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Duke Dan `the Man`

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((Private Letter to Empress Dowager Sophia Mandrimenos))

Dona Mandromenos, I formally request to become the nation's ambassador to the Eastern Roman Empire. It is my belief that I may be able to aid within the relations between the two Empires, our own and the Greek's. Hope you will consider my offer

The Countess of Florence
 

Mach Twelve

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((Private Letter to Empress Dowager Sophia Mandrimenos))

Dona Mandromenos, I formally request to become the nation's ambassador to the Eastern Roman Empire. It is my belief that I may be able to aid within the relations between the two Empires, our own and the Greek's. Hope you will consider my offer

The Countess of Florence

The Empress reviewed the letter before her and almost laughed. She hadn't been properly referred to as Mandromenos in sixty three years, not since her marriage to Ferran.

The thought of her departed Husband made her upset, and she retreated into her study to cope with her refound sorrow. An aide, however found the letter and answered on her behalf.

You are aware that the position of ambassador is a position that would require full time residence in Byzantium, correct? It is impossible for you to be both there as ambassador and here as a member of the Cortz. I am afraid that because of that, we cannot consider your offer when other less attached candidates are still to be considered. But should these candidates not meet expectations, we may make an exception.
 

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((Eastern Roman Empire:confused:? What Eastern Roman Empire? Last I heard, Hispania, the true Roman Empire, ended all doubt when they crushed the German imposters. :cool: What could Eastern Roman Empire be referring to?:p ))
 

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((Eastern Roman Empire:confused:? What Eastern Roman Empire? Last I heard, Hispania, the true Roman Empire, ended all doubt when they crushed the German imposters. :cool: What could Eastern Roman Empire be referring to?:p ))
((Well, it's the Eastern Roman Empire, which with Hispania (the Western Roman Empire) collectively make up the new Roman Empire. That or we can call it the Empire of the Greeks.:p))
 

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((Eastern Roman Empire:confused:? What Eastern Roman Empire? Last I heard, Hispania, the true Roman Empire, ended all doubt when they crushed the German imposters. :cool: What could Eastern Roman Empire be referring to?:p ))

((Well, it's the Eastern Roman Empire, which with Hispania (the Western Roman Empire) collectively make up the new Roman Empire. That or we can call it the Empire of the Greeks.:p))

((I have referred to them both as two halves of the Roman Empire, so that'd be the closest assessment. You could say we're the successor to the Western Roman Empire and Byzantium that of the Eastern Roman Empire. Either claiming the title of sole inheritor of Rome would inevitably antagonize the other.))
 

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((I have referred to them both as two halves of the Roman Empire, so that'd be the closest assessment. You could say we're the successor to the Western Roman Empire and Byzantium that of the Eastern Roman Empire. Either claiming the title of sole inheritor of Rome would inevitably antagonize the other.))
((Or is there an option to basically unite the two empires under a Dual Monarchy system? The title of Roman Emperor would be shared by both emperors like the Roman Republic's two consuls, whose respective governments administrate the territories of their constituent empires. Both emperors would have to work with each other on foreign affairs and other matters affecting both halves of the new empire. Or would the Greeks not want anything to do with that?

Edit: and we still haven't officially dismantled the HRE yet, have we?))
 

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((Or is there an option to basically unite the two empires under a Dual Monarchy system? The title of Roman Emperor would be shared by both emperors like the Roman Republic's two consuls, whose respective governments administrate the territories of their constituent empires. Both emperors would have to work with each other on foreign affairs and other matters affecting both halves of the new empire. Or would the Greeks not want anything to do with that?

Edit: and we still haven't officially dismantled the HRE yet, have we?))

((We have officially dismantled the HRE, so it no longer exists. I doubt a dual monarchy would work, simply because the Greeks would not want to hand more power over to us, and most likely the same for us giving it to them. Also, our governments are quite different now, so they wouldn't coordinate well. The Basileus won't exactly be doing much than waving at crowds and looking pretty for the next while, let alone deciding foreign policy. :p))
 

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((We have officially dismantled the HRE, so it no longer exists. I doubt a dual monarchy would work, simply because the Greeks would not want to hand more power over to us, and most likely the same for us giving it to them. Also, our governments are quite different now, so they wouldn't coordinate well. The Basileus won't exactly be doing much than waving at crowds and looking pretty for the next while, let alone deciding foreign policy. :p))
((As I thought. Maybe it would be best to keep the current system and see what happens. Will there be an event for a Greek or Hispanian Napoleon-like figure?))
 

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((As I thought. Maybe it would be best to keep the current system and see what happens. Will there be an event for a Greek or Hispanian Napoleon-like figure?))

((I'm leaving Hispania up to the players, although at this point it would take serious player intervention to spark an actual revolution. As for Byzantium, more will be revealed in the update. ;)

Also, I may have done the playthrough and half the update yesterday knowing the outcome of the vote since it was so one-sided, so it'll be posted soon. :D))
 

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((I'm leaving Hispania up to the players, although at this point it would take serious player intervention to spark an actual revolution. As for Byzantium, more will be revealed in the update. ;)

Also, I may have done the playthrough and half the update yesterday knowing the outcome of the vote since it was so one-sided, so it'll be posted soon. :D))
((Actually, I was asking if there would be a Napoleon figure regardless of if a revolution happens. Perhaps a Greek general decides to run for PM of Byzantium and gets too ambitious for his own good...it would be quite interesting and provide an end-game challenge when he inevitably declares war on all of Byzantium's neighbors and drags Hispania into the mess.:p))
 

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1798-1804 – Rebellion & Revolution

Negotiations between Hispania and the Revolutionary Assembly finally came to a successful close. An agreement was hashed out, one that saw a new government rise in Constantinople with the backing of Hispania. The old order immediately started to collapse. The fact that the Basileus was missing played a crucial role in the quick dissolution of the old government. Without their leader, and with the nobles busy fending for themselves, soldiers in the army either threw down their arms or scattered, knowing that resisting any further was futile. The Revolutionary Assembly moved quickly to solidify its position. A constitutional commission was established to draft up the nation’s first constitution and create a new government, with Hispanian assistance. Time was spent restoring order, reining in the more radical side of the Revolution, and bringing the nobles in line. It was only as this process neared its completion that the Basileus was found wandering around Macedonia, claiming to have been kidnapped and held against his will by some religious fanatic for weeks. When he was carted off to Constantinople, he was presented with the first draft of the constitution and told to either sign it or abdicate. Seeing as the Basileus had expected to get his head lopped off by these revolutionaries, he meekly agreed to their demands. The new government was then formed.

The Greek Parliament, consisting of the Legislative Assembly and the Senate, mirrored the Hispanian Parliament in shape, but there were many differences. The Legislative Assembly lacked the appointed members its Hispanian counterpart possessed. As for the Senate, its differed greatly in that its entire membership was elected in staggered elections with two representatives per province. The body was also created as more of a check on the Assembly. The fact that the nobles had not been granted guaranteed representation did not pass notice. As for the Basileus, while he remained head of state, his powers were mostly ceremonial. He granted a party the right to govern in the Assembly, although he didn’t have much choice other than to pick the largest party each time. All true power was held by the Legislative Assembly, which now governed the country. Even with all these changes, there were still those who believed the reforms did not go far enough. The franchise still restricted the lower classes from voting, like in Hispania. The distribution of seats was also incredibly biased. Roughly two-third of seats in the Legislative Assembly represented Greece and the Balkans, while a mere third represented all of Anatolia and the Levant, a decision made by the constitutional commission during the creation of the government. The large Turkish population was not pleased with this, but the surge of Greek nationalism overshadowed this. The role of religion took a much smaller role too. While Catholicism was still the state faith, the Church had no representation in government or even a ministry like with Hispania. For now, the new government would make its first steps into the world.

The Trans-Atlantic Trading Company focused its attention on Najd, funneling weapons into Najd to prop up the friendly regime against its potentially hostile neighbours.

The failure of both propositions for an Italian Parliament sparked outrage in certain parts of Italy. Those that wanted the parliament felt betrayed, although those Italians who were hesitant about the idea were quite relieved. The whole debate had been quite divisive, and now those in favour of a parliament had to contemplate a new path. The Second Congress of the Italian Provinces was formed and petitioned the Emperor to intervene directly, but he refused to do so. He made it quite clear that if the Italians wanted greater autonomy, they needed to present a workable alternative to Parliament and gain its approval.

Despite the Emperor’s reluctance to intervene in the Italian debate, he did make Parliament’s will known to the Transdacians. Using the authority of the Crown, he overrode several acts of the Trandacian Parliament, bringing an end to the discriminatory legislation passed against the Ruthenians. While this brought the persecution to an end, many in the Trandacian Parliament were not pleased by the Emperor’s interference.

The Church of Jesus Christ was also undergoing its own changes. Focus was taken away from the holy sacraments, and the practice of praying to saints was done away with. Instead the Church focused on more practical issues, ways of greater appealing to the people. Bishops were granted more authority and a local approach was instituted to create greater community involvement. The practice of usury was also permitted, perhaps showing favour to the growing merchant class and flow of finances occurring in Hispania.



The navy underwent the first stage of a massive expansion. 60 brand new ships were placed under construction in shipyards across Europe as a new fleet was commissioned. The old Armada in Gibraltar was sent to the Azores, where shipyards had to be hastily built to accommodate the unexpected fleet to be stationed in the islands.

While the navy faced expansion, manufactories were placed under construction all over North Africa. While Europe’s infrastructure was mostly built up at this point, North Africa was lagging behind. With access to the Mediterranean, it proved most worthwhile to focus there above all other colonies.

The TATC tentatively approached the Crown about expanding into Mutapa, lands rich with gold and ivory. With the Parliament recently sanctioning the conquest of Buhera, the Crown agreed for once. These valuable lands in Africa would be claimed for Hispania some time soon.

With Austria a mere fragment of what it once was, they had no choice but to agree to pay war reparations to Poland. Without their protector, Silesia had no choice but to accept annexation.

With the role of Catholicism being threatened in Byzantium, pro-Catholic sentiment in Athens was increasing, causing problems with the Church of Jesus Christ’s operations in the province.

With the Free Trade Act shot down, the TATC maintained full control of trade in Africa. Trade was booming in West Africa with little competition.



A terrible vintage of wine was produced in 1798, rejected by wine connoisseurs worldwide.

The UKA annexed the tiny native state of Miami, one of many roadblocks on their expansion eastwards.

After months of preparation, the referendum in Hispania’s Greek provinces was officially held. People throughout the province came out in vast numbers to vote on the fate of their home. The results were not what anyone expected. Those in favour of remaining with Hispania won by the slimmest margin, with 51% of the vote. Those who wanted to join Byzantium were outraged and immediately started laying blame on others, most specifically non-Greeks living in the provinces. Sentiment in Byzantium was also in favour of claiming the provinces, but the government felt obligated to keep to their commitment. They pledged not to bring up the issue again unless the people living in those provinces affected decided to revisit the issue. Many felt it would not be long before the issue rose to the forefront again.

With things so hostile at home, the Emperor sanctioned a simple war against Mutapa to stir up support for the government and Crown. With the backing of Parliament, war was declared. In recognition of the new relations between Hispania and Byzantium, the latter was not called into the war, allowing them to sit out a conflict for the first time in centuries.



The Exercits Colonial and Jerusalem had sailed to East Africa prior to the declaration of war. Together, they chased Mutapa’s army until they caught it in Sofala. Heavily outnumbered, the Africans surrendered after a little over a week.

The Ministry of Trade adopted a series of unofficial national trade policies to better strengthen Hispania’s trade presence.

An arrangement was reached between Hispania and Byzantium. The Greeks conceded in allowing the Emperor and Hispania to keep the title Protector of the Greeks, although it was clarified that it was mostly ceremonial and representative of Hispania’s desire to ensure the Greeks were not subjugated by another power, while not implying Byzantium needed protection. ((I guaranteed them, which I felt represented the whole Protector of the Greeks thing well enough. :D))

As the Exercit Colonial besieged the one fort in Mutapa and half the Exercit Jerusalem laid siege to their capital, the other half of the latter army hunted down some straggler regiments trying to reach Hispanian East Africa. One such army was caught in Sena and eradicated.

Bukhara, taking advantage of the war between Qing and Ming, declared war on the former to reclaim lost land. A month later, Kaffa decided to press further into Arabia by declaring war on Yemen.

The next stage of naval expansion commended early in 1799 as 10 heavy ships and 45 transports were placed under construction.

By February of 1799, Zimbabwe had fallen, securing Mutapa’s capital. Another small army tried to make its way east, but was taken down in Sena. In the meantime, Transdacia was trying to prove its worth by sending a small force all the way to East Africa.



Both the colonies in Kendari and Great Karoo became self-sustaining in May. The Ministry of Colonial Affairs shifted its focus northwards to the Philippines, settling the islands of Panay between the existing colonies, and establishing a colony in Tagloc as well.

Another Asian nation managed to get a hold of western technology and copy European ideas, this time Dai Viet being the lucky recipient. Jin followed suit several months later.

The war against Mutapa continued to go smoothly. A few straggler regiments were taken care of, and by October only the fort held out. The Exercit Jerusalem sailed home as the Exercit Colonial finished the job.

The last bit of naval expansion saw 15 more galleys added to the fleet now stationed in Malta.

With a new government established in Byzantium, they finally had control of their own foreign affairs. While they waited a year or two before making any big moves, by mid-1800 they had arranged alliances with both Scandinavia and Germany, both members of the de Valois bloc and nations on friendly terms with Hispania. The Basileus, in an attempt to curry favour with the new government to ensure he remained in power, betrothed his young daughter and son to children of the Scandinavian and German royal families to further cement the alliances. As for enemies, Byzantium had taken a defensive stance towards both Lithuania and Persia, both who were conveniently not on great terms with Hispania either. ((I intervened and picked those two as rivals, since they didn’t conflict with us. The only other two choices were Scandinavia and Germany, who being either our ally or our ally’s ally were not quite acceptable. Good thing I didn’t pick them since they became Byzantium’s allies instead. :)))

Ming’s attempt to reclaim Northern China ended in failure as Qing pushed farther south instead.

A bailiff in one out-of-the-way province was spurning local laws and ruling with an iron fist. The court system came down hard on him and saw him executed for his crimes.

Mutapa’s only fort fell in May, meaning a peace could be concluded at last. Hispania laid claim to all of Mutapa’s land, but also used the opportunity to spread its influence farther inland. The frontiers were pushed westward into the interior almost all the way to France’s single colony. While an easy victory, such minimal loss of life for maximum gain did wonders for the Crown and the government’s reputation both at home and abroad.



Even with Hispania’s success in Africa, the situation in Europe was growing worse. The Italians who had been denied their parliament were starting to feel that their demands would never be met. There was talk of seeking these demands through force, although not said openly. Perhaps even a constitution could be implemented, for clearly the current government would not allow such changes. The Greeks were equally disgruntled, or at least those denied their chance to join Byzantium. The Lombards in Cremona were perhaps most extreme and even spoke of an independent Milan. The nobility were not even immune from such dissent, with barons and lesser nobles talking of change too, although not all of them were on the same page. Some in Italy wanted a parliament, mainly so they’d have more influence in its Cortz, while others feared this growing decentralization, mostly those in Iberia. Tensions were growing.

Persia turned its gaze east and attacked Baluchistan.

The first bit of water boiled over the edge of the pot in October of 1800. The Second Congress of Italian Provinces had failed to receive the Emperor’s direct intervention for Italian autonomy, and thus they looked for alternatives. At the same time a growing movement, ironically called the Cortes, was pushing for a more responsible government. There were those who were not pleased with the current government. Many felt that some of the Cabinet ministers were acting in their own interest. A constitution, one that restricted the Emperor’s ability to appoint ministers and ensured that ministers represented the people, was considered. The Cortes soon started pushing into even more radical territory, calling for the dismantling of the Cortz and removal of all representation of the Church and the nobility. The Assembly was to be the main force in government, taking inspiration from the new Greek model. These ideas did not get too far though. The moment the Emperor caught wind of them, he stamped down hard. Despite his sympathies for the left and desire for reform, even the suggestion that he might be forced to sign a constitution enraged him. If they truly wanted such reforms, they should work on it through the current government while respecting Crown authority. Of course those who were part of this Cortes didn’t see things that way and the end of their group only embittered their supporters.

Kaffa made easy work of Yemen, conquering land all the way to Mecca and securing most of the land around the Red Sea. Kaffa was proving a new threat to the region. Whether this would threaten Najd’s position was debatable, but they had a right to be worried.

With the poorly named Cortes dismantled by the Crown, those in support of Italian autonomy decided to force the issue. They would make their position clear and take up arms as a result. Two armies of disillusioned Italians rose up in Lucca and Roma. Their aims were clear: Italy would be granted autonomy and the government would reform to respect such wishes. More radical members of the movement even called for a constitution for all of Hispania. 141k men had rallied to the banner of greater autonomy, but now they had to face the might of the Hispanian army to succeed.

The Exercits Provence and Venice met up with the Exercit Firenze for a joint attack on the rebel force in Lucca. Lieutenant Generals Fernando de Leon and Martí de San Dionisio were granted command of two of the armies for the attack. They assaulted the rebel position from two directions, overwhelming the underprepared rebels. Over 40k of them died in the streets of Lucca, while the remainder were captured or fled to the countryside. Either way, Lucca was secured and that part of the rebellion brought to an end.

Rome was another matter. Captain General António Dias was leading the Exercit Napoli, but he had to wait for the Exercit Valencia to arrive before he could attack the rebel force. Prince Joan de Trastámara had recently graduated from the academy and took the opportunity to take command of the latter army as it sailed to Italy. This would be his first taste of battle. Unfortunately, the delay in waiting for the army to arrive by sea allowed the rebels to take Rome. The city experienced a period of looting and rape as the lesser ranks of the rebel force went wild. The leadership tried to maintain order but failed. Even the Vatican, a small enclave within Rome reserved for the Catholic Church, was not left unscathed. Relics were looted and the Pope himself was killed during the chaos, although no one ever discovered who was responsible. The Italian rebels used the capture of Italy’s most renowned city to bolster their cause. They proclaimed the First Italian Parliament within the Curia Julia, the old Senate building of Ancient Rome on February 5 of 1801. From Rome they intended to lead Italy into the future, free of Hispania.

This new Italian Parliament was not destined to last. The Exercits Napoli and Valencia arrived two days after the proclamation. Over 25k men were killed in the initial assault on the city, the rest buckling down and barricading themselves in as the Hispanian army started reclaiming the city. It took until March 20 to root out the last of the rebels, befittingly hiding in the Curia Julia. The First Italian Parliament came to an end that day, earning it the title the Forty-four Day Parliament. Italian separatism fell at the end of a sword, but Italian nationalism still lived on for now.



An unexpected turn in foreign affairs occurred in May of 1801, originating from France. A decade ago, shortly after ascending to the throne of France, Emperor Louis XX declared that he had been given the right to rule by God alone and that no man could limit his power. He tore up the French constitution while famously saying, “L'État c'est moi.” The monarch’s power would be absolute from now on. Louis XX was such a man that he possessed the power and influence to maintain order. No one dared question him or his right to rule alone. This started to unravel with his death at the turn of the century. His son was too young to rule, leaving a regency in charge. Those who had not favoured the turn to absolutism started to become more vocal. Calls for the reimplementation of the constitution were made. The Regency knew that if it did nothing, its position and that of the young emperor’s would be threatened. Any talk of a constitution or expression of revolutionary sentiment was brutally repressed.

Soon this extended to foreign affairs. Byzantium was viewed with disdain by the French elite after the successful revolutionaries forced the Basileus to agree to a constitution. With Hispania experiencing related troubles of its own, the Regency feared that such sentiment could spread, with the Greeks as its source. The Regency denounced the Greek government, calling it a menace to the stability of Europe and an imposter state. The Greek constitution and its limitations placed on the Basileus were considered an affront to God. While Byzantium had managed to get on good terms with two of the Valois states, it seemed France would only ever see Byzantium as a rival. ((Well I wasn’t expecting that. Seeing as France went from constitutional to absolute monarchy a decade ago and Byzantium had a successful revolution of sorts, I felt this explanation fit.))

The Basileus wasn’t in much of a mood to respond to this French pressure, for his eldest son had passed away a few months before. His second was now to be his heir, although the Basilissa was showing signs of another child on the way so he might have a brother by next year.

Kaffa’s conquests were apparently not at an end. They declared war on Ajuuraan next, using the same claim of nationalism that they used against Yemen. No one in East Africa was safe from their aggression. It proved to be a short war ending in the conquest of eastern Ajuuraan. Perhaps in response to this growing threat, Najd declared war on Yemen to expand its presence in Arabia.

Lithuania had increasingly turned its gaze away from Europe after its repeated failed wars there. They declared war on Delhi, another in a series of war to expand the eastern frontier.

Support for overseas merchants grew as they were granted special rights for improving trade for Hispania in the far corners of the world. ((I placed the new merchant in Canton, so if you want to change it @DragonOfAtlantis, just tell me.))

King Arnau I of the UKA passed away in May of 1802, the first of the Trastámara monarchs on its throne. His son, Eduard, ascended to the throne.



With the massive expansion to the navy, it was finally receiving some love. Great efforts were taken to prevent the further deterioration of the navy.

The colonies in Poso and Lanao became self-sufficient, more land secured in Indonesia and the Philippines. The Emperor personally intervened after this in the Ministry of Colonial Affairs to prevent a potential foreign crisis. He requested that colonists be sent to Nova Hispania, more specifically Yaqui and Seri. The Scots had appeared in Baja California and it was expected that if left unattended they could colonize more of the coast and expand inland. Not wanting a repeat of events in Brazil, the Emperor ordered efforts be taken to close off the coastline.

Even while Hispania’s merchants brought in great wealth and proved immensely successful, the entire venture proved far too easy with little competition. The merchant class was growing complacent, and prices were rising as a result. Minister of Finance Martí de Alvaro had to implement efforts to reduce inflation to compensate.

During the middle of 1803, His Holiness, a Bavarian who had become pope after his predecessor was murdered during the sack of Rome, promoted Lluis Kardinal Martínez Siechta to the rank of cardinal. ((@BelisariustheGreat, you’re a cardinal now. Your obligatory wait period is over. :D))

Bukhara’s attempt to take advantage of Qing’s conflict with Ming proved foolhardy, as they were pushed back and lost several provinces to the growing Asian nation.



As 1803 neared its ended, the mostly silent Colonial Congress made its voice heard for the first time in many years. The colonies had been grateful that their suggested reforms had been implemented half a century ago, and the handling of the whole Scottish affair had won Hispania much favour in the colonies. Now, however, dissent was growing again. The legislative assemblies of each colonial nation had taken great interest in the Free Trade Act, hoping that its passing would remove a great inequity in relations between Hispania and its subjects. When the act had failed, the colonies started debating other options. Thus they devised a new proposal to be presented to the Crown and the Hispanian Parliament. They requested the removal of all tariffs placed on the trade of the colonial nations by Hispania, stating that they should have the freedom to trade as they pleased as long as they showed preference to Hispania. The tariffs were considered an unfair burden placed on Hispania’s colonial subjects. In return, the colonial nations pledged that they would continue to send treasure fleets to Hispania, transporting valuable metals to Europe and providing Hispania with wealth that should make up for the loss of tariffs. They then eagerly awaited a response.

The whole colonial affair was soon overshadowed by events in Byzantium. The new government’s transition to power had not gone as smoothly as hoped. Expectations had been high as a new constitution was drafted and the Greek Parliament was formed, but soon many were becoming disillusioned. Flaws started to show. The old government had been entirely managed by the Crown and the nobles, but with them both cast aside, men who had never been involved in government before took power. Many of these parliamentarians proved inexperienced and unable to cope with the tasks of governing a nation. Added onto this was growing dissent from both the far right and left. The right feared that this government would become increasingly radical and inefficient, demanding a return to the old ways. The left was bitter about the many compromises made over the years, such as the restoration of the monarchy and various agreements with Hispania. To make matters worse, the Turkish population was becoming increasingly isolated from politics, stirring up deep resentment in Anatolia and the East.

By 1804, things finally exploded. The radical left rose up in revolt, declaring that the Greek Parliament had lost its legitimacy to rule by failing to adhere to the beliefs of the Revolution. They called for the abolition of the monarchy and the creation of a republic, one truly dedicated to revolutionary ideals. All agreements with Hispania were denounced, including the alliance, and a call was made for the unification of all Greek people under Byzantine rule. The right did not take long to respond. The nobles had bided their time, but now seeing these radicals attempt to topple the government to form an even more hated one required intervention. Making use of the great distaste for the current regime by the Turkish population, they rallied the Turks to their cause, calling for a restoration of the old order. Both sides moved quickly, capturing key forts across Byzantium, and then marched on Constantinople. The revolutionaries were the first to reach the capital, engaging the Byzantine army in battle. The nobles were right behind them, waiting to strike at whoever came our victorious. The Greek Parliament and the Basileus barricaded themselves in the city, expecting a siege. Before doing so, a message was sent from Constantinople to Valencia. A call for help was sent and permission was granted to Hispania by the Greek Parliament to intervene. If Hispania chose to, they could march on these rebels and aid the government they had helped create. A decision had to be made, and quickly.






JpsioAG.png

Presenting His Imperial Highness, Alfons IX de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, King of Transdacia, Duke of Bavaria, and Protector of the Greeks.

It seems that we have many concerns that must be addressed. The troubles and problems we have faced over the years have proved distressing at times, and it saddens me to see some turn to violence. I must also express some annoyance with the French. Surely they recognize our close ties to the Greeks, yet they treat this new government with distain and threaten relations between our two peoples. It would be nice if our allies were all on such close terms, but that seems a fantasy at this point.

It seems that the debate on Italy is not yet over. I had hoped that this matter would be resolved by Parliament, yet it seems that some of the Italians feel they can only achieve their demands through violence. I suggest we revisit the question of Italian autonomy and seek a solution that pleases all Italians and is not detrimental to Hispania as a whole.

The colonies have expressed a desire to see change in our relations. They have made it clear that they do not believe the continuation of tariffs is beneficial to both parties. Perhaps it is time we implement some changes.

Now for the most pressing matter, that of Byzantium. It seems that the government we helped put in power is now facing great opposition. The forces of the Revolution spiral onwards and want to implement even more radical changes, some that may prove detrimental to Hispania. The nobles have also taken the opportunity to attempt to restore the old order. The Greek Parliament has requested our assistance. With their permission, we may intervene without their government turning against us. The question is should we. We are obligated now by law to help end such rebellions, but this can be overturned. Many may die trying to crush these rebellions, but is it worth it to prevent a potentially hostile government from coming to power in Byzantium?


((Things are never quiet for us. We obviously will be addressing the rebellions in Byzantium and the colonies’ demands, but the matter of Italy will have to be addressed by the players. It should be noted that our laws require us to intervene in Byzantium unless the Emperor or the Ministers of Colonial Affairs and War opt not to.

As for our usual business, ministers have until Sunday at 12PM PST to post their plans. Players may also propose laws and reforms in this time or dispute elected positions. I’ll be posting the election results for 1800 and 1804 soon.

Pensioners:
@Mach Twelve

))
 

zenphoenix

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"Honored Members of Parliament:

Today, the Hispanian people and their allies are plagued with many issues, issues that have the potential to shape the world for years to come. The Italians demand autonomy, the colonies demand autonomy, the Greeks are undergoing a second revolution, and the French are on the verge of undergoing their own revolution. It is saddening to see so much chaos remaining after we have done so much. I will admit that there is much more work to be done. Right now, I will not propose any legislation, but rather the following courses of action:

Regarding the French - it would be wise if we sent an envoy to Paris to meet with the regency. I do not believe that a continued absolutist regime in Paris would be good for the French people. Therefore, such an envoy should work to convince the regency council to transition to a Hispanian-style constitutional monarchy. Otherwise, I fear that the people may take matters into their own hands and attempt to abolish the monarchy. In addition, we should work to alleviate their fears of the Greeks.

Regarding the matter of the Italians - As different regions have different demands, I would propose a referendum on different methods of Italian autonomy, to be voted on by the people of Italy. But I defer to the advice of other MPs on this matter. The wishes of the Italian people must be respected, for they are Hispanians as much as the rest of us are.

Regarding colonial affairs - I see no reason why we shouldn't drop the tariffs. Perhaps we should consider dropping them altogether to increase the trade with the colonies.

Regarding the Greeks - We must intervene militarily, as is required by our agreement, in order to protect the monarchy of the Greeks. However, I do not believe that the current government is capable of leading the Greeks as it is; keeping it is without reforms would only be asking for a third revolution. Therefore, I would recommend that we convince the government to implement several political reforms that would not only safeguard the monarchy's existence but also satisfy the most pressing of the radicals' demands. It is with this compromise that we can end and prevent further strife within the Greek lands. The status of the non-Greek minorities must also be acknowledged and protected to prevent their radicalization.

Please discuss this in a civil and constructive way and as neutrally as possible. What course of action we decide on could shape the world for many years to come.

I yield the floor. Thank you for your patience."
 
Last edited:

Michaelangelo

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Hispanian-style constitutional monarchy

The Emperor's eye twitches at the mention of constitutional monarchy in Hispania.

((We are not a constitutional monarchy and never have been, for we never had a constitution. We are an enlightened despotism, which basically adds up to absolutism with the trappings of constitutionalism. The monarch can technically do as he pleases, but convention dictates he follow set guidelines and follow advise from Parliament or other advisors.))
 

zenphoenix

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The Emperor's eye twitches at the mention of constitutional monarchy in Hispania.

((We are not a constitutional monarchy and never have been, for we never had a constitution. We are an enlightened despotism, which basically adds up to absolutism with the trappings of constitutionalism. The monarch can technically do as he pleases, but convention dictates he follow set guidelines and follow advise from Parliament or other advisors.))
"My apologies, Your Majesty, I meant an enlightened monarchy."

((I was referring to constitutional monarchy in the sense that we have elections, not that we have a monarchy. Kind of like how the UK technically doesn't have a constitution. Also, I omitted the "despotism" because it sounds a bit negative))
 
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"My apologies, Your Majesty, I meant an enlightened monarchy."

((I was referring to constitutional monarchy in the sense that we have elections, not that we have a monarchy. Kind of like how the UK technically doesn't have a constitution.))

((The Emperor just gets triggered by that word when it refers to him. Bad memories and whatnot. :p))
 

Michaelangelo

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The Election of 1800

The Election of 1800 mainly saw the further consolidation of most parties, with a few losing ground in specific houses. The days of the independents were also becoming numbered as their numbers dropped dramatically, most realizing that membership in a party better ensured the needs of their constituents could be met. In general, the electorate was polarizing, with the Imperials and Los Campos receiving the most seats. At the heart of this rise for both parties was the debate on Italian autonomy. Those who felt it threatened Hispania, primarily Iberians, started veering towards the Imperials, while those seeking a change for Italians leaned towards Los Campos. The Marina continued to make ground as the merchant class found their needs continually represented by the party. The Reconquista still appealed to the nobles, but its favour amongst the electorate was dropping. The Phoenix saw minor gains in the Assembly due to some disgruntled Italians, but were mostly overshadowed by Los Campos. The Cortz saw similar trends, although the appeal of the Marina failed to catch the attention of most nobles. The sole Phoenix member of the Cortz passed away and his successor did not take up the Phoenix banner, seeing the party lose its representation in the Cortz. Edredón continued to deteriorate as they were swallowed up by more popular parties, also losing their remaining seat in the Cortz.


Assembly

Independent (Appointed) - 75 (0)
Independent - 29 (-13)
Imperial - 39 (+4)
Reconquista - 20 (-2)
Marina - 42 (+4)
Los Campos - 54 (+7)
Phoenix - 34 (+2)
Edredón - 7 (-2)


Cortz

Independent (Crown) - 10 (0)
Independent - 7 (-2)
Imperial - 25 (+1)
Reconquista - 24 (+1)
Marina - 10 (0)
Los Campos - 16 (+2)
Phoenix - 0 (-1)
Edredón - 0 (-1)
 

Michaelangelo

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The Election of 1804

The Election of 1804 saw a repeat of similar trends from the previous election. Both the Imperials and Los Campos continued to make gains, although the Imperials saw a much larger leap in the Assembly than in 1800. This could be attributed to the rebellion in Italy, which stirred up growing anger at the increasingly violent nationalism present in Italy. Los Campos was still seen as the legitimate party for reform, preventing Phoenix from making significant gains dispute growing disenchantment with the current government. Marina gains started to peter off as key issues drew support to the other parties. Reconquista saw a continued decline in the Assembly, along with Edredón, the latter barely holding onto existence.

This election more than any spelled the eventual end of the independents as an effective force. Almost all of those in the Assembly and the Cortz were appointed by the Crown. Only 13 in the Assembly were elected. As for the Cortz, only Duke Matthias Louis Enrique Alfonso de Soneta di Belmonte and the reclusive Count Villanova remained independents. It seemed likely that if the Crown changed its policy on only appointing independents, they would disappear almost entirely from Parliament. The future lay in party membership and the influence each party could wield in Parliament.


Assembly

Independent (Appointed) - 75 (0)
Independent - 13 (-16)
Imperial - 49 (+10)
Reconquista - 18 (-2)
Marina - 44 (+2)
Los Campos - 60 (+6)
Phoenix - 36 (+2)
Edredón - 5 (-2)


Cortz

Independent (Crown) - 10 (0)
Independent - 4 (-3)
Imperial - 26 (+1)
Reconquista - 24 (0)
Marina - 11 (+1)
Los Campos - 17 (+1)

((If anyone is wondering, I am purposely fazing out the independents as time progresses. It is likely that as the parties become more entrenched and politics become more focused nationally rather than locally, the independents will fade seeing as they would have little influence in Parliament. There is also the fact that independents do not exist in Victoria II, so if I want to convert, all independents must be gone by 1836. Might be time for those stragglers to sign up for a party. :D))
 

hirahammad

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"So much violence. It is unfortunate. Perhaps it is because, after violence was shown to the Basileus and rewarded, others see it as a viable course of action. But that is the past, and as my most vocal opponents say, forget the past. It is an Imperial lie, no doubt. :rolleyes: The Italian Indepennce movements has ended up just like another group which began an armed rebellion in the name of a constitution, and in the name of Montsegur. They have been defeated, but not after causing widespread death and destruction. If we give in to the demands of the radicals in Italy, we most assuredly once again condone violence. But I recognize their desire. And the militants themselves have surely been punished. So perhaps we must pass a law, one that does not give the murderers what they wanted, but give the Italians what they need. I leave it to the esteemed members of the Court, members of the Imperial, Los Campos, Reconquista, or Marina parties, or the few independents remaining.

And then of course there is violence in Greece. A part of me wishes to say that those who gain government by force are condemned to lose it to force, but I know better than to give in to the endless cycle of violence. We cannot leave the Greeks to massacre themselves, we must step in. If we move swiftly before they are given time to group and plan for both overthrowing the government and eliminating the competition, we can bring an end to this. Afterwards, we can discuss what changes to make to the system, but only after we achieve victory.

As to France, we should work with the Divine Order and Royalty to ensure peace and tranquility, while still recognizing any reasonable demands the French subjects have. We certainly do not want a Revolution north of the Pyrenees."

((Rather than say, "he smiled", I think emoticons may be substituted. :p

When I tried to join Phoenix, I was planning to either a) infiltrate and destroy or, much more likely, b) show how hypocritical the Phoenix is. B) is too much work, so ...:oops:

Anyways, I've tried to make Justinian Lagos, Cardinal, 3VP noticeably centrist, if leaning towards the Imperials. I think that Los Campos, Marinas, Reconquista, and Imperial may want to gain support of a powerful :cool: member of Parliament, if you know what I mean. ;)
))
 

Mach Twelve

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"Honored Members of Parliament:

Today, the Hispanian people and their allies are plagued with many issues, issues that have the potential to shape the world for years to come. The Italians demand autonomy, the colonies demand autonomy, the Greeks are undergoing a second revolution, and the French are on the verge of undergoing their own revolution. It is saddening to see so much chaos remaining after we have done so much. I will admit that there is much more work to be done. Right now, I will not propose any legislation, but rather the following courses of action:

Regarding the French - it would be wise if we sent an envoy to Paris to meet with the regency. I do not believe that a continued absolutist regime in Paris would be good for the French people. Therefore, such an envoy should work to convince the regency council to transition to a Hispanian-style constitutional monarchy. Otherwise, I fear that the people may take matters into their own hands and attempt to abolish the monarchy. In addition, we should work to alleviate their fears of the Greeks.

Regarding the matter of the Italians - As different regions have different demands, I would propose a referendum on different methods of Italian autonomy, to be voted on by the people of Italy. But I defer to the advice of other MPs on this matter. The wishes of the Italian people must be respected, for they are Hispanians as much as the rest of us are.

Regarding colonial affairs - I see no reason why we shouldn't drop the tariffs. Perhaps we should consider dropping them altogether to increase the trade with the colonies.

Regarding the Greeks - We must intervene militarily, as is required by our agreement, in order to protect the monarchy of the Greeks. However, I do not believe that the current government is capable of leading the Greeks as it is; keeping it is without reforms would only be asking for a third revolution. Therefore, I would recommend that we convince the government to implement several political reforms that would not only safeguard the monarchy's existence but also satisfy the most pressing of the radicals' demands. It is with this compromise that we can end and prevent further strife within the Greek lands. The status of the non-Greek minorities must also be acknowledged and protected to prevent their radicalization.

Please discuss this in a civil and constructive way and as neutrally as possible. What course of action we decide on could shape the world for many years to come.

I yield the floor. Thank you for your patience."

The Actions of the Greeks are proof of our error six years ago, as I expected. With the Primacy of their Assembly and then complete lack of Noble Representation, along with the Basileus being reduced to merely approving their Assembly's choices, they had a Republic in all but name. And what do they do? They rebel again! Truly, these Revolutionaries consider the concepts of compromise and coexistence at any level to be intolerable. We are dealing with an enemy that possesses no reason or morals, save the COMPLETE destruction of that which they view as the enemy. And as long as these people hold sway, destruction is all that Byzantium will know.

But that is not all that is happening. Every coup brings with it the possibility of counter-coup. A backlash to the results of the rebels. As the Revolution held power, and used to exclude others, those others quickly gathered to bring an end to them as they sought to end the old regime. Instead of one rebellion, we have two. Instead of facing a decision to bring an end to one group, we now face two groups. The fire has spread from the stove and now the whole of the kitchen burns. Shall we wait until the entire house is in flames before we act? Without an decisive end, a third wave will surely follow, largest than the last. We made an error by not intervening last time. Now it appears more will die than if we intervened in the crisis that we mismanaged. We need to break BOTH groups, and enforce a true replication of the Hispanian Government, not this bastardization they currently have. Perhaps we should even use this opportunity to restore the previous relations with Byzantium. It has proven effective in the past, why not return to it instead of a untried, unproven method?

As for the Italians, they have no agreement amongst themselves. Any action we take will be satisfying one small group and risking the ire of the rest. In addition, attempting to grant all their demands on a case by case basis will only overburden our administration. A farmer would not sell the grain he needs to seed his fields in fear of destroying himself, we should also not give too freely lest we only weaken ourselves to the point of the destruction of the Empire.

As for the Colonies, their demands were instigated by a foolish proposal. Watch what you propose here, lest you bring more ruin to the Empire. As for their demands, once again they seek to use a crisis to their own ends. Why now would they make them? Why not earlier? Or when we can fully devote our time and thoughts to it? I say we do exactly that. Wait until their request is not in the face of a full scale rebellion.

As for the French, we can only suggest that they would follow the Hispanian model, the medium inbetween Absolutism and Constitutionalism. They are their own nation, and we can only hope that they follow it.

And as for the constructive and respectful manner of the Parliament, I fear that it has been broken. Look at the Phoenix Leader Faixon, with his exaggerations and his mock battles here. Truly, he would have been a successful actor in theater. But, this is not a stage. Last time we met, the Emperor struck down a proposed bill. Having the advisors of the Emperor so ignored is truly a tragedy. But at the same time, have those advisors truly acted as their station required? No. And as such, perhaps those advisors as a whole have lost their right to advise. And until that is rectified, the Emperor should be willing to discard that advice until such time.
 

zenphoenix

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The Actions of the Greeks are proof of our error six years ago, as I expected. With the Primacy of their Assembly and then complete lack of Noble Representation, along with the Basileus being reduced to merely approving their Assembly's choices, they had a Republic in all but name. And what do they do? They rebel again! Truly, these Revolutionaries consider the concepts of compromise and coexistence at any level to be intolerable. We are dealing with an enemy that possesses no reason or morals, save the COMPLETE destruction of that which they view as the enemy. And as long as these people hold sway, destruction is all that Byzantium will know.

But that is not all that is happening. Every coup brings with it the possibility of counter-coup. A backlash to the results of the rebels. As the Revolution held power, and used to exclude others, those others quickly gathered to bring an end to them as they sought to end the old regime. Instead of one rebellion, we have two. Instead of facing a decision to bring an end to one group, we now face two groups. The fire has spread from the stove and now the whole of the kitchen burns. Shall we wait until the entire house is in flames before we act? Without an decisive end, a third wave will surely follow, largest than the last. We made an error by not intervening last time. Now it appears more will die than if we intervened in the crisis that we mismanaged. We need to break BOTH groups, and enforce a true replication of the Hispanian Government, not this bastardization they currently have. Perhaps we should even use this opportunity to restore the previous relations with Byzantium. It has proven effective in the past, why not return to it instead of a untried, unproven method?

As for the Italians, they have no agreement amongst themselves. Any action we take will be satisfying one small group and risking the ire of the rest. In addition, attempting to grant all their demands on a case by case basis will only overburden our administration. A farmer would not sell the grain he needs to seed his fields in fear of destroying himself, we should also not give too freely lest we only weaken ourselves to the point of the destruction of the Empire.

As for the Colonies, their demands were instigated by a foolish proposal. Watch what you propose here, lest you bring more ruin to the Empire. As for their demands, once again they seek to use a crisis to their own ends. Why now would they make them? Why not earlier? Or when we can fully devote our time and thoughts to it? I say we do exactly that. Wait until their request is not in the face of a full scale rebellion.

As for the French, we can only suggest that they would follow the Hispanian model, the medium inbetween Absolutism and Constitutionalism. They are their own nation, and we can only hope that they follow it.

And as for the constructive and respectful manner of the Parliament, I fear that it has been broken. Look at the Phoenix Leader Faixon, with his exaggerations and his mock battles here. Truly, he would have been a successful actor in theater. But, this is not a stage. Last time we met, the Emperor struck down a proposed bill. Having the advisors of the Emperor so ignored is truly a tragedy. But at the same time, have those advisors truly acted as their station required? No. And as such, perhaps those advisors as a whole have lost their right to advise. And until that is rectified, the Emperor should be willing to discard that advice until such time.
"Your Highness, with all due respect, I must disagree with much of what you say. The problem with the Greeks is not that the people have too much representation, but that their 'reformed' political system is not representative enough. The lower classes, the common Greek citizens, cannot vote or find it almost impossible to vote. Non-Greeks have only half as much representation as Greeks. As a result of this improper balance, it's the Turks who are quickly being radicalized by the revolutionaries! It is most certainly not because the people have too much power, but because wealthy and middle-class Greeks have too much power relative to others! This must be changed when we deal with the new Greek government. We must act quickly, because a delay of only a few days might mean the abolition of the Palaiologoi monarchy and the establishment of an even worse regime.
We must all work together on the problem in Italy. It is true that they have no agreement amongst themselves. But we cannot just sit here and do nothing or reject all attempts at a solution like last time. We must act. It is imperative that we come to a solution that is agreed upon by not only a majority of us in the Parliament but a majority of Italians. I will start the discussion process at this point. We could propose regional referendums for each region in Italy on their preferred form of local government. Each of these local governments would still answer to Valencia but they would take care of any and all local affairs, up to and including collecting taxes for the Hispanian government. This way is sufficient because not only would it grant most if not all of the Italians' requests but also would be cost-efficient in that the only funds we would need would be those to organize the referendums and help set up the local governments, both of which can be paid for by using the taxes collected by hte new governments, assuming that the referendums pass.
The colonies only have one simple request, and that is to end the tariffs and nothing more. As most of Hispania's income is derived from other means, I do not think that removing these tariffs would signicantly impact our economy. If anything, it has the potential to increase free trade between the mainland and the colonies and would serve to deny potential independence activists any grievances to rally around.
I agree on the subject of France. Absolutism cannot last much longer in Paris; it must be reformed into a Hispanian-model or constitutional system soon or just like in Constantinople everything will fall apart. But it is their decision; we can only give recommendations.
I must refuse to support your rather scathing critique of Faixon. While we may have our disagreements and Faixon might not have been the most cooperative to you, he is still a Member of Parliament and must be given the respect that an MP deserves, though he must also give respect to his fellow Members of Parliament in return. My apologies if this sounds too blunt."

I apologize if this feels like a betrayal. I am merely trying to do what is right. I can't continue just approving of everything you and the Imperials say, Your Highness. At some point I must speak what I believe is right or is the best way forward for Hispania, and in order to do that we must work with the opposition. I'm sure you'll understand.

My apologies.

Your loyal ally,
Leon

It appears that you are no longer affiliated with any faction in the Parliament. I know you to be a fervent opponent of both the Camponistas and the Phoenixes. Perhaps we could form a partnership against our common enemy? Together we can revive the Reconquista's fortunes, end the Camponistas' dominance, and put Faixon in his place!

I await your response.

Regards,
Leon

((Edit: and if we do successfully reform the Byzantine government again, can we make them take the "Reform the Theme System" decision while we're at it? It feels a bit wrong to see Turkish names in Greek territory unless their populations are mostly Turkish.))