that as much leverage as possible was denied the Russian side of the table, a battle group from 12. Panzergruppe struck west to meet up with 16. Amree, reestablishing direct communications with its army group headquarters the day before negotiations opened in Helsinki. Though unknown at the time, the retrieval of this major German formation (albeit on enemy soil) would prove to be the final, anticlimactic action of the Second Weltkrieg.

    On the 27th, a one-week ceasefire was put into effect while peace terms were hammered out in Helsinki. While an armistice had been agreed with Kazan, Berlin would only agree to this under the pretense that it was a local act signed with an army group commander, not the Russian government. The honor of being treated as the true successor to Savinkov’s Russia was bestowed by Kurt von Schleicher upon the administration in Tver, who still commanded the loyalty of most troops facing Germany.

    For Anton Denikin and Nikolai Ustryalov however, every day worsened their position. Their enemies in Zelenograd and Kazan had not remained still while they had defended Russia from the invaders. Both Wrangle and Kazembeck had been marshalling their own forces and mustering the Governor Generals of their neighboring oblasts. This brief period of consolidation had ended with the opening of hostilities in the south on the 23rd.

    Now, the disintegration Denikin feared had begun. Many Russians being attacked by Drozdovsky’s men simply walked away, sick of war. Tens of thousands threw down their arms before Drozdovsky’s Cossacks while just as many had begun abandoning their positions in Kappel’s armies due to a lack of bullets and shells. Thus, negotiations in Helsinki were accelerated at the behest of Denikin, who knew that every day which passed sapped entire divisions worth of strength that might be used to restore order in the country.

    Desperate to turn east, Denikin and Ustryalov would play the same hand they had both damned Vladimir Lenin had in 1918. Vast swathes of land and the pride of Russian imperialism would be sacrificed on the altar of expediency. German diplomats, led by Foreign Secretary Adolf Georg von Maltzan, were surprised at the speed of Russian capitulation. The other factions of the brewing civil war all knew that the fight against the west was over and were more than happy to let the Tver Administration take the fall for the inevitably harsh pace treaty.

    After only two rounds of talks between the 27 August and 3 September, a new map of eastern Europe was agreed.

    • The Baltics would be freed and reunited under a new, German-influenced government. This ‘Baltic Federation’ would be granted the territory of Latgale in perpetuity
    • The oblasts of Vitebsk and Smolensk would be granted to White Ruthenia. White Ruthenia had been the poorest and least developed Ostwall nation, but now it would have a strong industrial base from which to draw upon via Smolensk. These massive gains were determined to be justified given the immense suffering of the Ruthenians. Unlike the newly christened Baltic Federation, it would not expel the Russians living in its new territories, instead seeking assimilation through the banning of Russian literature and the phased replacement of Russian language. Given its own depopulation, the Ruthenian leadership recognized that its new Russian population was needed to keep the fields from being overtaken by weeds and the industry of the cities from falling into rusted oblivion
    • Likewise, the portion of the Rostov oblast occupied by Reichspakt would be annexed to Ukraine. This would include the cities of Taganrog and Rostov-on-Don. These gains were paltry in comparison to those of White Ruthenia, angering the Ukrainians who felt their agonies un-salved. The Ukrainian delegation openly declared that all Rostov (the ‘Don’) and the Krasnodar Krai (the ‘Kuban’) oblasts should belong to them too by right of shed blood and due to common culture and a shared heritage with the Cossacks of the area. Nonetheless, the Ukrainians would sign the peace articles as they stood
    • The Petrograd Governate would remain under Reichspakt occupation for five years. The city would act as bait to be awarded when certain conditions were met. Given the long period of chaos about to engulf Russia, it wouldn’t be long before the citizens of Petrograd would beg their occupiers to remain
    • The Central Asian nations conquered in the 1930s would be freed, restoring the existence of the Turkestan Republic, Alash Autonomy, the Khanate of Khiva, the Emirate of Bukhara
    • The nations of the Ottoman Empire, Georgia and Azerbaijan were to be fully liberated with all Russian troops leaving before October 1st – with the entire military district this Front belonged to cut off from Tver, its commanders would revert to reporting to the Kazan Government. While Kazan denounced the Treaty of Helsinki, it would comply with the October 1st deadline and use the troops formerly occupying Anatolia and the Caucuses in the ongoing civil war
    • The republican Constitution of 1921 was to be fully restored, with elections certified by Reichspakt observers for five election cycles (twenty-five years) – this provision was to be put into effect upon the ‘restoration of order in the Russian nation’, which provided Ustryalov the rope he needed to remain in power to ensure there was a Russian nation left to obey the terms being signed
    • An amendment banning radical left- and right-wing parties was to be added to the Constitution. The aim here was to clearly eliminate the SZRS and neuter the threat of a syndicalist reversion in Russia
    • The extradition of 849 high-ranking SZRS and other nationalist leaders to Germany for trial. Many of those named had been killed in the Moscow atomic bombing while many more remained outside the zone of control of Tver
    • War reparations amounting to 52 billion Deutschemarks. With much of Russia’s bullion spent or destroyed along with Moscow, this came mainly in the form of machinery, manufacturing plants (much of it harvested from Petrograd), ships, locomotives, all foreign currency reserves, agricultural exports, the transfer of intellectual property, patents and objects liquid enough to be profitable in auctions (e.g. artwork, jewels, copywrites, artefacts of historic significance such as Mikhail Kutuzov’s uniform worn at the Battle of Borodino)
    • Subordination of the Russian merchant fleet to Germany and Austria-Hungary, the transference of its entire Baltic Fleet to the Baltic Federation
    • The elimination of trade barriers and all anti-western regulations, including economic guarantees for all future Reichspakt investments into Russia (with ironclad assurances built into a series of Russian laws to be co-authored by German and Austro-Hungarian economists)
    • The liberation of all slaves in the Siberian Colonies and their transportation to their countries of origin, with reparation grants to be costed upon the return of the victims – the open-ended provision was added due to the lack of Tver’s control over Siberia
    • The dissolution of the Moscow Accord alliance system
    • The demilitarization of the new border regions for up to one hundred kilometers (this would be unenforced given the ongoing strife in Russia)
    Russia would not be the only country to suffer in the peace deal. Iran would be forced to surrender the territories of Kermanshah, Sulaymaniyah, Urima to the state of Kurdistan which had been established by the Cairo Pact after the Syrian War and was now guaranteed by the Entente powers. Further, Van would be returned to the Ottoman Empire. That Kurdistan and Armenia were not to be absorbed by the Ottomans drove conservative hardliners in Konstantinyye apoplectic, but cooler heads, led by Sultan Ömer himself, understood the simplest route for Ottoman survival would be through ethnic consolidation. Thus, hundreds of thousands of Armenians and Kurds would be expelled in the following years, Turkifying Ottoman holdings. Even this would not appease the ultranationalists, who would one day return to power and attempt to regain their lost Middle Eastern and Caucasian holdings.

    In return for these massive concessions, the Reichspakt would begin funneling arms, ammunition, and supplies to the Tver Administration to prop it up as a puppet state under a lend-lease model. Despite recognition of Tver, in October, the Chancellor would order Ableitung III b to ascertain the powers and positions of the various rising warlords. Backchannels would be opened with these, beginning the long game of playing the various warlords off one another, with caches of German-manufactured supplies mysteriously appearing whenever one warlord’s army appeared on the brink of destruction. What might not have been achieved through war alone, Kurt von Schleicher sought to manipulate by other means – a final death for the Prison of Nations.

    On the 3rd of September at 17:00, the hour the peace deal was to come into effect, Grenadier Paul Basermann recorded in his diary. "Thunder of guns across the horizon still slightly audible, but less every hour. Anyhow, their hate is not meant for us. Here, it is all quiet on the Eastern Front. We look at each other strangely, not believing the world has just changed. I felt I might sleep, but then a new noise begins. It is the strange call of birds. Do they know? Now, there is laughing from my comrades. Cheering. Chanting. Instruments seem to have appeared from nowhere. The song of life - somehow, it goes on."

    For the soldiers of the twenty-five nations, autonomous territories and colonies of the Reichspakt, peace had settled over the landscape like a delicate blanket.
    Upon the signing of the Treaty of Helsinki, the worst war humanity had ever faced ended. Its consequences would reverberate throughout history, setting off a chain of events that shaped the age now remembered as the German Century.

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    Casualties of the Second Weltkrieg not including the wars in China, Second American Civil War, Desert War
    [below figures in millions]
    NationTotal Military CasualtiesKIA / MIAWIA/POWTotal Civilian CasualtiesCivilian Deaths (all causes)Civilian WIA (all causes)Total Deaths
    Russia23.9610.7813.1717.967.499.4718.27
    Germany12.404.098.1812.883.729.167.81
    France [Commune]11.773.887.778.122.535.596.42
    Ukraine1.000.450.5513.653.669.994.11
    Bharatiya Commune5.391.783.568.622.166.473.93
    White Ruthenia0.740.440.309.882.977.413.41
    Italy3.871.282.555.161.293.872.57
    Britain4.871.613.213.250.812.442.42
    Dominion of India3.101.022.055.371.344.032.37
    Princely Federation2.160.711.433.170.792.381.50
    Poland0.550.180.365.121.783.841.96
    Netherlands [Batavia]1.500.600.902.000.501.501.10
    Ottoman Empire0.890.400.492.370.591.780.99
    Hungary1.410.560.851.500.381.130.94
    Portugal1.230.410.811.800.451.350.86
    Argentina1.290.430.851.380.341.030.77
    Austria2.030.511.520.810.200.610.71
    Centroamerica0.710.230.471.900.471.420.71
    Indochinese Union0.450.250.201.800.451.350.70
    Baltic Federation [formerly United Baltic Duchy]0.340.110.232.280.571.710.68
    Romania0.920.370.550.980.250.740.62
    Chile0.970.320.641.030.260.770.58
    Mexico0.930.310.620.990.250.750.56
    Japan0.940.470.470.47
    Other Indian States0.930.310.620.620.160.470.46
    Illyria0.320.140.181.280.320.960.46
    French Republic1.120.370.740.150.040.110.41
    Flanders-Wallonia0.170.060.111.380.351.040.40
    Brazil1.590.401.190.000.000.40
    German East Asia0.650.210.430.690.170.520.39
    East Turkestan0.950.380.570.38
    Netherlands [In Exile]0.630.210.420.680.170.510.38
    Syria0.280.090.181.100.280.830.37
    Peru-Bolivian Confederation0.810.270.540.330.080.240.35
    Serbia0.230.090.140.920.230.690.32
    Bulgaria0.490.160.320.580.150.440.31
    Galicia & Lodomeria0.290.100.190.780.200.590.29
    Iran0.390.150.230.510.130.390.28
    Tripolitania0.450.150.300.480.120.360.27
    Canada0.800.260.530.26
    Bohemia0.580.190.380.230.060.170.25
    Norway0.720.240.480.020.000.010.24
    Lithuania0.350.110.230.370.090.280.21
    Siam0.320.160.160.16
    Denmark0.110.040.070.430.110.320.14
    Two Sicilies0.140.040.090.380.090.280.14
    South Africa0.420.140.270.14
    Venice0.100.030.060.390.100.290.13
    Azerbaijan0.090.030.060.370.090.280.12
    Australasia0.280.090.190.09
    Sardinia0.180.060.120.120.030.090.09
    Armenia0.120.050.070.130.030.100.08
    Cuba0.270.070.210.07
    Ireland0.150.050.100.040.010.030.06
    Southwest Africa0.170.060.110.06
    Sweden0.140.040.090.040.010.030.05
    Morocco0.090.030.060.100.020.070.05
    Georgia0.040.010.020.150.040.110.05
    Lombardy0.010.000.010.180.050.140.05
    West Indies Federation0.140.050.090.05
    Haiti0.120.040.080.04
    Cyrenaica0.030.010.020.040.010.030.02
    Sudan0.020.010.010.030.010.020.01
    Transamur0.020.010.010.01
    Iceland0.020.010.010.010.000.010.01
    Hawaii0.020.010.010.01
    Hashemite Arabia0.010.000.010.010.000.010.00
    Albania0.010.000.000.010.000.010.00
    Philippines0.0060.0030.0030.003
    Kenya0.0040.0010.0030.0040.0010.0030.002
    Dahomey0.0040.0010.0020.0040.0010.0030.002
    Ecuador0.0020.0010.0010.0020.0010.0020.001
    TOTAL​
    98.20
    36.12
    61.46​
    124.58
    36.40
    88.23​
    72.53​

    To produce the figures above I used the casualties recorded in game but considered these only to be military casualties. I applied the typical 1:3 KIA/MIA to WIA ratio but then adjusted it based on what I thought appropriate given where the frontlines were, how much bombing there was, how much resistance in occupied land there was, etc. etc. Similarly, for civilian casualties, I took some inspiration from the real life WW2 by looking at casualty ratios across fronts, cities, aerial bombings, etc to produce what I thought a justifiable figure for each nation's losses.

    I didn't include the Second American Civil War as I already provided casualty counts for that and I didn't go into the various Chinese wars because I didn't keep track of them, plus they were a bit too far removed from what was essentially a three-way ideological struggle in the Second Weltkrieg for me to feel they should be included. Despite this, some historians in TTL consider the 'Chinese Front' to be a thing.
     
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    Chapter 36: Triumph New
  • Chapter XXXVI: Triumph

    The Second Weltkrieg ended on September 3rd, 1946, but unlike in the aftermath to its predecessor, people had no illusions about it being a war to end all wars. Across the globe embers of the conflagration settled on dry detritus, threatening to reignite.

    In the Americas, the United States was growing belligerent at the continued German presence in her traditional sphere of influence. Cuba and Haiti, ruling all Hispaniola, had proven loyal allies, and Germany was not about to abandon her interests in the Caribbean just because of General-President MacArthur’s indignation. Deterrence against the zombified eagle would need to be established.

    Further south, Brazil reigned supreme over her neighbors. Though relations remained agreeable, they had cooled since the defeat of the twin red powers of Chile and Argentina. Brazilian officials stated that they planned to withdraw from the Reichspakt before the end of the year to focus on establishing their own sphere of influence without European entanglements. Brazil had emerged from the Second Weltkrieg an undeniable a world power, a fact cemented by Brazilians fighting as far abroad as Java and Smolensk. Now the young democracy sought to forge its own destiny. Word was afoot that the Brazilian government intended to become the champion of Latin American freedoms with its own version of the Monroe Doctrine.

    In Asia, the Japanese Empire now stood as the unchallenged hegemon. Her puppet states stretched from the Arctic Circle to the tropical border of Australasian New Guinea. Nevertheless, the largest prize of all, China, remained divided. Echoing the fall of the Han Dynasty, China had coalesced into three main contenders for power: the Japanese-backed Beyang Republic in the north, the nationalist Kuomintang in the south, and the federalists in the Sichuanese west. Though the previously pro-German Qing government’s successors had long since been vanquished, the looming Japanese threat invited potential collaboration with the latter two Chinese blocs.

    The boogeyman of syndicalism may have been banished in Europe, but its cousin lived on in the Indian subcontinent. After a brief flirtation with Subhas Chandra Bose’s totalitarian reign, a revolt had overthrown the dictator and seen power fall into the hands of a coalition of Anarcho-Syndicalists, Agrarians and Orthodox Syndicalists. Despite its push to deconstruct ancient power hierarchies and democratize the nation through the introduction of union and commune based federal structures, this had not stopped the new government from pursuing ‘defensive expansionist’ policies. Despite pulling out of the war after securing the subcontinent, the leading Indian revolutionaries had been disturbed by the slow collapse and final fall of the Third Internationale. To safeguard the revolution, they had so dearly bought, the establishment of a ring of likeminded allies was deemed necessary. Burma would fall first, being fully integrated into the Bhartiya Commune as a buffer against the Co-Prosperity Sphere. To safeguard the western flank, the weak Afghan government was toppled, and a pro-syndicalist regime established there. Nepal soon followed. The Commune established a formal alliance structure with these newly ‘converted’ nations, though avoided the recriminations that would have certainly followed by deeming this the birth of a ‘Fourth Internationale’ by instead naming this the Union of Eastern Syndicalism, the UES. Nevertheless, the invasion of three countries in short succession stoked all-too familiar fears of the rise of dangerous revolutionary potential across the world. These fears were well-founded, for indeed India saw its destiny lying on the horizons beyond its own borders.

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    The Imperial Commonwealth began pouring funds into the rebuilding of Great Britain, causing some strain amongst the member nations, yet not enough to seriously threaten the new union. Various nation-building narratives including new symbols and rituals celebrating the shared values and heritage of the IC were commissioned, including Commonwealth Day and a new supranational flag. To help cement the feelings of loyalty to the new establishment, strong propaganda messages, a revamped patriotic-civic education and policies meant to promote social cohesion and contentment were instituted by the member nation governments under the guidance of the Commonwealth Parliament. These included shared citizenship, freedom of movement within the IC (extensive screening was required for British however), full suffrage for all citizens over eighteen and massive infrastructure programs. What was completely uncertain however was the IC’s place in the world. The IC government, due to rotate after five years in 1948, was still trying to establish its grand strategy while also folding in the remaining nationalist sentiments in the Commonwealth. One of the open points on this was the government’s policy on Ireland and other areas of interest abutting a potentially exhausted and weakened Germany, including its now reduced holdings in Mittelafrika.

    In Europe, despite helming a victorious Germany there was no time to rest for Kurt von Schleicher. On top of having to conduct the reconstruction of Germany, various hotspots abounded that required careful management. Germany had relinquished her claims in the Pacific, but the calls to reimpose management over Mittelafrika still ran strong amidst conservative circles. Meanwhile, the Fatherland’s allies strained to control restive, starved, overly mobilized populations and in some cases contained disgruntled captured territories. Much work was needed to re-establish German prestige.

    Loose Threads

    The three most pressing issues on Schleicher’s desk were solidifying Germany’s new European hegemony, re-establishing its presence on the world scene, and putting to rest the turmoil that gripped the nation itself.

    The first issue would be dealt with in Ireland. Chaos reigned there after the Commonwealth-German invasion of Great Britain. The syndicalist garrison had been small and cut off from the Union. By early 1946, only Dublin, Cork and a few coastal cities truly lay in syndicalist hands with the countryside ruled by resistance members. When the Union’s surrender came, the garrison laid down its arms, leaving behind a massive power vacuum. In the north a rebellion had broken out largely spurred on by Protestant nationalism and affinity with the now-revived United Kingdom while in the south the old government was reestablished by Taoiseach Michael Collins, who had flown in from Berlin on the 30th of June.

    1715335491067.png

    Fighting would only heat up after Collins’ arrival, for the northerners had spent the last two months establishing an army. On the other hand, the provisional Collins government could hardly call upon a single division, though these were hardened veterans from the exiled legions who had fought on the western front for years. Making a statement of their new heft on the world stage, the Brazilian government immediately ordered two divisions from France to Dublin to safeguard the city. Wishing to avoid a diplomatic incident, Dublin was left alone by the rebellion.

    After a battle to the west of Galway on September 1st, it became clear from captured positions that the northerners were being supplied by with Canadian equipment and more than a few volunteers. Clearly, Collins stated when revealing this on the radio, the old tyrants of Windsor wished to reestablish their medieval control over the island. Collins implored Germany for help, invoking the articles of defense signed by Reichspakt members. For Schleicher, acting swiftly on the developing proxy war seal any questions to Germany’s dominance over Ireland and Europe.

    Dietrich von Saucken, who had commanded the expeditionary force to Britain, was immediately dispatched with ten divisions of crack paratroopers and marines. These forces would begin arriving on September 8th.

    1715335505022.png

    The suddenly overwhelmed northern Irish would find themselves on the defensive. Between the 10th of September, when German troops rolled into position, and the 17th, Sauken orchestrated a single drive on the north coast, capturing Derry and splitting the rebels in two. The greenhorn troops of the Irish, not even kitted out in any kind of coherent uniform, were no match for the conquerors of Europe. After a further twelve days of light skirmishing and threatening both Belfast and Galway, the rebel government surrendered after the insurrection’s leader, Basil Brooke, fled the to the UK. German losses had amounted to no more than 584 dead. Von Saucken’s work in France, Great Britain and now Ireland earned him a promotion to Field Marshal.

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    Almost immediately following on from the reestablishment of the Irish Republic, von Schleicher’s eye turned to the second most strategic position in Africa, that of the Straits of Gibraltar. Morocco had long been a German protectorate, but the North Africans had rebelled in 1938 during Germany’s darkest days. Now, the dues of their disloyalty would be paid back.

    In the time since Morocco had broken from the fold, the Moroccans had raised an impressively sized army for their nation’s relatively small population. Thousands had fought alongside the Internationale as allies of convenience, soaking up useful experience and even gaining access to the designs of cutting-edge syndicalist weaponry. Many observers expected the Germans to underestimate this surprisingly formidable enemy, but the Reich’s armed forces were honed to the finest edge possible. Field Marshal von Saucken’s Irish force was supplemented by an entire army group, that of Heinz Guderian, and ordered to prepare invasion plans. This would provide superiority in numbers, and with the Atlantic Fleet’s aircraft carriers and battleships at hand, the firepower would be overwhelming. This, the second massive amphibious operation in a month, was to be a massive gesture of German dominance.

    On October 5th, Heeresgruppe Afrika departed from southern France. Two days later, the initial landing force smashed their way into Rabat while a second task force captured the beaches south of Casablanca despite daunting Moroccan fortifications.

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    German reinforcements land in Morocco

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    Heeresgruppe Afrika’s gargantuan vanguard spilled into the coastal plain, crushing what resistance the Moroccans could muster through their customary combination of exquisitely timed and aimed artillery and airpower. Within three days, Guderian’s men had cut the vital railroads leading from Casablanca to the country’s interior, slicing the supply route for the bulk of the kingdom’s armies, which had intended to use its rough interior terrain to slow the Germans. It had been into the hinterland that King Mohammad V had relocated to after the successful landings and here where he had found refuge with his one-time enemies, the Berber Zaian Confederation. A wave of air attacks in the middle of the night of October 10th saw the Luftwaffe crush Moroccan airpower despite its dispersal into forward operating bases, leaving Germany in charge of the air.

    Casablanca was soon enveloped and fell after sharp fighting that lasted two days. The speed of the city’s fall came as a shock to the Moroccans, who had built extensive land and seaward defenses and a series of tracks to support massive French-style rail guns behind the city. Instead of dueling with the battleships as expected, the railguns were quickly located and destroyed by fighter-bombers while unconventional paths of approach around the enemy bastions saw German stormtrooper units moving past the forts and into the city center before opposition materialized. On October 17th, at the sight of German paratroopers dropping into Marrakesh, King Mohammad recognized the foolhardiness of the government that had led him to this fate. He purged his ministers and begged for terms with the Germans. The battle for Morocco had lasted a mere week and a half and cost 1,758 German lives.

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    The twin victories, so decisive and far-flung quelled any talk of Germany being on its last legs. There were still outstanding issues in the foreign policy sphere, the last resort of policy by other means could at last be put to rest. For the first time since 1938, the battered titan of the German Reich was at peace.

    Heroes Day

    Though two months had passed since the ratification of the Treaty of Helsinki, no official acknowledgement of peace had come from Berlin. Upon the occupation of Morocco however, the government was ready to announce Germany’s full victory. A massive victory parade was organized for Saturday, October 26th. It would be known as ‘Tag der Helden’, or ‘Heroes Day’. Heroes Day would be institutionalized as a national holiday in 1948, with similar, though never as impressive, celebratory parades held each October 26th.

    Though there was not enough time for the bulk of Heeresgruppe Afrika to return for the ceremony, there were still plenty of active German troops to march in the parade. Of the 211 divisions active on September 1st, the first 31 formations to be demobilized were scheduled to do so by November 1st. 33,000 of these troops, some of the most veteran and decorated men in the Deutsches Heer, were chosen to march in Berlin for Heroes Day. Satellite celebrations would be held across the empire.

    Tanks, rocket launchers, infantry carriers, and rows upon rows of feldgrau clad men moved down the Unter den Linden in a light drizzle. Wings of jet aircraft soared overhead to the cheers and acclimation of a crowd of over 300,000 that lined the streets. Standing atop the Kronprinzpalais [ENG. Crown Prince Palace] was Emperor Wilhelm III, Crown Prince Wilhelm, Prince Ludwig Ferdinand as well as the kings of Poland, Saxony, Bavaria, Württemberg, the Grand Duke of Baden, Hesse, and Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher. At the head of the columns of soldiers rode on magnificent white stallions the Chief of the General Staff, Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord, Field Marshals Gerd von Rundstedt, Walter Model, Erich Manstein and freshly flown in from Casablanca, Heinz Guderian (unfortunately, Rudiger von Goltz had passed away after suffering a stroke mere days before). Alternating with blocks of the soldiers were women of the signal services, partisans in garbled dress but all with a tricolor black-white-red armband, underaged and elderly Landwehr volunteers pressed into service in defense of Berlin, sailors in pristine whites, marines in their navy blues, pilots and bomber crews in sky grays, fallschirmjäger in splittertarnmuster camouflage, several of the ‘Revelation Program’ scientists in white lab coats, and more. Even Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck was included in the parade, waving from an open-topped car at the crowds who now forgot their later frustrations with the old man, choosing to remember instead of the defiant speech giver of 1939-40 who had buoyed the nation in its darkest hour.

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    Some of the most honored divisions in the Heer and examples of some of their exploits

    The Kaiser gave a speech proclaiming victory and beseeched the German people to come together in peace as they had in war to help rebuild the nation, Europe and world civilization. Next, the Reichskanzeler announced that victory would be commemorated by the creation of a vast victory arch far larger than the Arc de Triomphe with the names of the millions of war dead inscribed on it here in Berlin. He thanked the troops and attributed victory to the spirit of the Volk (pointedly not citing God as Germany’s savior). The Reichskanzeler waxed on about the fact that Germany had restored her place in the sun under the guidance of the Deutschenationale Einheitsfront. He proclaimed that the Front would see the German Volk into a new age and announced to the jubilation of the crowd the return of federal elections in April of 1947. He would go on to laud the women of Germany, naming them the unsung heroes who were to be celebrated this day too, for ‘without the diligent daughter, wife and mother, we would have neither soldiers, ammunition nor homes to return to. Our Fatherland's women are as much heroes as the soldiers of the frontline’. He pronounced that he intended to propose legislation to the Bundestag and Reichstag providing full suffrage to women over 25 years old. Further, he stated that he would use all powers available to him to accelerate the rebuilding of the nation, going so far as to promise new support for veterans and demobilizing men, newly constructed houses for those who’s homes had been destroyed to and a toaster and wireless sets for every family within two years.

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    Most momentously of all, the Chancellor took the time to state that by the end of the month, as promised, he would hand back those extraordinary powers given to him by the Siege Law to the Reichstag. Notably, however, he did not mention those powers granted his office by the Enabling Act of 1943.

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    ‘Heartless Populism’

    Schleicher’s Heroes Day speech was a calculated to help seal the Reichskanzeler’s prospects for an election and provide him a solid mandate for continued governance. Despite growing increasingly sick with side effects from his pernicious anemia, the 65-year-old had a firm eye on his political future and lived like he had another twenty years in him.

    Schleicher coopted the suffragette movement while associating himself with the army, victory and for now the forces of (limited) progress. The war had changed Germany, he reasoned – great portions of the country still lay in ruin, women had entered the workforce (this time to stay, given extreme casualty figures), and vast sections of the once occupied lands now clamored for government support to help people get back on their feet, all things that rankled in the craw of many of the traditionalists who had helped bring Schleicher to power. Ultraconservatives were disgusted with the establishment of yet more government funded social programs, the outreach to labor, female empowerment and the increasingly lurid allusions to national power being derived more from the people than from orthodox power hierarchies such as East-Elbian agrarianism. Many of them had even taken to calling him the “Red Chancellor” in reference to his modernizing tendencies, his ideas of cooperating rather than outlawing the unions and his recent flirtations with the SPD agenda.

    The change was not completely sudden. The Reichskanzeler had slowly been moving toward the center for over a year, but this marked the first time he was so open about it. Those who opposed this shift were easily cast as luddites and reactionaries in the court of public opinion. The SPD were still unfairly branded as crypto-syndicalists, but the proven conservative, Schleicher, was now advertised as trustworthy enough to helm some of the programs the NLP and the left had once advocated while retaining the shroud of German aristocracy, morality and righteousness.

    Centrists and even some leftists now moved into Schleicher’s coalition alongside ethnonationalists as the old conservatives drained away. Though their numbers were few the constituency to which they largely belonged, that of the Kingdom of Prussia, still retained the old disproportionate representation of the Three Class System since Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck’s reforms were frozen during the Second Weltkrieg. It was through this vehicle that right-wing political opposition to the Reichskanzeler quickly crystalized. In turn, Schleicher turned his vitriol onto these ‘dusty fossils of Frederick William II’s age’ as he termed the new enemy.

    To quickly dispatch this forming political bloc, Schleicher proposed to call a snap Prussian election to the lower house of the Prussian Landtag legislature, knowing he could use his now immense political capital to weaken all parties opposed to the Front. On December 4th, the election took place. As expected, members of the Second and Third Classes personally loyal to Kurt von Schleicher were flooded into the chambers of the Landtag. Despite the unfair weightings of the Three Class Franchise, the Front's partisans won a narrow majority. This eliminated the best avenue by which to block his ambitions. This won the Reichskanzeler yet more plaudits from the people, who saw this as confirmation of his intent to unfreeze the 1937 reforms – something von Schleicher remained mute on.

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    The Chancellor and his inner circle now began to hasten their erosion of the struts which propped up the Bismarckian Constitution. With the Enabling Act still in power, Schleicher’s authority was nigh unchallengeable despite heavy SPD criticism of his heavy-handedness in the run up to the election. To excise as much of this resistance as possible, small amendments to things as simple as the rules of debate on the Reichstag floor began to be introduced. In aggregate, these began to strip away the power of the bully pulpit in that chamber, reducing the time SPD and other party members could use to form coherent opposition to the tsunami of the Deutschenationale Einheitsfront.

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    Underpinning everything would be the new social clubs loosely tied to the ‘Front’. Dozens of these would be propped up in every city and village across the nation, providing people with opportunities for entertainment, socialization, charity and communal support. Most of all however, each club, like the unions, would promote heavy doses of nationalism with the intent of bringing more people’s thinking under the umbrella of the Deutschenationale Einheitsfront. This process had already begun with the formation of the Gewerkschaftsbund (GsB) early in Schleicher’s reign. Now, it was expedited under the guise of providing much of what was needed in a society shattered by war.

    To provide the muscle power needed to move the millions of tons of rubble, to work the fields now left empty due to depopulation, to cook stew for the homeless and to keep the country roads free of bandits, the two million men remaining under arms would be used in conjunction with volunteers from the Front clubs. Further tranches of demobilization were scheduled for after the 1947 election into late 1948. Though this added expenses to an already creaking government balance sheet, the vast pool of disciplined and organized men helped propel much of the early rebuilding efforts across Germany and Europe and stave off what might’ve been a devastating famine.

    Meanwhile, Carl Friedrich Goerdeler and his aides, chiefly Walther Funk, began introducing many new measures to finance the ballooning government debts. These included new state monopolies, the introduction of a graduated income tax (targeting most heavily the old moneyed conservatives who so recently tried to oust him), increased Reichsbank interest rates and more. More positively for business, reprieve from increased interest rates would be applied via a 'risk and reward' program to those companies who created and published improved methods of fabrication or more generally, business methodologies that could be adopted in a widespread manner. This soon led to the development of the ‘Frankfurt Approach’, in which the foremen of the small manufacturing business ‘FurtTech Lösungen GmbH’ collectively developed a framework of methodologies for continuously reducing waste, defects, variability and costs by constant process improvement. Soon, the Frankfurt Approach would take the nation’s manufacturing and supply chain scene by storm, vastly enhancing the effectiveness of German industrial output.

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    A European Empire

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    The Treaty of Helsinki saw to it that the post-war settlement had secured Germany’s eastern border for at least a generation. The Second Russian Civil War guaranteed it for another beyond that.

    White Ruthenia was now vastly extended, with its frontiers close enough to the ruins of Moscow to ensure that if the city ever rose again that it would be within easier reach. Likewise, Petrograd, now Russia’s greatest city and cultural capital, was fully occupied. The Latgale region’s annexation to the Baltic Federation secured access to the city’s supply route to central-southern Russia. The Ukrainian gains in Rostov further solidified its control over the Azov Sea. Events did not stand still from here, though.

    In Kyiv, Ukrainian League of Ukrainian Nationalists (LUN party) claimed a Rada majority in a sweeping special election. Despite gaining Rostov from Russia and Polish Volhynia, the irridentists sought the full redemption the original vision of Ukraine’s founders in 1919. Not far off, massing in Georgia and Azerbaijan were other contenders in the Russian Anarchy. The exiled Russian general, Vasily Boldyrev, had been allowed to gather forces there to interject yet another side into the devolving chaos. His army, a tangle of Circassian freedom fighters, Dagestani jihadis, Cossacks and exiles from the various failed coup attempts on Kerensky and Savinkov, sought to take what they could from the carcass of Saviknov’s empire.

    In northeast Europe, the former United Baltic Duchy had been reformed into the Baltic Federation. The UBD had been an antiquated, semi-feudal conglomeration of knighthoods and Germanic estate landowners lording over the native population. The Estonian-Latvian revolt closely followed by the Russian invasion had nearly driven out the already small German population in the region. Clearly, the UBD’s form of governance was even more untenable now than it had been in 1936. The Schleicher government authorized the extension of an olive branch to the Baltics, offering the formation of a more democratic federation with equal rights to all, provided this new land remain ensconced within the German market and free travel / settlement zone. Despite the various economic entanglements this meant, the Baltics eagerly accepted this new lease on life.

    Poland was another story. The lynching of a Hohenzollern monarch and the unification of both the Polish nationalists and socialists during the collapse of the western front had set in motion a series of events that nearly extinguished the Reich. This betrayal, felt deeply by the Germans who had established the Polish nation after the Weltkrieg, was dealt with harshly. Though the campaign to reconquer Poland had been quick, an extensive guerilla resistance had continued up through 1950s. August Hohenzollern’s son, now Aleksander II, had taken his father’s death and his nation’s betrayal especially hard, considering he had put his life’s energies into ingratiating himself with the Polish people, even becoming a famous interwar air force pilot. Young Aleksander largely projected his feelings of duplicity onto his Polish queen, Maria Zofia, whom he largely abandoned for a life of revelry in Berlin. It would be while sleeping off a hangover in a dingy flophouse that he would meet the widow Armgard Weygand, with whom he would begin a famous affair that later cost him the throne.

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    Many of Poland’s small countryside villages had been systematically obliterated in the hunt for the guerillas. On the other hand, the cities flourished as refugees poured into them alongside German industry, which was relocated en masse from the likes of Frankfurt, Essen and Cologne to Warsaw, Radom and Lodz during the retreats of 1938-9. Alongside the factories came infrastructure improvement funds to ensure manufacturing output made it to the frontlines rapidly. Thus, Poland was in a strange position in 1946. It was simultaneously cowed, ruined but also more capable than ever. The military occupation, the Generalgouvernment Warschau, was led by Governor General Wolfgang von Kries, who, unbeknownst to many, the General had encouraged King Aleksander’s withdrawal from the country as it cleared the way for his own rule over Poland.

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    King Aleksander II

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    Prince Oskar, Aleksander’s younger brother the heir presumptive

    Despite the turmoil caused by Poland and its loss of Volhynia to Ukraine, it ironically ended up larger after the war than before. The borders established for the Kingdom of Lithuania after the First Weltkrieg had proven unworkable in the early days of the Second. The Kingdom had been an experimental tripartite ethnic combination of Poles in the west, Lithuanians in the north and Ruthenians in the east. This model had failed during the brief Lithuanian nationalist revolution. At that time, the Ruthenians of the Valkaviskas region had declared secession and petitioned Minsk for absorption while the Poles of Bialystok had declared their ‘return to the bosom of the Motherland’. Despite the royal government in Vilnius regaining control of the country, the Berlin confirmed Valkaviskas’s cession to Minsk for their loyalty. It was also decided to keep the Poles all together under the Generalgovernment Warschau. By 1946, most in Lithuania preferred to keep it that way too, transforming it into a true nation-state that was expected to be easier to manage.

    In central Europe, Albania had joined the war briefly to fight the Serbians. The belated invasion of the young republic had seen Albania gain the territory of Kosovo. This united most Albanian speakers into one nation. Serbia was reduced to its lowest nadir since the 19th Century, with the Principality of Montenegro being split off. This left Serbia landlocked and helpless, surrounded as it was by much larger neighbors. Serbia’s fate was now inextricably linked with that of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, particularly the Constituent Crown of Illyria, under who’s ‘full protection’ it was placed (alongside Montenegro). It was expected that it was only a matter of time before full integration with Illyria was pursued.

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    Austria-Hungary, to the frustration of the Germans, chose to exit the Reichspakt alliance system. The Austrians had never reconciled themselves to full junior partnership with Berlin and did not wish to do so now, no matter how dire their internal problems. Rumors in 1949 of a transition of Mitteleuropa to a single currency led the Austro-Hungarians to threaten to exit the trading bloc, for example.

    Instead of engaging with Europe and the wider world, the Austro-Hungarians largely turned inward to deal with the various problems the strains of the Second Weltkrieg had resurfaced. In Illyria, ethnic tensions had erupted between Bosnians and Croatians while Hungary had grown resentful of Austria for the failures to protect its borders in the war (rumors that the Austrian-dominated General Staff of the KuK undermanned the Hungarian frontiers were amplified by Hungarian nationalists). With Kaiser Karl I growing old and infirm, his son, Archduke Otto, was tasked with salving the empire’s many tensions. Otto was, however, perhaps too idealistic a man for the job. In the run up to the 1947 Ausgleich, Otto would travel the country pushing for federalization at a moment when many denizens of the empire were focusing more on their internecine hatreds. Where a pragmatic conciliator was needed, Otto was a futurist wishing to accelerate solutions that may indeed solve Austria-Hungary’s problems in the long run but only exacerbated them in the short term.

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    Of other concern to Austria-Hungary was the reunification of Italy. After the First Weltkrieg, Austria-Hungary had pushed for the Italianization of the peninsula to ensure the nullification of this geopolitical rival. Now, though, with German backing, the Borbones declared themselves an imperial family. The defunct Italian Federation was now reorganized into the first Italian Empire, with the multiple duchies, republics and the Papal States all kowtowing to Naples.

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    To the north, the old governments of Norway, Sweden and Denmark were all restored, as was Flanders-Wallonia. The people of the Netherlands on the other hand now reaped the results of their perfidy. Despite Queen Wilhelmina being restored to her throne, the royal family and government’s premature flight from Amsterdam the moment the socialist revolutionaries rose up in Groningen had looked upon by Berlin with repugnance. It was this cowardice that had resulted in the Dutch armed forces defecting to the new socialist government which in turn opened the floodgates for invasion from Britain. Now the state of Limburg was to be annexed into the Empire. This little province was a one-time possession of the 19th century German Confederation and even a member of the Frankfurt Parliament during the 1848-49 Revolutions. Strong cultural and linguistic ties provided added justification for the territory’s seizure. More, the territory of Westerscheldt was to be given to Flanders-Wallonia, securing Antwerp’s path to the sea in perpetuity.

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    Lastly, French territory still managed by the Germans was ‘officially’ handed over to the government of the now Fourth French Republic. German troops remained stationed across the country at the ‘request’ of the Fourth Republic, to help secure its shaky regime and support regeneration efforts. In truth, this was occupation in all but name, with the border strip between Lille and Nancy being especially guarded.

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    For all its sacrifices, the Imperial Commonwealth prioritized Portugal after the United Kingdom for rebuilding funds. Nevertheless, the resources the IC could bring to bear were miniscule compared to Mitteleuropa, ensuring Germany’s domination of the continent everywhere save Iberia and Austria-Hungary.

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    To those battered survivors of the war, the needs of today blotted out considerations for tomorrow. Across the globe, however, the explosion of 20th Century technology, ideas and competition marched on. Slowly, the war weary world knew that as 1947 hearkened, a new, uncertain era was beginning. Save in Russia, China and some dark corners of Africa, peace had finally come to the world.





     

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