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Did historians begin calling the old Great Rus Kievan Rus like in OTL?

That was a good argument. Dobroslava must be rolling in her grave.

How much does the new Knyaz's half Tatar heritage increase the loyalty of the Tatars to that monarchy?

How did that transition occur in the game? Did the Ryazan conquer Rus somehow? Was it an event?
 
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Did historians begin calling the old Great Rus Kievan Rus like in OTL?

That was a good argument. Dobroslava must be rolling in her grave.

How much does the new Knyaz's half Tatar heritage increase the loyalty of the Tatars to that monarchy?

How did that transition occur in the game? Did the Ryazan conquer Rus somehow? Was it an event?

It would stand to reason that the old Great Rus' would be called Kievan, yes.

Honestly, I just made up much of Ivan 4.'s backstory for narrative flavour. His half-Tatar heritage is not a game element, although it does reflect the increasing diversity of the Rus' realm that he governs. Tatar is still not an accepted culture in Ryazan.

So, as to how that transition occurred in-game: I got two messages / alerts from Ruthenia in the game, the first one telling me that they were undergoing the Court & Country disaster, and the second one telling me that 'those fools in Ruthenia' had let the rebels break the country. Then all of a sudden a great big swathe of the map changed colour and there was a new realm just to my east which I didn't have any diplomatic relations with.

Thank you for updating. Ryazan has the responsibility of leadership. Ryazan and Moravia should be good Orthodox allies. Did some Orthodox lands go Protestant?

The willingness of Ryazan to have a royal marriage / alliance with Moravia does bode well for the future, yes.

Did some Orthodox lands go Protestant? Yes, in two places, I think: the Kola Peninsula went Prot, and I think a piece of Livonia or Galicia in what would now be Latvia went Prot.

Thanks for the comments, @Midnite Duke and @HistoryDude! Glad you're both still following on!
 
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Act II Chapter Two
TWO.
Counter-Reform

5 January 1662 – 8 March 1666

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The long-simmering conflict in the Moravian Inner Zhromaždenie, between Lásse Gáski and Ladomír Purkyně, came to a head in 1662. Gáski had enlisted on his side a certain young Slovak nobleman with strong Sámi ties and interests in shipping concerns in the Kola Protectorate. This nobleman’s name was Ladomír z Veleslavína.

Cár a Kráľ Mojmír 2. raised his eyebrows pointedly and quirked his mouth in amusement when he heard the proposal from Veleslavína. Everything about the man was outlandish—including his attire, which bore the marks of foppish affectation. His proposal frankly bordered on the absurd. Veleslavína was upbraiding Purkyně on account of his Bohemian heritage… yet Veleslavína was clearly a Bohemian surname, originating from a suburb of Praha. To top it off, he was offering his services as an expert in naval strategy to a completely landlocked kingdom.

Yet Veleslavína wasn’t without experience. As Mojmír cross-questioned him on his qualifications, it quickly became clear that he wasn’t all hat. He had an intimate knowledge of fishing-stocks and harvesting in Luleju, as well as merchant-marine operations to protect shipping in the Gulf of Bothnia. Further, he had clear cross-cultural knowledge and sensitivity from his long experience among the Sámit. Even though there was literally no call for a master of naval strategy in Moravia, it was easy to see the value he would have as a diplomatic advisor. Gáski’s rival was dismissed and Veleslavína was appointed in his place.

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Further, Mnata 2. Rychnovsk‎ý sent to Olomouc, with recommendations, a Sorbian nobleman of Łužica who was also a proven garrison commander. Bohumil z Haugvic, though hardly a genius of military strategy, was competent and capable enough to make an addition to the Inner Zhromaždenie which balanced Gáski’s influence there.

Vaše Veličenstvo.’

‘Yes, Haugvic?’

‘The Rychnovských whom I served have long had an interest in Asia; and I call to mind a story I once heard from my former lord Wojen. He told it that there was once a king in Ajutthaja, who had a certain troublous and annoying vassal who vexed him greatly, and abused his power. However, this vassal came from an influential family, and the king could not censure him openly without upsetting his realm. So, instead, this Ajutthajan king gave his vassal a gift.

‘The gift was a white elephant. Elephants are, of course, remarkably prodigious and prestigious animals, and white ones are not only remarkably rare, but also considered by the Ajutthajans to be sacred beasts. There was no way to refuse this gift, for it would be seen as a public insult to the king, and naturally this vassal was quite greedy for the king’s favour. But it soon became apparent that this gift was in fact a great burden. Elephants require great care and attention, and this vassal was forced to spend great amounts of money keeping it well-fed and cared-for. But because the white elephant is a sacred animal, it would be insulting and sacrilegious to make it work for its keep. Furthermore, the vassal could not sell the elephant or give it away—which would be an act of lèse-majesté.

‘So the vassal was forced to spend his vast fortunes on maintaining this “gift” from the king, and to sell many of his lands besides. In the end, the vassal was reduced to penury, the family’s stature was lost, and the king was able to remove him without any trouble.’

‘A fascinating story, Haugvic,’ Mojmír smiled. ‘Yet although I see a moral in it, I fail to see what it is. Do you say I have foisted upon you, or upon someone at this court, such a white elephant?’

‘Not at all, vaše Veličenstvo. Indeed, to me you have shown great and unfeigned generosity! I tell you this story, however, to remind you of the crown you received from the Detvanských.’

‘How so? Is the Carpathian realm such?’

‘That is… yet uncertain,’ Bohumil z Haugvic hedged. ‘But it’s worth remembering that the Carpathian realm is not yet a stable or a happy one. And Vlastimila placed a task on you with her “gift”, of ensuring order in a land that has been habitually disorderly.’

Mojmír laughed at that. ‘Is this military advice to me, or political?’

Bohumil z Haugvic spread his hands. ‘That is for you to decide, vaše Veličenstvo. I have made bold already to speak of this to you—you may perhaps question that my loyalty is still to the Rychnovských I’ve served so many years, who had their eyes but lately on the Carpathian crown themselves.’

‘There is such a thing as being too scrupulous, sir,’ Mojmír scolded his advisor lightly. ‘Do you think me unaware of Mnata Rychnovský’s old resentments of me? Or of his decision to put aside those resentments at the crucial moment? Mnata’s loyalty has been shown; and furthermore, you aren’t misleading me. And be wary of suspecting the honours that you’ve earned. What you intend as self-effacement, may appear churlish to others.’

Bohumil z Haugvic’s tale, however, proved to be at least partially vindicated when a certain Dimităr Marinov rose in rebellion, proclaiming himself to be the monarch of an independent Bulgarian kingdom based in Torontál. The rebels were unfortunately stronger than the remaining Carpathian forces, and they quickly overwhelmed the town and made it their base of operations. Mojmír was forced by circumstance to send Totil z Husi, the Kapitálová Armáda and the Košická Armáda southward to take care of Marinov and his rebels. The tale of the white elephant seemed particularly relevant to Mojmír then, as the costs in money and manpower of putting down the Marinov Rebellion of 1662 proved to exceed the tax receipts from Carpathian vassalage for that year.

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~~~​

Another revolt in a neighbouring country occurred the following year. Unlike Marinov’s, however, this one turned out to be successful.

Rathbod (also known by his Romansch moniker Rapoto) von Asch, a brilliant, handsome, charismatic career officer in the Bavarian military, saw an opportunity to seize power after the death of Arnulf 2. von der Tann. He was known for being almost East Frankish in his demands for punctuality, order and smartness of dress, but Asch was nonetheless a distinctly popular figure in the Bayerische Armee, not only because of his personal charisma, but also for the unflappable coolness he projected. Indeed, it is largely considered to be on account of his level-headedness in the midst of an utter catastrophe, that he managed to escape a traitor’s halter, let alone succeed to the throne of Bayern at all.

Mojmír sent the Pražská Armáda under Kaloján z Boskovic on the southward road to Bayern to reinforce the forces loyal to House Tann. Rathbod von Asch sent his armies—ten thousand infantry, seven thousand cavalry and six thousand guns—northward from Landshut to meet Boskovic. The main engagement took place in the Bayerischer Wald.

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Asch made a critical error in the deployment of his infantry as they took up position in the south of the wood, and Boskovic instantly understood and seized upon this error. The Moravian infantry caught many of the rebel Bavarians in an enfilading crossfire, decimating them. The cavalry, being pinned down in the woods, had little manoeuvre left, and they were little better off than the infantry.

The battle was decisively decided, and a lesser commander than Rathbod von Asch would have lost his head. But with his typical cool, Asch ordered his infantry to beat an orderly retreat in the direction of Regensburg; in this way he managed to save practically all of his guns and a small, but crucial, portion of his infantry. In this way he avoided defeat just long enough to snatch the victory.

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News of the Moravians’ victory over Asch came too late to Landshut, however. The Tann loyalists had already agreed to parley with Rathbod’s forces by the time his loss at the Bayerischer Wald was known. The blessing of the Metropolitan of Bayern soon followed, and the crown of Bayern now rested with full cognisance and blessing of the Church upon the head of the rebel commander. And adding insult to injury for the morale of the Moravian Army—Kaloján z Boskovic took ill and died from a pestilence that was ravaging western Bohemia on the return journey there from Regensburg. But there was little else for it: Mojmír was forced to open diplomatic talks and relations with the new Asch government in Bayern.

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~~~​

Galicia had never exactly been friendly with Moravia; even when that realm had been known as the Červen Cities. But there were periods when the relationship was less frosty, and periods when it was more so. The creation of the dual monarchy of Moravia-Carpathia, combined with the dynastic overthrows in Bayern and (what was now) Ryazanian Rus’, practically assured that Moravia was entering one of these periodic chills. The more so when Galicia decided to invade one of the last surviving fragments of Francophone Poland, still bearing the name of the Frankish king Lothair.

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The religious strife in the North, with zealous newly-minted Protestant princes ruling Catholic populaces, attracted the attention of Garderike… and the Papacy. Garderike responded to Protestant encroachments on every side, by adopting wholesale the water-powered production techniques pioneered by the Muslims to their east. And Pope Adeodatus 3. responded to the outbreak of protest in the North by convoking a council in the Papal city of Trento. The object of this council was to institute a thoroughgoing reform within the Catholic hierarchy.

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At first, the religious commotion in the West didn’t really faze the Moravian Orthodox Church. Heresies come and go, and in the long run there was nothing really new under the sun. But the appearance, and success, of Protestant preachers in the Kola Peninsula prompted the Church to do some careful self-examination in response. As the Moravian Orthodox hierarchs saw it, the two most pressing issues with regard to Church discipline were: the persistence of the Nedržitelia and the remnants of the Johanit movement in high Churchly office on the one hand; and on the other hand the question of the Malopolskan saints.

Mojmír 2. acted as one might suspect from him. He was a moderate reformer and a friend of landed property; and he could not abide by the sorts of radical ideas advanced by the Nedržitelia. He was not a sympathiser in any sense with their cause, and still less so with the radical followers of Jan Hus. He issued a stern rebuke to those churchmen thought to be advancing Non-Possessor and Johanite ideas, and placed the full confidence and support of the state behind the bishops’ Zbor, though he stopped short of ordering the military to make arrests.

With regard to the calendar of the Metropole of Vislania, Mojmír 2. was loath to intervene between Velehrad and Krakov. Politically speaking, the Cár a Kráľ felt he couldn’t easily take sides between two of his constituent peoples. And from a practical standpoint, he was more inclined to ‘live and let live’. If the people of Lesser Poland wanted to venerate Kunhuta, Oleg and Simeon as saints on their calendar, why not let them do so? The process for glorifying saints was a mystifying one to Mojmír to begin with. And so that question got kicked down the road a ways without a firm resolution.

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~~~​

‘You sent for me, Father Ananiáš?’

‘Yes, Brother Modest, yes,’ said the Abbot of the Monastery of Holy Prophet Eliáš in Bajerovce. ‘I wish to ask you a few questions.’

‘Father Abbot, you have only to ask and I will answer truly,’ the young rasophore answered.

‘I am sure you shall,’ the long-bearded abbot smiled kindly. ‘These questions have to do with your life in the world. I fear I must place one more obedience upon you, depending on how you answer.’

‘Your will be done, Father.’

Abbot Ananiáš stroked his grey beard thoughtfully. ‘Tell me of your family, from when you were in the world,’ he told the monk. ‘From what I am given to understand, you are rather well-born.’

Brother Modest frowned a thought. He had embraced his vows fully, and renounced all worldly ties. But then he mastered his face. The abbot had good reason to ask, surely. His will was law, and it was not his place to question why. ‘My worldly name is Mojmír. My earthly kin are of the Krakovští z Kolovrat lineage, whose main honour resides in western Bohemia. My great-great-grandfather was Zdravomil: a distinguished military officer who once met Saint Trifon of Pechenga. It left a deep impression on him.’

‘I understand, my son. Go on.’

‘Zdravomil was deeply loyal to Moravia,’ Brother Modest continued. ‘He served both Kráľ Josef and Kráľ Tomáš with great devotion, fighting against Galicia and Bayern in the Minsk War and the Fojtsko War, and against Pomerania in the War of Honour. For his service he was granted an estate near Spíš, which is where his wife gave birth to his sons. The elder of the two was my great-grandfather.’

Abbot Ananiáš nodded.

‘I do not say this to boast,’ Modest held up his hands. ‘Only that I wish it to be understood: he was a military man, yet he grieved over the shedding of Orthodox blood. His death unshriven in a field accident shocked my great-grandfather. He told us all that death could visit us at any time, and therefore we must pray for all who die untimely deaths.’

‘Your great-grandfather sounds like a wise man,’ Abbot Ananiáš approved.

‘It may be because of him that I am here,’ said Brother Modest. ‘I longed to devote myself to prayer, not only to atone for my sins, which afflict me sorrowfully, but for the sins of my family that went without earthly repentance, and for the sins of my country.’

‘And that prayer will bear fruit if it is spoken in faith, my son,’ Ananiáš lay a hand on his disciple’s shoulders. ‘But from what I hear of you, there is another obedience to which you are called. The Kráľ sends grievous news. One of his close advisors, one Eustach by baptismal name, has perished untimely.’

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Brother Modest let a gasp escape him, and he crossed himself fervently. ‘May God receive him!’

‘There is a vacancy,’ Abbot Ananiáš told him, ‘which the Kráľ has asked the monastics of the land to fill. The Kráľ wishes to repair his relations with the Church, and thus asks for a man devoted to prayer to join him in Olomouc and advise him. I shall put your name forward. If he chooses you, would you be agreeable to undertake this additional obligation, in Christ’s name?’

Brother Modest was not happy about it, but he would obey. He nodded.

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~~~​

When Brother Modest arrived—on foot, not on horseback—in Olomouc Castle, he was ushered into an audience-room where Cár a Kráľ Mojmír, Svietlana and their three children (the crown prince was named Jaromír; Modest did not know the names of the other two) were posing for a family portrait. Modest observed impassively that the painter had a fine eye for posture and movement, though his treatment of light and shadow rather irked the monk’s rather more medieval artistic sensibilities.

The elderly king broke his pose to give greeting to the newly-arrived monk. ‘You will be the Krakovští z Kolovrat lad, won’t you?’

Modest was somewhat taken aback by this secular address, but he nodded.

‘Good. I’ll be with you shortly when our friend’s brush-hand here tires. I have called you here because I wish you to help me undertake a very important task…

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Veleslavína is a fascinating character. Will we hear more of his strange ideas? Advertising yourself as a naval expert to the ruler of a landlocked nation is ridiculously audacious.

Carpathia does appear to be rather like a white elephant. Unlike the white elephant, though, Moravia can kill it... and I wonder if they will. After all, aren't Carpathia and Moravia referred to separately in the interludes?
 
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Did some Orthodox lands go Protestant?
Yes, in two places, I think: the Kola Peninsula went Prot, and I think a piece of Livonia or Galicia in what would now be Latvia went Prot.
Oh yeah, eu4 being the-ultimate-arcade-game triumphs over its simulation aspects once again; protestant expansion over orthodox provinces as if no tomorrow, which corners anyone to write any story about the game and forces to say, "umm... yeah, so, errr..."

The historical records do not help to find a plausible background, only some suggestive work there are, and mostly religious gibberish, and it remains a storyteller's burden to come up with any sort of reasonable yet oblique arc to explain how the dynamics of actual power-class struggle between the belligerents over the imperial legitimacy would have any effect at all on the orthodox catholic church or on the coptic orthodox church, other than trying to find allies in their wars.

And of course not to forget, for example a coptic armenia-tag run can suddenly find entire catholic world turning hostile because, well, council of trent strikes hard. Peak eu4 moment.
 
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Act II Chapter Three
THREE.
Reorganisation of the North

29 October 1666 – 4 January 1670

The Inner Zhromaždenie met behind closed doors with Mojmír 2. for weeks. The monk Modest, Bohumil z Haugvic, and the ever-flamboyant Ladomír z Veleslavína all took part in these back-room discussions that went on for hours a day and days at a stretch, along with a rather motley cast of characters.

Whatever it was, the courtiers at Olomouc surmised, it must be something to do with the North. Mojmír and the Inner Zhromaždenie entertained various surveyors, archivists, prospectors and veteran trappers who had worked in the Kola Protectorate, as well as fishermen and shipmen who operated in the Gulf of Bothnia. What’s more, the current Lord Protector of the Sámit, Áho 2. Saiva, was essentially a semi-permanent guest in Olomouc, who attended more than his fair share of these closed-door sessions. It seemed to those who observed him that he had mixed feelings about the results of these sessions: sadness, trepidation, but also hope.

Soon the Lord Protector was joined by a young reindeer herder of some prominence in the local siida of Suä’đjel near Anár—a teenager, but one bearing the tranquillity and circumspection of a man twice his age. His face was weather-red and his hands were rough—it was clear that he was a man deeply attached to his land and to his animals, who had come here but reluctantly. This teen gave his name as Styrbjörn Kaise, but rarely spoke to anyone else except Áho Saiva and the Inner Zhromaždenie.

The discussions grew heated, and could occasionally be heard from outside. It seemed at some points as though Ladomír z Veleslavína with his affected hauteur and courtly presumptions was consistently at odds with the Lord Protector and the young Kaise, who seemed to be at odds with him on several points… or perhaps one point at length… of whatever it was they were discussing.

At the same time this was happening, significant changes were underway in the more official, outward-facing Stavovské Zhromaždenie. Although Mojmír had insisted in his youth that they retain themselves as a permanent, legislative elected body, there was significant discussion within that body as to what these mandates actually meant. By trial and error, by fits and starts, by establishment of precedent (and backtracking of precedents that didn’t work), the Moravian government was coming to a modus vivendi. By the 1660s, there was a collection of basic laws and statutes in place for the Stavovské Zhromaždenie—with some of its precedents dating back even to the Sliezsky zakón of 944 and the Jihlavské úkazy of 1155—that would form the basis for Moravia’s constitutional order.

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It was unlikely that the one development could have happened without the other.

But the final result of all those months of planning and talks and meetings behind closed doors, was revealed to the Stavovské Zhromaždenie on the second of March, 1668.

‘Loyal subjects,’ announced Mojmír 2. to the assembled estates, ‘I hereby announce, with the full agreement and cooperation of Lord Protector Áho 2. Saiva, that the Kola Protectorate is dissolved forthwith. The lands of the North are shall be subject to a Reorganisation.’

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There was a rising buzz of murmurs among the assembly: disbelief, rumours, speculation. What could this possibly be about? One voice rose above the buzz:

‘How is this supposed to be brought about? Are these to become Crown lands?’

Mojmír 2. turned directly to the Bohemian townsman who had asked this. ‘In some degree, yes. The lands between Tuoppajärvi and Luleju, and southward, will be held in temporary trust directly by the Moravian Crown, as the Moravské Prímorie. But the lands of Anárjárvi and Kola are to be released to a state of home rule. A new state of Sápmi, to be governed by a High Council or Ráđđi, with similar rights and privileges as the body I currently face, in all matters except foreign affairs. The titular head of the Ráđđi has been named as… this young man: Styrbjörn Kaise, hereafter to be styled Styrbjörn 3. of Sápmi.’

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‘What does that mean—temporary trust?’ asked the same Bohemian townsman, whom Mojmír now recognised as Siloš Harant of Praha.

‘It means precisely that,’ Mojmír replied to Siloš, with admirable composure. ‘It is a trust that is temporary. I have already made plans, in consultation with the new authorities in Sápmi and with the Inner Zhromaždenie, to gradually transfer the Prímorie lands, as well as the Prímorie-based fleets and materiel currently in the Crown’s trust, to Sámi sovereignty, over a period of five years. Over that time, the tax receipts and rents from the Prímorie will be used to fund the establishment of the Ráđđi and the transition of control.’

There were quite a few people in the Stavovské Zhromaždenie that day, who were clearly unhappy with this proposal, which was essentially being handed to them as a diktat.

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What’s more, there were quite a few Sámi who had their reservations, when they learned of the decision dividing their land in half, with the southern half going to the Moravian Crown. The words ‘home rule’ were a legal abstraction decided in far-away Olomouc; the signing away of land was real. For those living in Lule and Tuoppajärvi especially, there was a very real and understandable fear of another mass land grab, and a return to the grim days of starvation and loss—the Pálľ Pídë of the 1520s, ‘30s and ‘40s. Even for those living north of that line, seasonal reindeer migration routes often traversed that line. And the more they heard about the details of the deal, the more it didn’t make sense. What did the Sámit need with a Ráđđi? What was wrong with the way things had been done before? The Protectorate wasn’t perfect, but it was a far sight better than direct rule by any of Moravia, Östergotland or Garderike.

But the Sámit—survivors to a one, if any people were—made the best of the situation. Young Styrbjörn Kaise and prominent members of other siidas in the north instituted the Ráđđi on their own: for the moment, without direct help from Moravia. The Ráđđi was established in Anár on a semi-permanent basis, though there was to be a circuit which would allow the Ráđđi to be hosted by different siidas in different years. Saiva and Kaise draughted a basic law and by-laws for the Council, using the Vyřkedant of Vulle Gáski as inspiration or as direct instruction. The result was an institution that was traditional but flexible, connected intimately to the siidas, and driven by consensus rather than by feudal, oligarchical or majority rule.

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Home rule came with definite practical advantages. Sámit quickly found that they didn’t have to disrupt their lives with months-long journeys to Praha or Olomouc with appeals for problems and questions that affected them all. And now if Moravians or Bohemians wanted to do business in the North, they had to seek approval from the local siida instead; if multiple siidas were involved, they had to take the matter to the Ráđđi.

It would take several generations, but in time, the second of March—the Orthodox feast-day of St Agathon of Egypt and St Theodotos of Keryneia—would be celebrated in Sápmi as Home Rule Day.

~~~​

A significant degree of Moravia’s diplomatic and institutional energy over the next five years was spent on facilitating the Reorganizácia Severu. Which is not to say that there weren’t other problems that Mojmír 2. and the Zhromaždenie had to deal with.

Carpathia suffered yet another uprising—this one among the Hungarian core population in Békés. Again the southern armies were sent with Totil z Husi to put the uprising down; it was over with little difficulty. The Hungarian uprising of 1667 was notable for being the first battle in which Moravian infantrymen utilised bayonets en masse. Pike-and-shot formations were to be retired in favour of line infantry, and Moravian tactics were again evolving as a result.

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Unfortunately, the production of bayonets was proving to be a problem. The ore which was to be refined into the steel used to make the pike replacements was of incredibly poor quality this year, and blacksmiths’ guilds were hard-pressed to bring any of the resulting implements up to a standard which would pass a routine inspection. New recruits were still given old pikes to use instead… at least for the time being.

A further round of ‘Maksimit’ reforms, harmonising Moravian Orthodox Church practices with those in New Rome and Jerusalem and updating the Liturgy to reflect contemporary language, received the support of the Moravian state. In conjunction with these, Mojmír enacted another law establishing and funding Orthodox katēkhēsis in parishes throughout the country, to be administered to children and young adults prior to the Sunday orthros.

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Particular attention was paid to the residents of the eastern Prímorie, who were Chudové of doubtful religious conviction at best. (The area had been pagan until quite recently—then at various times Catholic and Gnostic.) Mojmír allowed Brother Modest to oversee the despatch of monastic brethren to found Orthodox temples and stavropegia among the Chudové in that land. In time, it was hoped that these houses of prayer would bear fruits of the spirit worthy of repentance. Still, it would be work to pace that alongside the major change that was happening in that region: the ongoing Reorganizácia.

Ladomír z Veleslavína, in his usual arrogant fashion, had insisted in the closed-door sessions that the Protectorate fleets were in fact the property of the Crown, and as such they should be sold rather than given to the Sámi. The new Ráđđi had practically no liquid assets with which to buy said fleets, however—only wealth-in-kind, of a sort neither useful nor easily transported to Moravia. The first sale of a Protectorate ship to Sápmi took place five months after the declaration of Home Rule: of a single-deck gunship based in Kola, for the nominal price of ten gold denár.

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Two years passed. The new state of Sápmi was only beginning to find its feet, and the first of Mojmír’s scheduled releases of Crown territory to the Sámit took place in January of 1670. Luleju was the first of the territories to be returned to Sápmi from the old Protectorate lands—a gesture which showed good faith to the new state and connected them to both the White Sea and the Gulf of Bothnia. Even though it wasn’t free—the transfer had to be collateralised against tax receipts from the Old Protectorate—the release of Luleju was perhaps the single most significant gesture that Mojmír could have made to assure the Sámi people of his sincerity in supporting home rule in more than just empty words.

But Mojmír’s health was faltering. At sixty-four, after a life of reestablishing order within his realm and being responsible for yet another, he had begun to feel his age far earlier than others would. The degree of stress he’d incurred granting home rule to the Sámit added to this. He tired easily and retired early to his bed. He began to rely heavily upon the 43-year-old korunn‎ý Princ, Jaromír Hlinka, who thankfully was no slouch when it came to either administration or diplomacy, and who had inherited some of his mother’s natural ebullient energy. It was with Jaromír that Áho Saiva and Styrbjörn Kaise dealt most during the period of the five-year trust.

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That's an interesting reorganization of the north. Why was the area divided in half that way? Does it have anything to do with conversions to Protestantism there?

Will the Stavovské Zhromaždenie use these new ideas of constitutional monarchy to attempt to gain more power?
 
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That's an interesting reorganization of the north. Why was the area divided in half that way? Does it have anything to do with conversions to Protestantism there?

Will the Stavovské Zhromaždenie use these new ideas of constitutional monarchy to attempt to gain more power?

No, it didn't have anything to do with religious policy.

From an in-game perspective, it was more valuable to have Sápmi as a vassal than Jovvkuj. Sápmi is a kingdom-tier country, while Jovvkuj is duchy-tier. In terms of accrual of game score, I realised it was better for me to have a kingdom-tier vassal than a duchy-tier one.

From a perspective of personal taste, Sápmi's CoA is just more aesthetic. I wasn't a fan of the big black horseshoe.

As to why the land was divided in half like that, basically what I had to do was integrate Jovvkuj (so all the land reverted back to me) and then release Sápmi as a vassal. But Sápmi only got the territory it had core claims on: Enare and Kola. I basically had to sell the other counties back to Sápmi after that, when they could afford to pay for them.

Thank you for the update. A period of peace with great change for the northlands. Carpathia is having some teething issues.

Carpathia is still a relatively young realm. Some teething is to be expected!

Thanks again for the comments!
 
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I fall behind for a little while and you get a personal union with a neighbor? My goodness!
 
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Act II Chapter Four
FOUR.
Jaromír

4 January 1670 – 7 July 1672

The purse of gold coin fell on the table with a heavy clink.

‘Is it all accounted for?’ asked Ladomír z Veleslavína.

‘To the last obol,’ replied Áho Saiva coolly. ‘The full payment owing to the Crown.’

The soi-disant naval captain, in his uniform dress, picked up the purse and set it before the Crown Prince, who was holding his head in one hand. Jaromír eyed the purse for a moment, then took a tureen of hot wax, and dripped some of it on the bottom of a curling piece of paper. Then he took the signet ring and pressed it into the soft red stuff before it congealed. The Crown Prince handed the paper to the former Lord Protector of Kola… now Deputy Speaker of the Sámiráđđi.

‘Káján is yours, sir… just as agreed,’ Jaromír spoke.

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Áho Saiva formally and politely received on behalf of the Sámi Álbmot the deed of sovereignty to the northern Finnish town and its environs, before turning on his heel and leaving the room. This was the last of the instalments but one, of the lands which were due to be transferred to Sápmi.

Moravia’s growing number of sovereign dependencies—not only Sápmi in the north, now left mostly to their own devices under the law of home rule, but also holdover medieval vassalage Drježdźany and personal union Carpathia—had necessitated that its government shift its thinking. The diplomatic corps were now oriented not so much toward building ties with the outside, as maintaining the complex and institutionally-varied relationships of Moravia with its wards. Within the Zhromaždenie, there was more talk of how to build and deepen Moravia’s influence in places under its indirect sway.

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‘Are you well, môj pán?’ Bohumil z Haugvic asked Jaromír.

‘Well enough,’ Jaromír smiled weakly. ‘Just a slight headache. That’s all.’

‘You should get some rest. It’s late,’ Haugvic insisted.

Jaromír couldn’t but agree to that. He stood. He’d been filling his father’s place in the Inner Zhromaždenie for nearly the past two years, as the elderly king had gone inexorably into decline. It was saddening to the son to see his father this way, whom he’d always looked up to as the very model of strength. Age and wear had sapped all of that strength out of Mojmír 2., such that now he was hardly able to stand on his own, let alone govern. Jaromír bade Brother Modest, Ladomír and Bohumil good-night, and retired at a weary shuffle to his chambers.

When Jaromír opened the door, he saw Mislava at ease, reading a book. She had his evening robe and a small nightcap of slivovica already waiting for him on his favourite seat.

‘Another long day?’ his wife wondered airily.

Jaromír chuckled wryly.

‘Let me guess:’ Mislava Cikkerová smirked, ‘another bold sortie from the royal battlements against the foul serpents and pestilent beasts of courtly sleaze, graft and greasy palms.’

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‘Oh, if only it were something that glamorous,’ Jaromír answered his wife. ‘I grant you: attacking such commonplace demons can cause tremors every bit as much as the less figurative.’

‘H’m,’ Mislava sighed, putting a finger to her lips. ‘Another monastic delegation to bolster the slackening Prímorie in the One True Faith? Or another act of charity, perhaps—to make up for a backsliding relative’s Churchly faux pas? Or to cover for the townsmen’s hard-heartedness? Or maybe you had to float another bond to the moneylenders, or hold another sale of titles, to cover the expense of all this largesse?’

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Jaromír grinned. ‘No, no. Nothing so exciting. Really, it was just routine for me today. And how about you? How were you and the girls faring today?’

Mislava smirked with mischief. ‘Oh, nothing much. Hedviga sends her regards.’

Jaromír groaned. ‘Again? That’s… what, the third time this month? What was it this time?’

‘Evidently Dita thought she’d put the rhetorical skills she’d been learning at her governess’s hands to some very practical and very public use propounding and extolling the practices of the Nedržitelia, and even disputing with Suffragan Bishop Auxentie in defence of monastic non-possession. Dita and the bishop were already in full swing and attracting an impressive crowd by the time Hedviga showed up. Oh, and I wouldn’t be too surprised if a formal letter of reproach in Auxentie’s hand arrives on your desk in the next couple of days or so.’

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Jaromír put his head in one hand and massaged the bridge of his nose. ‘I’ll need to have a talk with that girl,’ he growled.

‘Oh, I wouldn’t be too hard on her,’ Mislava remarked with a sardonic turn of voice. ‘Our eldest takes after her father in more ways than one.’

‘Is that a comment on the causes I take up?’ asked Jaromír wryly.

‘Could be,’ Mislava shrugged. ‘Alternatively, it might be a comment on how you both tend to overexert yourselves.’

‘Easy for you to say. Governing’s harder than it seems from the outside,’ Jaromír sighed.

‘No doubt. Anyway, we’re all pulling for you,’ Mislava answered him, before suddenly echoing Bohumil z Haugvic in her advice. ‘Get some sleep—clearly you need it. I’ll have the stove on early tomorrow, and make you a nice deep pan of Marre Blanc.’

Jaromír appreciated that. The káva grown in Les Antilles, and sold by Neustrian vendors, wasn’t quite as fine and rich as a true Arabian mokka, but it had the benefit of being every bit as strong a waking effect, and selling at considerably less than half the price per pound of roasted beans. Mislava Cikkerová’s acid, facetious sense of humour had taken some getting used to, in the first years of their marriage. But she did have quite a good nose for deals, and kept the larder well-stocked with the Haïtian stuff. Jaromír hadn’t married for love, but there were times when he found his wife quite endearing.

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~~~​

The death of Mojmír 2. on the calends of June, 1672, and the end of a reign spanning nearly five whole decades, came more quietly than anyone might have imagined. He passed from this life to the next in his sleep, shriven and given the Chalice: whatever sins he might have committed in life against God or fellow man forgiven. Jaromír—named, crowned and anointed Cár a Kráľ Jaromír of Carpathia and Moravia in his forty-fifth year—grieved his father’s death, certainly, but perhaps less so than he expected to. Much of his grieving had already been done, so long had the spent Mojmír been wasting away.

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Likewise, for all the uncertainty and trepidation accompanying a succession, the administration and governance of the realm suffered no great interruption, on account of the fact that Jaromír had already borne much of it on his shoulders in his father’s waning years. Certainly all three members of the inner Zhromaždenie, and much of the Stavovské Zhromaždenie besides, were already accustomed to dealing with the new Cár a Kráľ. This was often a good thing, but not always. Mislava’s sideways compliments about his sorties against demons of corruption and his too-open and too-costly largesse did not fall far from the mark. Perhaps the clearest indication of this lies in the correspondence of Ladomír z Veleslavína, who wrote in one of his letters home:

If I may be candid, the lately-ascended pilot of our great barque is a peculiar mix of elements—on balance more in his favour than against. Fortune would favour well any enterprise of careful consideration rather than daring and risk, placed under Jaromír’s meticulous care… though the bolder enterprises are the ones he avoids. He is, quite properly, jealous of the prerogatives of the state and of his office, which bodes well for keeping the decks clean and in good repair. Yet, when it comes to particulars, especially an embassy from one of our dependencies spins out some well-rehearsed tale of woe, Jaromír makes rather unseemly haste to loosen the purse-strings. However duteous the helmsman might be, if he is too lenient with his inferiors, their slack will prove a detriment to the ship. I hope and pray this may not prove itself in the years to come…

But Ladomír could breathe easy for some time after. Cár a Kráľ Jaromír kept the course of the Moravian-Carpathian ‘barque’ straight and true. He retained and renewed the marital and familial ties between Olomouc and, respectively: Anárjárvi, Drježdźany, London, Ryazan and Landshut. All of these were well-established foreign relations which boded no great departure from tradition.

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The only marked departure from tradition came in his slight amendment to the five-year deal that his father had struck with the Sámi people. And it was a mark of the new king’s penchant for generosity. On the Ráđđi at Anárjárvi, the new ruler bestowed the entire territory of Tuoppajärvi and Vienan Karjala, for a lump-sum tax less than half of what they had owed for Káján. With this gesture, Jaromír restored to the Kíllt Sámi full and unbroken access to the easternmost of their reindeer migration routes under the new law of home rule. After this, of the Northern territories, only a small stretch of coastline along the southern end of the White Sea remained in the Crown’s trust.

All in all, it seemed that Jaromír’s reign had gotten off to a strong start.

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But his twenty-nine-year-old Kráľovná, Mislava, had yet to bear forth an heir. It wasn’t a problem of fertility. Mislava had readily given birth again and again for Jaromír… but she bore only girls.

Dita—that is to say, Judita—was the eldest, at the age of twelve. Thereupon followed Eva (now ten), Barbora (seven) and Hana (four). Not long after Jaromír’s coronation, he impregnated Mislava once more. All prayers and wishes accompanied her, that this time the fruit within her would be male.
 
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RIP Mojmir.

Will this reorientation of the diplomatic corps have... negative effects in the long term? How many allies does Moravia have at the moment anyway, besides Carpathia/Sapmi?
 
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Thank you for the update. Is Moravia agnatic and not agnatic-cognatic? Long live King Jaromir.

Legally, Moravia is agnatic-cognatic, same as all the other Slavic realms.

But in terms of its dynastic history, Moravia has had exactly one queen before. And she... didn't turn out so well.

RIP Mojmir.

Will this reorientation of the diplomatic corps have... negative effects in the long term? How many allies does Moravia have at the moment anyway, besides Carpathia/Sapmi?

Moravia is allied to Ryazan, Great Britain and Bayern, as well as having royal marriages with each.

Its vassal states include Dresden (Drježdźany), Carpathia and Sápmi.

As to the influence idea tree being a bad idea or not, well... that's just something to keep reading for! :)
 
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Act II Chapter Five
FIVE.
Waters of Tribute
12 July 1672 – 31 March 1676

Mislava’s miscarriage in the middle of 1672 prompted the new Cár a Kráľ to think carefully about the future of the realm… and about the future of his family. The generation of Hlinkovci who succeeded Jaromír would, so it seemed, all be women. And of those women, truly, there was only one who had proven herself able and fit in her father’s eyes to take office when she grew to adulthood.

Dita excelled in her studies. Even if her occasional stunts rather exasperated her governess, her tutors had nothing but words of praise for her: they told her father that she had a keen mind and an insatiable curiosity about the world. Moravian being her mother tongue, she also mastered Church Slavonic and Russian with ease; she also had a proper working knowledge of Biblical Greek and Hebrew, and she was even able to hold basic polite small-talk in Kíllt Sámi. Dita understood grammar and logic, mathematics, astronomy, and—as the tussle with the Suffragan Bishop in Olomouc had attested—wasn’t a slouch in rhetoric either. Her spirited defence of monastic non-possession and those who espoused it, showed further that she had learnt high morals and was willing to stand behind them. Even if Jaromír didn’t quite agree with her… enthusiastic fancies, he deeply approved of the fact that Dita had them.

In fact, so properly and thoroughly was the young lady respected and admired in the court, that Jaromír began to wonder if designating Dita to succeed him as heiress… wouldn’t be such a bad idea after all. Moravia had a bad experience with its only queen in historical memory, true. But it would take, so Jaromír thought, a rather blinkered and chauvinistic kind of fool not to acknowledge that not every woman was a Bratromila Mojmírová. Dita was no such intellectual or moral weakling as to let herself be hemmed in and bullied by any coterie of wicked advisers. And try as he might, Jaromír couldn’t see Dita being so unwise as to take a lover behind the back of a notoriously jealous husband.

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And so Jaromír proclaimed, on the occasion of her thirteenth birthday, before the Stavovské Zhromaždenie his intention to pass the crowns to his eldest daughter. There was muttering. But let them mutter. The proof would be in her rule.

At first, the shift in the diplomatic corps from an emphasis on reputation-building in foreign courts, to an emphasis on the management of vassalage, seemed like a throwback. Many diplomats were not happy to be suddenly up to their elbows in old bits of vellum, appanages, ancient genealogies, feudal contracts and such, going back five hundred years. In an age of global commerce under sail, of the exploration of a New World, of scientific discovery, of technological advance and opytovanie, many of them felt transcribing and interpreting such dusty old things to be beneath them. But it wasn’t long before the inward-facing shift began paying significant material dividends.

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Even just the formal indexing and codification of Moravian feudal contracts into a new and updated form—literally putting it on the books—had certain advantages. Simply having it all in one place, allowed Moravian legal scholars to identify points at which streamlining could occur. The agreement between Moravia and Sápmi, for example, was ultimately based on the feudal contract between the knieža of Bohemia and the Greco-Bohemian Lampsiōtēs family in Tuoppajärvi… a family which no longer had any influence, ownership or even particular interest in Sápmi. Excising parts of that contract that no longer obtained, and placing Sápmi into a more explicit and direct relationship with the Moravian Crown, had the effect of broadening the revenue stream to the royal coffers while placing no additional tax burden on the Sámi people. Sorbian Drježdźany—the last of the realms under the rule of the Rychnovských—stood to benefit from a similar process. The Carpathian-Moravian alliance was brand-new, but even there, law stood to undergo a similar formal codification.

There was an additional benefit to the new arrangement. Sámit, particularly those in Lule and along the coast of Kola, had long built, sold and sailed ‘Nordland boats’, fishing and small-scale trading vessels, descendants of the old Viking longships. These ‘Nordland boats’ had the advantage of being slim, manoeuvrable, and some of the fastest ships on open water. They were not suitable as military craft anymore against galleons and gunships, but they had all manner of other uses. Including covert ones.

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At Moravia’s instigation, Sámi sailors managed to provoke, without being detected, a couple of diplomatic incidents between East Francia, Sweden and Östergötland that successfully soured the relations between them. On account of several missing ships and inexplicable maritime incidents that the East Francians were unable to plausibly deny, they were suddenly the object of suspicion and scorn among their northern neighbours. Neither the landlocked Moravians, nor the far-off Sámi, were considered seriously as the source of these incidents.

~~~​

Jaromír didn’t order the Sámi to commit this string of Baltic diplomatic sabotages just for fun, however. The new Cár a Kráľ aimed to take material advantage of East Francia’s new diplomatically weaker position.

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The Sámit had an oral tradition, going back into prehistory, that they were the original inhabitants of the ‘Lakeland’—that is to say, the area of east-central Finland and Karjala that was marked by that particular geographic feature. That was before they were pushed out by slash-and-burn settlers from the southeast—the ancestors of the present-day Finns, Karelians and Chudové. The new Moravian king intended to use this oral tradition as a casus belli against Garderike, and expand the Sámi territory further southward. One sad event delayed him, however.

Ivan 4. Eliseevič Gorčakov was assassinated by a clique of his disgruntled Ruthenian boyary on the eleventh of July, 1674. Thankfully, the old Ryurikovič clan managed to step in, and preserved the life of Ivan’s four-year-old son, Fedor 2. Ivanovič, from a similar fate—and preserved the Rus’ realm as a whole from collapsing into anarchy. The regency was given to one Malfrida Ryurikova—a cautious and traditional-minded matron of the ancient ruling blood of the Rus’, who watched over her young charge with an eagle’s vigilance. Her caution extended to foreign affairs. She wasn’t about to commit Ryazan’s forces to a foreign war all along her northern border… at least, not while the state was still on shaky ground after Ivan’s premature death.

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Ivan 4.’s reign lasted only thirteen years. But he had overseen a great overhaul and strengthening of the Rus’ state. Under Ivan 4., the new Ryazanian polity extended citizenship and cultural acceptance to the Khazars, the Tatars and the Taurican Greeks. On account of Ivan 4.’s piety, the same polity had taken something of an altar call. Catechesis classes were established throughout the realm. Worship services consisting of more than five persons, outside of the Orthodox Church, were banned. Blasphemy was outlawed. The single most momentous event of Ivan 4.’s reign was the dedication of Moskva to the Orthodox faith, commemorated with a grand procession of the relics of the twelfth-century local monastic missionary Saint Maluša (Krakovska) around the Moskva Kremlin. Although he had made numerous enemies among the boyary, he was popular among the common people, and his death had caused a great outpour of public mourning.

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Jaromír kept a weather eye on the situation in Ryazan. He didn’t want East Francia repairing any of its relations too quickly, but he also understood that he couldn’t expect Ryazan to answer too quickly to a call to war.

~~~​

The opportune moment came in March of 1675.

The First Sámi Riflemen crossed into the Lakeland and quickly took control of Karjala from its Garderikean defenders. There could be no possible doubt this time that the instigation came from Moravia. As a result, Berthold 4. von Braunschweig, König der Ostfranken, took the opportunity of sending thirty-four thousand troops, under the command of his Generaloberst Karl Haase, across the Sorbian frontier into Hłohow.

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The Sorbs fought valiantly, but they were outnumbered by the Germans two-to-one. Mnata Rychnovsk‎ý beat a retreat and sent his Army of Drježdźany southward to join up with the Kapitálová Armáda, the better to reinforce the fallback positions on the south side of the Moravian border. However, Totil z Husi, remembering another of his campaigns forty years prior, struck westward toward Ulm—seeking to force the East Frankish capital into submission before the Germans could take Brassel.

Once again, Sorbians under a Rychnovský were left behind an undefended line on the south side of the Ores, holding the proverbial bag. But the sudden thrust deep into Frankish territory also flustered Haase badly, and led him to dither about maintaining the siege lines around Brassel. And the news soon after that Ulm had fallen demoralised him still more. Still, the Germans thought they knew what to expect—the same march to the sea that Husi had undertaken before.

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Haase kept the German troops around Brassel in an attempt to starve the Silesian town into submission. It was an unexpected turn when, instead of moving onto other German fortifications in the south after Ulm, Totil z Husi quietly backtracked (as quietly as one could when leading an army of thirty-five thousand) and made to spring a surprise attack on Haase from Moravia Proper.

Sorbian and Bavarian troops kept themselves to the south of Husi’s march so as not to alert any German operatives or scouts to their locations. The Vraclavská, Krakovská and Pražská forces massed in the upper Morava Valley and held position. This was while Totil z Husi led the Kapitálová and Košická over the Silesian march and pinned Karl Haase down. It was time to see how well the old bait-and-switch strategy held up after two hundred years.

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The Battle of Brassel, which took place on the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth of September, 1675, was a testament to Totil z Husi’s trust in his men, to the Moravians’ bravery, and to the restored honour of the Moravian armies against the manufactures and tactics of the Catholic West. Husi knew that even with twenty thousand riflemen, the Germans’ reliance on artillery and their willingness to use it would doom any straightforward advance. Instead, Husi counted on the boldness and subtle manoeuvre of the Silesian husár to buy time until the other three armies could close in.

The husáry proved their worth in spades. They deftly harassed the German foot troops and kept them from fleeing the field. Only a handful fell to the barrage from the German long guns. The arrival of the other three armies on the field, however, proved decisive. Karl Haase was outnumbered and outmatched. He had little option but to retreat.

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News from the north was little better for the Germanic powers. The Sámi Riflemen had fought a tenacious and punishing campaign that terminated in the capture of Åbo on the coast of Finland Proper. The idea that the mighty Garderikean realm, the heirs of the Varangians, could be thus humiliated by a ragtag band of round-faced Lappish yokels, was too much for the flower of Swedish honour to bear. A noble rebellion boiled over and spread across the Lakeland into the main territory of Garderike.

Husi marshalled the entirety of Moravian might and moved first against Netze and then against Potsdam, where again he engaged Karl Haase in battle. The forces of the Moravians and the East Franks were more or less balanced this time, but the Battle of Potsdam proved as disastrous to the Germans as the Battle of Brassel had.

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It was largely a matter of timing. Totil z Husi successfully deployed his entire rear array of artillery—formidable enough a foe for any continental army—before Haase had a chance to call for reinforcements. The initial bombardment and charge managed to spook Haase into a series of untenable positions. If the East Franks and the Moravians had fought a single pitched battle, they might well have been matched to a man. But as it was, the Moravians had used speed and manoeuvre to wrong-foot the German advance ranks and ruin the bait-and-switch that the battle could have become.

Although Totil z Husi had won that battle for Moravia, witnessing the number and deployment of the East Frankish forces had convinced him that the war would not be easily fought to its grinding conclusion: not without ruining both Moravia and East Francia in the process. Coming to a negotiated peace would be necessary… and it would come with some difficult choices.

The war had been fought over the ancestral Sámi claim to Karjala. (Later Sámi historians would say that, although they bore no love for their settled slash-and-burn Finnish cousins, they would not have driven their quarrel to an all-out territorial war, as the Moravians had.) But taking Karjala for Sápmi might endanger their other alliances—notably the one with Britain. British diplomats already viewed the Sámi Nordland fleets as a nuisance, as competitors for fishing waters, and as a potential covert threat.

The other option was to force Garderike to cede several core Muscovite lands—Vladimir, Suzdal, Kostroma—to Ryazanian Rus’. There was little doubt that Ryazan would welcome such an expansion. Moravia and Sápmi would not suffer any cost diplomatically, but the Moravian Army would once again bask in the prestige of victory. Thus it was that on the final day of March, 1676, a peace was signed that ceded the Muscovite territories of Garderike to Ryazan.

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Congrats on your victory.

Who will this new heir to the throne marry? I have a feeling that such things are about to become very relevant. We'll see how the nobility reacts once Mislava perishes...

Will Sapmi become independent in the future?

How do the Sami feel about the peace treaty? Do they feel robbed? Are they angry?
 
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Act II Chapter Six
SIX.
Munitions and Metropolitans

3 June 1676 – 2 June 1678

Truly outrageous!’ fumed Nuvtte Gáhppá, the elected representative of the Sámiráđđi to the Stavovské Zhromaždenie. His already-ruddy round face turned even redder in his dudgeon. ‘Hundreds—thousands—of brave Sámi hunters, skilled marksmen and loyal to the Moravian Crown, fought and bled and died for the Lakeland, only to see it still in Garderikean hands once the peace was signed. And now, instead of speaking to me directly, man-to-man, Jaromír fobs me off on you?’

‘I,’ answered Dita Hlinková, levelly and with a degree of poise her seventeen-year-old peers truly envied, ‘am the Korunná princezná, heiress to the Empire of Carpathia and the Kingdom of Moravia. I speak for my father, and you may speak to me.’

Nuvtte Gáhppá blustered a bit. Clearly he expected something along the lines of a bashful apology and a retreat from this young woman, who had shown herself more formidable than expected. ‘E—even so! I have come here expecting the Moravians to do right by us. We have been nothing but loyal to you down the centuries.’

‘You expect my father and I to do right by you,’ Dita narrowed her eyes. ‘Very well. Where shall we start? Have my father or I failed to honour the bargain which was struck between Lampsiōtēs and your ancestors? Have my father or I failed to provide protection or aid to the Sámi when they asked for it? Have my father or I demanded any undue or disproportionate share of your tax revenues?’

‘No,’ Nuvtte Gáhppá ground his teeth. ‘You have not.’

This exercise of Nuvtte’s jaw triggered something of an involuntary adolescent response in Dita. She noticed the depth and strength of that jaw as it met his shapely neck—and her eyes wandered slightly over the well-formed shoulders and muscular forearms beneath his traditional, red-collared blue felt gákti. Well, well. So they knew how to make a man up in the chilly north! But this was only a moment, and Nuvtte was thankfully oblivious.

‘And you are right to acknowledge it,’ Dita folded her arms. ‘The Crown treasures its relations with Sápmi. We take our obligations to you seriously. You may come from a different mother tongue, but we are united in Christ Jesus and in our allegiance.’

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‘I have never even thought otherwise,’ Nuvtte grumbled.

‘Yet here you are,’ said Dita. ‘What “right” would you claim of us? Go back on our word once it’s signed to paper, and break our truce with Garderike and East Francia? Send our men marching through Ryazan before the gun smoke has even cleared? Proceed to waste thousands of Sorbian and Moravian and Carpathian lives for a fishing-pond or two in Karjala?’

‘Nothing of the sort, pani,’ Nuvtte inclined his head a thought in deference. ‘Yet even you must acknowledge the burden borne by Sámi soldiers in this war—a burden which has not yet been properly requited.’

‘I do acknowledge it,’ said Dita. ‘I am sure my father does also. It is well that you aren’t asking us to go to war again for you. But I ask again: what sort of “requital” did you have in mind?’

‘Uikujoki,’ said Nuvtte firmly. ‘The Sámiráđđi stands in absolute consensus behind me on this. We want formal fishery rights and shipping rights on Uikujoki, going all the way to the White Sea.’

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Dita frowned. ‘I can tell you right now that Ladomír z Veleslavína is going to raise a stink in the Inner Zhromaždenie over any such bargain. But you, and the Sámi people whom you represent, do have the right of the matter. I shall persuade my father to grant you these rights. And if he doesn’t or can’t, then I will. You have my word.’

Dita extended her hand, and Nuvtte kissed it. He told her: ‘The men in court here in Olomouc do tell me that you honour your word. I hope that such a reputation holds true for us in the northlands as well.’

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Dita let out a breath as Nuvtte Gáhppá left the audience hall. Well. That wasn’t so bad.

The next person to arrive in the audience hall at Olomouc Castle was another young man—also tall, also with a round face, also with a rather comely and tall masculine frame, but of a decidedly different complexion and temperament. He was even more naturally handsome than Nuvtte. His skin was fair, his chin clean-shaven, and his dark-brown hair hung long and fine around his shoulders, with just the hints of curl at the end. He was, Dita guessed, a Sorb by ethnicity, but his sartorial preference was emphatically in the East Frankish fashion: ruffled shirt, cravat, waistcoat, dark stockings. Suave and sharp, this fashionable young Sorb stood at calm attention in Dita’s presence.

Understanding who she was, he introduced himself formally, but by no means stiffly. ‘Uściech Rychnovsk‎ý, Arcywójwoda of Drježdźany, at your service, Pani.’

Dita held out a hand for Uściech to kiss, which he did gallantly. Ahh, he had a ring on the relevant finger already. Dita felt a little twinge of disappointment, but inwardly congratulated the lucky bride.

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Ráda vás spoznávam,’ Dita answered him. ‘And what brings you to Olomouc, sir?’

‘Oh, merely that it’s high time I made myself known here at court,’ said the young Sorbian vassal. ‘A state visit from me was somewhat overdue, I fear. I trust there’s no hard feelings on the matter.’

‘None at all from me,’ Dita assured him.

‘There is, of course,’ Uściech added smoothly, ‘the small matter of restoring the fortifications which were damaged in the late war with East Francia; but this is something that can wait. I have some capable engineers, a couple of good quarries and plenty of fine forest.’

‘Your good defence doubles as ours,’ Dita noted shrewdly. ‘I’ll see what we can do with regard to labour and recompense.’

‘Much obliged, Pani,’ said Uściech with a bow.

The audience took a little less time than Nuvtte’s, but it still prompted Bohumil z Haugvic to leave the hall after him. Haugvic decided it would be a good time to meet with the Cár a Kráľ, even though Jaromír would be in a meeting with the Zbor of Moravian bishops for another hour or so before they called a recess. He waited there, and soon the sovereign appeared.

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‘A word with you, vaše Veličenstvo,’ said Haugvic.

‘Of course, Bohumil.’

‘It’s about your daughter.’

‘How is she holding up?’ asked Jaromír eagerly.

‘Well indeed,’ said Bohumil assuringly. ‘I’d say she takes to state affairs like a fish to water, so true is she bred to the task.’

The sovereign sighed happily. ‘That’s a relief. Mislava is surely smiling from heaven.’

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‘That, I think, remains to be seen.’

‘But you just said—!’

‘As far as state business is concerned, she’s a natural talent,’ Bohumil assured Jaromír. ‘But… Dita’s a woman now. She’s fair. She’s unattached. And… quite frankly, she’s looking. I’m a father of girls, too; I know the signs. You would do well, Veličenstvo, to… urge her toward a gentle and virtuous suitor. Make the choice sooner… rather than face regrets, heartbreak and ruin later.’

Jaromír was taken a bit aback, and did not answer for the space of a few breaths, but Bohumil was gratified to see that he was taking his advice with the serious thought it merited. ‘Thank you for bringing this to my attention, Bohumil.’

~~~​

The question of Judita’s engagement and marriage was pressing, but it was also down a long agenda.

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Nuvtte Gáhppá wasn’t the only member of the Stavovské Zhromaždenie with an axe to grind. The late war had been monetarily costly, the state had gone into debt, and the debt had to be repaid. Inflation had to be controlled. This was the urban estate’s chief concern. But he also granted to the townsmen the right to patronise the fine arts. (The Akadémia výtvarných umení in Košice dates its founding to 1678, as a result of this session of the Zhromaždenie.)

The Moravian bishops, also, were in a state of deep dissatisfaction—hence the meetings with the Zbor. The special privileges that the autocephalous Metropolitan of Vislania had enjoyed for the past three hundred years now seemed obsolete. Vislania was a relatively small flock, and relatively rural. But their Metropolitan commanded immense power and influence in Churchly circles, to the point where the much larger Moravian flock, and the still-larger Bohemian, were often shorted in the allocation of state funds to the Church in favour of the residents of Lesser Poland. The new Archbishop of Moravia, Pankrác (Vanek), formally requested of Cár a Kráľ Jaromír that he rectify the situation.

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Archbishop Pankrác got his wish, over Metropolitan Julian (Ulatowski) of Vislania’s objections. Jaromír placed it in law that Budějovice and Velehrad were formally classed as mētropolei: this allowed Archbishop Pankrác to appoint metropolitan bishops to each of these cities. Now there was Metropolitan Martin (Bílek) of Budějovice and Metropolitan Andrej (‎Kocúr) of Velehrad. It was a rather irregular situation: the Metropolitan of Vislania remained autocephalous, but the new Metropolitan Martin and Metropolitan of Moravia were both still subject to the autocephalous Archbishop of Moravia. What it meant in practice, however, was that Budějovice and Velehrad each had equal claims to Church funds next to Chenciny. The other thing that Jaromír did to placate the Church, was to place the final nail in the coffin of the Nedržitelia movement by enshrining the right of monasteries and churches to own land in law… and distributing Crownlands to them.

Bohumil z Haugvic, after offering his fatherly advice to the sovereign, began commissioning the use of cartridges for use in small arms. By distributing standard shot and uniform doses of powder, wrapped in paper and dipped in beeswax for safety and ease of transport, not only did Haugvic manage to cut down loading time between rounds for his troops, but he also extended the life of the small arms that the Moravian Army used, saving the Crown money for their maintenance. Cartridges caused far less fouling inside the bore than naked lead shot. Cár a Kráľ Jaromír observed this new and more efficient form of ammunition at work during a routine review of the Kapitálová Armáda.

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And finally, the Sámiráđđi had made another unanimous demand of its titular and hereditary head, the Gonagas Styrbjörn 3. Kaise: that he make a full profession of faith and formally undergo the rite of Baptism into the Sámi Orthodox Church. Styrbjörn was deeply respected among the whole of Sápmi for his eloquence and for his generosity… but the young man was a traditionalist who had always been more comfortable going to a nuejjt for help and advice and religious guidance, than to any Orthodox priest or monk. But what was needed from a Gonagas was precisely moral and spiritual guidance, and a heathen could not provide that: not when over four-fifths of his people had turned to Ímmiľ Alľk. Styrbjörn thus spat upon the Devil, was dunked thrice into the baptismal waters, and received the white robe and the chrism. Cár a Kráľ Jaromír even journeyed to Anár in person, to serve as Styrbjörn’s godfather and sponsor in the Faith. And he undertook this voyage just as Protestant Livonia had decided to spread the Reformation into Garderikean lands at gunpoint... and grab a bit of land along the way.

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It was a lot of responsibility to take on for a year; but he did it all in the space of eight months. One thing that could not be charged of the Moravian sovereign, was that he was lazy.

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And on top of it all, Jaromír entered into some serious conversations with Rathbod von Asch, now König Rathbod 3. of Bayern, concerning his unmarried teenage son Landfried. And then he entered into some rather serious conversations with said teenage son himself. These proved… promising.

‘Dita,’ Jaromír bade his daughter, ‘I have someone I would like you to meet.’

‘Yes, ocko?’

Entering the audience room, Korunná princezná Judita Hlinková found herself face-to-face with a sturdy, broad-shouldered, lightly-bearded Bavarian boy with dark hair and eyes, and clad in a ruffled shirt and short jacket.

‘Judita, I’d like you to meet Landfried von Asch, the son of the König of Bayern. Landfried—my eldest daughter, Judita Hlinková.’

Griaß di’ Gott, Judita,’ the boy said cheerily.

Dita answered him politely, and assessed with caution, as a teenage girl would. Nuvtte had been (in Dita’s mind) a farm-boy, and Uściech a dandy; Dita classed the lad in front of her as a cavalier. In terms of looks, Landfried could certainly hold his own against Nuvtte and Uściech. His shoulders, forearms and thighs all showed that he exercised on the regular: most likely he had done a stint in the Reiterschule. His attitude, confident and upbeat, also had its attractive aspect. But the fact that it was her father introducing him, had Dita suspicious. Of course, that was his right and prerogative as her father and as the sovereign of two realms. But Dita had her own standards, and Landfried would have to meet those—not only Jaromír’s.
 
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I suspect that the saga of the relationship between Sapmi and Moravia is not over...

An alliance with Bavaria, huh? Will that be useful against East Francia?

What religion is Garderike? Who does Moravia want to win its war with Livonia?
 
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