1798-1804 – Rebellion & Revolution
Negotiations between Hispania and the Revolutionary Assembly finally came to a successful close. An agreement was hashed out, one that saw a new government rise in Constantinople with the backing of Hispania. The old order immediately started to collapse. The fact that the Basileus was missing played a crucial role in the quick dissolution of the old government. Without their leader, and with the nobles busy fending for themselves, soldiers in the army either threw down their arms or scattered, knowing that resisting any further was futile. The Revolutionary Assembly moved quickly to solidify its position. A constitutional commission was established to draft up the nation’s first constitution and create a new government, with Hispanian assistance. Time was spent restoring order, reining in the more radical side of the Revolution, and bringing the nobles in line. It was only as this process neared its completion that the Basileus was found wandering around Macedonia, claiming to have been kidnapped and held against his will by some religious fanatic for weeks. When he was carted off to Constantinople, he was presented with the first draft of the constitution and told to either sign it or abdicate. Seeing as the Basileus had expected to get his head lopped off by these revolutionaries, he meekly agreed to their demands. The new government was then formed.
The Greek Parliament, consisting of the Legislative Assembly and the Senate, mirrored the Hispanian Parliament in shape, but there were many differences. The Legislative Assembly lacked the appointed members its Hispanian counterpart possessed. As for the Senate, its differed greatly in that its entire membership was elected in staggered elections with two representatives per province. The body was also created as more of a check on the Assembly. The fact that the nobles had not been granted guaranteed representation did not pass notice. As for the Basileus, while he remained head of state, his powers were mostly ceremonial. He granted a party the right to govern in the Assembly, although he didn’t have much choice other than to pick the largest party each time. All true power was held by the Legislative Assembly, which now governed the country. Even with all these changes, there were still those who believed the reforms did not go far enough. The franchise still restricted the lower classes from voting, like in Hispania. The distribution of seats was also incredibly biased. Roughly two-third of seats in the Legislative Assembly represented Greece and the Balkans, while a mere third represented all of Anatolia and the Levant, a decision made by the constitutional commission during the creation of the government. The large Turkish population was not pleased with this, but the surge of Greek nationalism overshadowed this. The role of religion took a much smaller role too. While Catholicism was still the state faith, the Church had no representation in government or even a ministry like with Hispania. For now, the new government would make its first steps into the world.
The Trans-Atlantic Trading Company focused its attention on Najd, funneling weapons into Najd to prop up the friendly regime against its potentially hostile neighbours.
The failure of both propositions for an Italian Parliament sparked outrage in certain parts of Italy. Those that wanted the parliament felt betrayed, although those Italians who were hesitant about the idea were quite relieved. The whole debate had been quite divisive, and now those in favour of a parliament had to contemplate a new path. The Second Congress of the Italian Provinces was formed and petitioned the Emperor to intervene directly, but he refused to do so. He made it quite clear that if the Italians wanted greater autonomy, they needed to present a workable alternative to Parliament and gain its approval.
Despite the Emperor’s reluctance to intervene in the Italian debate, he did make Parliament’s will known to the Transdacians. Using the authority of the Crown, he overrode several acts of the Trandacian Parliament, bringing an end to the discriminatory legislation passed against the Ruthenians. While this brought the persecution to an end, many in the Trandacian Parliament were not pleased by the Emperor’s interference.
The Church of Jesus Christ was also undergoing its own changes. Focus was taken away from the holy sacraments, and the practice of praying to saints was done away with. Instead the Church focused on more practical issues, ways of greater appealing to the people. Bishops were granted more authority and a local approach was instituted to create greater community involvement. The practice of usury was also permitted, perhaps showing favour to the growing merchant class and flow of finances occurring in Hispania.
The navy underwent the first stage of a massive expansion. 60 brand new ships were placed under construction in shipyards across Europe as a new fleet was commissioned. The old Armada in Gibraltar was sent to the Azores, where shipyards had to be hastily built to accommodate the unexpected fleet to be stationed in the islands.
While the navy faced expansion, manufactories were placed under construction all over North Africa. While Europe’s infrastructure was mostly built up at this point, North Africa was lagging behind. With access to the Mediterranean, it proved most worthwhile to focus there above all other colonies.
The TATC tentatively approached the Crown about expanding into Mutapa, lands rich with gold and ivory. With the Parliament recently sanctioning the conquest of Buhera, the Crown agreed for once. These valuable lands in Africa would be claimed for Hispania some time soon.
With Austria a mere fragment of what it once was, they had no choice but to agree to pay war reparations to Poland. Without their protector, Silesia had no choice but to accept annexation.
With the role of Catholicism being threatened in Byzantium, pro-Catholic sentiment in Athens was increasing, causing problems with the Church of Jesus Christ’s operations in the province.
With the Free Trade Act shot down, the TATC maintained full control of trade in Africa. Trade was booming in West Africa with little competition.
A terrible vintage of wine was produced in 1798, rejected by wine connoisseurs worldwide.
The UKA annexed the tiny native state of Miami, one of many roadblocks on their expansion eastwards.
After months of preparation, the referendum in Hispania’s Greek provinces was officially held. People throughout the province came out in vast numbers to vote on the fate of their home. The results were not what anyone expected. Those in favour of remaining with Hispania won by the slimmest margin, with 51% of the vote. Those who wanted to join Byzantium were outraged and immediately started laying blame on others, most specifically non-Greeks living in the provinces. Sentiment in Byzantium was also in favour of claiming the provinces, but the government felt obligated to keep to their commitment. They pledged not to bring up the issue again unless the people living in those provinces affected decided to revisit the issue. Many felt it would not be long before the issue rose to the forefront again.
With things so hostile at home, the Emperor sanctioned a simple war against Mutapa to stir up support for the government and Crown. With the backing of Parliament, war was declared. In recognition of the new relations between Hispania and Byzantium, the latter was not called into the war, allowing them to sit out a conflict for the first time in centuries.
The Exercits Colonial and Jerusalem had sailed to East Africa prior to the declaration of war. Together, they chased Mutapa’s army until they caught it in Sofala. Heavily outnumbered, the Africans surrendered after a little over a week.
The Ministry of Trade adopted a series of unofficial national trade policies to better strengthen Hispania’s trade presence.
An arrangement was reached between Hispania and Byzantium. The Greeks conceded in allowing the Emperor and Hispania to keep the title Protector of the Greeks, although it was clarified that it was mostly ceremonial and representative of Hispania’s desire to ensure the Greeks were not subjugated by another power, while not implying Byzantium needed protection. ((I guaranteed them, which I felt represented the whole Protector of the Greeks thing well enough.
))
As the Exercit Colonial besieged the one fort in Mutapa and half the Exercit Jerusalem laid siege to their capital, the other half of the latter army hunted down some straggler regiments trying to reach Hispanian East Africa. One such army was caught in Sena and eradicated.
Bukhara, taking advantage of the war between Qing and Ming, declared war on the former to reclaim lost land. A month later, Kaffa decided to press further into Arabia by declaring war on Yemen.
The next stage of naval expansion commended early in 1799 as 10 heavy ships and 45 transports were placed under construction.
By February of 1799, Zimbabwe had fallen, securing Mutapa’s capital. Another small army tried to make its way east, but was taken down in Sena. In the meantime, Transdacia was trying to prove its worth by sending a small force all the way to East Africa.
Both the colonies in Kendari and Great Karoo became self-sustaining in May. The Ministry of Colonial Affairs shifted its focus northwards to the Philippines, settling the islands of Panay between the existing colonies, and establishing a colony in Tagloc as well.
Another Asian nation managed to get a hold of western technology and copy European ideas, this time Dai Viet being the lucky recipient. Jin followed suit several months later.
The war against Mutapa continued to go smoothly. A few straggler regiments were taken care of, and by October only the fort held out. The Exercit Jerusalem sailed home as the Exercit Colonial finished the job.
The last bit of naval expansion saw 15 more galleys added to the fleet now stationed in Malta.
With a new government established in Byzantium, they finally had control of their own foreign affairs. While they waited a year or two before making any big moves, by mid-1800 they had arranged alliances with both Scandinavia and Germany, both members of the de Valois bloc and nations on friendly terms with Hispania. The Basileus, in an attempt to curry favour with the new government to ensure he remained in power, betrothed his young daughter and son to children of the Scandinavian and German royal families to further cement the alliances. As for enemies, Byzantium had taken a defensive stance towards both Lithuania and Persia, both who were conveniently not on great terms with Hispania either. ((I intervened and picked those two as rivals, since they didn’t conflict with us. The only other two choices were Scandinavia and Germany, who being either our ally or our ally’s ally were not quite acceptable. Good thing I didn’t pick them since they became Byzantium’s allies instead.
))
Ming’s attempt to reclaim Northern China ended in failure as Qing pushed farther south instead.
A bailiff in one out-of-the-way province was spurning local laws and ruling with an iron fist. The court system came down hard on him and saw him executed for his crimes.
Mutapa’s only fort fell in May, meaning a peace could be concluded at last. Hispania laid claim to all of Mutapa’s land, but also used the opportunity to spread its influence farther inland. The frontiers were pushed westward into the interior almost all the way to France’s single colony. While an easy victory, such minimal loss of life for maximum gain did wonders for the Crown and the government’s reputation both at home and abroad.
Even with Hispania’s success in Africa, the situation in Europe was growing worse. The Italians who had been denied their parliament were starting to feel that their demands would never be met. There was talk of seeking these demands through force, although not said openly. Perhaps even a constitution could be implemented, for clearly the current government would not allow such changes. The Greeks were equally disgruntled, or at least those denied their chance to join Byzantium. The Lombards in Cremona were perhaps most extreme and even spoke of an independent Milan. The nobility were not even immune from such dissent, with barons and lesser nobles talking of change too, although not all of them were on the same page. Some in Italy wanted a parliament, mainly so they’d have more influence in its Cortz, while others feared this growing decentralization, mostly those in Iberia. Tensions were growing.
Persia turned its gaze east and attacked Baluchistan.
The first bit of water boiled over the edge of the pot in October of 1800. The Second Congress of Italian Provinces had failed to receive the Emperor’s direct intervention for Italian autonomy, and thus they looked for alternatives. At the same time a growing movement, ironically called the Cortes, was pushing for a more responsible government. There were those who were not pleased with the current government. Many felt that some of the Cabinet ministers were acting in their own interest. A constitution, one that restricted the Emperor’s ability to appoint ministers and ensured that ministers represented the people, was considered. The Cortes soon started pushing into even more radical territory, calling for the dismantling of the Cortz and removal of all representation of the Church and the nobility. The Assembly was to be the main force in government, taking inspiration from the new Greek model. These ideas did not get too far though. The moment the Emperor caught wind of them, he stamped down hard. Despite his sympathies for the left and desire for reform, even the suggestion that he might be forced to sign a constitution enraged him. If they truly wanted such reforms, they should work on it through the current government while respecting Crown authority. Of course those who were part of this Cortes didn’t see things that way and the end of their group only embittered their supporters.
Kaffa made easy work of Yemen, conquering land all the way to Mecca and securing most of the land around the Red Sea. Kaffa was proving a new threat to the region. Whether this would threaten Najd’s position was debatable, but they had a right to be worried.
With the poorly named Cortes dismantled by the Crown, those in support of Italian autonomy decided to force the issue. They would make their position clear and take up arms as a result. Two armies of disillusioned Italians rose up in Lucca and Roma. Their aims were clear: Italy would be granted autonomy and the government would reform to respect such wishes. More radical members of the movement even called for a constitution for all of Hispania. 141k men had rallied to the banner of greater autonomy, but now they had to face the might of the Hispanian army to succeed.
The Exercits Provence and Venice met up with the Exercit Firenze for a joint attack on the rebel force in Lucca. Lieutenant Generals Fernando de Leon and Martí de San Dionisio were granted command of two of the armies for the attack. They assaulted the rebel position from two directions, overwhelming the underprepared rebels. Over 40k of them died in the streets of Lucca, while the remainder were captured or fled to the countryside. Either way, Lucca was secured and that part of the rebellion brought to an end.
Rome was another matter. Captain General António Dias was leading the Exercit Napoli, but he had to wait for the Exercit Valencia to arrive before he could attack the rebel force. Prince Joan de Trastámara had recently graduated from the academy and took the opportunity to take command of the latter army as it sailed to Italy. This would be his first taste of battle. Unfortunately, the delay in waiting for the army to arrive by sea allowed the rebels to take Rome. The city experienced a period of looting and rape as the lesser ranks of the rebel force went wild. The leadership tried to maintain order but failed. Even the Vatican, a small enclave within Rome reserved for the Catholic Church, was not left unscathed. Relics were looted and the Pope himself was killed during the chaos, although no one ever discovered who was responsible. The Italian rebels used the capture of Italy’s most renowned city to bolster their cause. They proclaimed the First Italian Parliament within the Curia Julia, the old Senate building of Ancient Rome on February 5 of 1801. From Rome they intended to lead Italy into the future, free of Hispania.
This new Italian Parliament was not destined to last. The Exercits Napoli and Valencia arrived two days after the proclamation. Over 25k men were killed in the initial assault on the city, the rest buckling down and barricading themselves in as the Hispanian army started reclaiming the city. It took until March 20 to root out the last of the rebels, befittingly hiding in the Curia Julia. The First Italian Parliament came to an end that day, earning it the title the Forty-four Day Parliament. Italian separatism fell at the end of a sword, but Italian nationalism still lived on for now.
An unexpected turn in foreign affairs occurred in May of 1801, originating from France. A decade ago, shortly after ascending to the throne of France, Emperor Louis XX declared that he had been given the right to rule by God alone and that no man could limit his power. He tore up the French constitution while famously saying, “L'État c'est moi.” The monarch’s power would be absolute from now on. Louis XX was such a man that he possessed the power and influence to maintain order. No one dared question him or his right to rule alone. This started to unravel with his death at the turn of the century. His son was too young to rule, leaving a regency in charge. Those who had not favoured the turn to absolutism started to become more vocal. Calls for the reimplementation of the constitution were made. The Regency knew that if it did nothing, its position and that of the young emperor’s would be threatened. Any talk of a constitution or expression of revolutionary sentiment was brutally repressed.
Soon this extended to foreign affairs. Byzantium was viewed with disdain by the French elite after the successful revolutionaries forced the Basileus to agree to a constitution. With Hispania experiencing related troubles of its own, the Regency feared that such sentiment could spread, with the Greeks as its source. The Regency denounced the Greek government, calling it a menace to the stability of Europe and an imposter state. The Greek constitution and its limitations placed on the Basileus were considered an affront to God. While Byzantium had managed to get on good terms with two of the Valois states, it seemed France would only ever see Byzantium as a rival. ((Well I wasn’t expecting that. Seeing as France went from constitutional to absolute monarchy a decade ago and Byzantium had a successful revolution of sorts, I felt this explanation fit.))
The Basileus wasn’t in much of a mood to respond to this French pressure, for his eldest son had passed away a few months before. His second was now to be his heir, although the Basilissa was showing signs of another child on the way so he might have a brother by next year.
Kaffa’s conquests were apparently not at an end. They declared war on Ajuuraan next, using the same claim of nationalism that they used against Yemen. No one in East Africa was safe from their aggression. It proved to be a short war ending in the conquest of eastern Ajuuraan. Perhaps in response to this growing threat, Najd declared war on Yemen to expand its presence in Arabia.
Lithuania had increasingly turned its gaze away from Europe after its repeated failed wars there. They declared war on Delhi, another in a series of war to expand the eastern frontier.
Support for overseas merchants grew as they were granted special rights for improving trade for Hispania in the far corners of the world. ((I placed the new merchant in Canton, so if you want to change it
@DragonOfAtlantis, just tell me.))
King Arnau I of the UKA passed away in May of 1802, the first of the Trastámara monarchs on its throne. His son, Eduard, ascended to the throne.
With the massive expansion to the navy, it was finally receiving some love. Great efforts were taken to prevent the further deterioration of the navy.
The colonies in Poso and Lanao became self-sufficient, more land secured in Indonesia and the Philippines. The Emperor personally intervened after this in the Ministry of Colonial Affairs to prevent a potential foreign crisis. He requested that colonists be sent to Nova Hispania, more specifically Yaqui and Seri. The Scots had appeared in Baja California and it was expected that if left unattended they could colonize more of the coast and expand inland. Not wanting a repeat of events in Brazil, the Emperor ordered efforts be taken to close off the coastline.
Even while Hispania’s merchants brought in great wealth and proved immensely successful, the entire venture proved far too easy with little competition. The merchant class was growing complacent, and prices were rising as a result. Minister of Finance Martí de Alvaro had to implement efforts to reduce inflation to compensate.
During the middle of 1803, His Holiness, a Bavarian who had become pope after his predecessor was murdered during the sack of Rome, promoted Lluis Kardinal Martínez Siechta to the rank of cardinal. ((
@BelisariustheGreat, you’re a cardinal now. Your obligatory wait period is over.
))
Bukhara’s attempt to take advantage of Qing’s conflict with Ming proved foolhardy, as they were pushed back and lost several provinces to the growing Asian nation.
As 1803 neared its ended, the mostly silent Colonial Congress made its voice heard for the first time in many years. The colonies had been grateful that their suggested reforms had been implemented half a century ago, and the handling of the whole Scottish affair had won Hispania much favour in the colonies. Now, however, dissent was growing again. The legislative assemblies of each colonial nation had taken great interest in the Free Trade Act, hoping that its passing would remove a great inequity in relations between Hispania and its subjects. When the act had failed, the colonies started debating other options. Thus they devised a new proposal to be presented to the Crown and the Hispanian Parliament. They requested the removal of all tariffs placed on the trade of the colonial nations by Hispania, stating that they should have the freedom to trade as they pleased as long as they showed preference to Hispania. The tariffs were considered an unfair burden placed on Hispania’s colonial subjects. In return, the colonial nations pledged that they would continue to send treasure fleets to Hispania, transporting valuable metals to Europe and providing Hispania with wealth that should make up for the loss of tariffs. They then eagerly awaited a response.
The whole colonial affair was soon overshadowed by events in Byzantium. The new government’s transition to power had not gone as smoothly as hoped. Expectations had been high as a new constitution was drafted and the Greek Parliament was formed, but soon many were becoming disillusioned. Flaws started to show. The old government had been entirely managed by the Crown and the nobles, but with them both cast aside, men who had never been involved in government before took power. Many of these parliamentarians proved inexperienced and unable to cope with the tasks of governing a nation. Added onto this was growing dissent from both the far right and left. The right feared that this government would become increasingly radical and inefficient, demanding a return to the old ways. The left was bitter about the many compromises made over the years, such as the restoration of the monarchy and various agreements with Hispania. To make matters worse, the Turkish population was becoming increasingly isolated from politics, stirring up deep resentment in Anatolia and the East.
By 1804, things finally exploded. The radical left rose up in revolt, declaring that the Greek Parliament had lost its legitimacy to rule by failing to adhere to the beliefs of the Revolution. They called for the abolition of the monarchy and the creation of a republic, one truly dedicated to revolutionary ideals. All agreements with Hispania were denounced, including the alliance, and a call was made for the unification of all Greek people under Byzantine rule. The right did not take long to respond. The nobles had bided their time, but now seeing these radicals attempt to topple the government to form an even more hated one required intervention. Making use of the great distaste for the current regime by the Turkish population, they rallied the Turks to their cause, calling for a restoration of the old order. Both sides moved quickly, capturing key forts across Byzantium, and then marched on Constantinople. The revolutionaries were the first to reach the capital, engaging the Byzantine army in battle. The nobles were right behind them, waiting to strike at whoever came our victorious. The Greek Parliament and the Basileus barricaded themselves in the city, expecting a siege. Before doing so, a message was sent from Constantinople to Valencia. A call for help was sent and permission was granted to Hispania by the Greek Parliament to intervene. If Hispania chose to, they could march on these rebels and aid the government they had helped create. A decision had to be made, and quickly.
Presenting His Imperial Highness, Alfons IX de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, King of Transdacia, Duke of Bavaria, and Protector of the Greeks.
It seems that we have many concerns that must be addressed. The troubles and problems we have faced over the years have proved distressing at times, and it saddens me to see some turn to violence. I must also express some annoyance with the French. Surely they recognize our close ties to the Greeks, yet they treat this new government with distain and threaten relations between our two peoples. It would be nice if our allies were all on such close terms, but that seems a fantasy at this point.
It seems that the debate on Italy is not yet over. I had hoped that this matter would be resolved by Parliament, yet it seems that some of the Italians feel they can only achieve their demands through violence. I suggest we revisit the question of Italian autonomy and seek a solution that pleases all Italians and is not detrimental to Hispania as a whole.
The colonies have expressed a desire to see change in our relations. They have made it clear that they do not believe the continuation of tariffs is beneficial to both parties. Perhaps it is time we implement some changes.
Now for the most pressing matter, that of Byzantium. It seems that the government we helped put in power is now facing great opposition. The forces of the Revolution spiral onwards and want to implement even more radical changes, some that may prove detrimental to Hispania. The nobles have also taken the opportunity to attempt to restore the old order. The Greek Parliament has requested our assistance. With their permission, we may intervene without their government turning against us. The question is should we. We are obligated now by law to help end such rebellions, but this can be overturned. Many may die trying to crush these rebellions, but is it worth it to prevent a potentially hostile government from coming to power in Byzantium?
((Things are never quiet for us. We obviously will be addressing the rebellions in Byzantium and the colonies’ demands, but the matter of Italy will have to be addressed by the players. It should be noted that our laws require us to intervene in Byzantium unless the Emperor or the Ministers of Colonial Affairs and War opt not to.
As for our usual business, ministers have until
Sunday at 12PM PST to post their plans. Players may also propose laws and reforms in this time or dispute elected positions. I’ll be posting the election results for 1800 and 1804 soon.
Pensioners:
@Mach Twelve
))