1854: The Franco-German War, part 2
Michael von Hohenzollern’s selection as Foreign Minister marked the return of the Hohenzollerns to at least a limited degree of real power in the Republic of Germany. Albrecht von Hohenzollern’s service as Chief of the Navy was largely seen as symbolic by most observers. Right away, he pushed his own policies, seeking to annex more French territory and reclaim German lands in Pomerania. He also sought to improve relations with the Papacy, and that was his first priority in the opening days of 1854.
The knowledge that the British had outmaneuvered the Germans and gained a key foothold into the Papal States was very disconcerting, but as long as the President of the Economic Planning Commission wanted his railroads to go through Rome, he would spend as much diplomatic capital as possible. Despite poor relations, businessmen in the Vatican were only too eager to accept German money to improve their local railroads.
Off the coast of Brittany, the Franco-German War was being decided, not on land, but at sea.
72,000 German soldiers waited anxiously to see if the men o’ war could fight off the faster and more numerous French frigates. Of all the parts of the Unger Plan, only this one had failed, and that only because nobody had expected so much of the French fleet to be in a position to intercept the German fleet before the rest of the German navy arrived from Natal. As a preliminary measure, the ranking naval officer quietly took a launch to Brittany and signed a pact to allow the German soldiers to go ashore there, if necessary. [1]
In the Pyrenees, the Battle of Foix showed that the French weren’t quite done yet, even if their resolve was weakening.
General Stoltzer didn’t care about casualties – he cared about chasing down and beating the French. If anybody had any questions about that, the Battle of Toulouse would quickly clarify things.
While several French fortresses had fallen, it was this willingness to advance, regardless of cost, that finally broke the French will to fight. Three days later, the French government sued for peace. Michael von Hohenzollern insisted on handling the negotiations personally, and took the first train to Paris.
The French were shocked when they heard German demands. The French Foreign Minister tried to go back on his word once the “Champagne plan” was presented, and initially refused to surrender the lands in Spain he’d promised. When Michael indicated that Chancellor Bismarck was quite prepared to burn Paris to the ground, if necessary, to gain what Germany needed for her defense, even the most hawkish French politician quailed. The French Governor of Chaumont, which would become a French enclave surrounded by Germany, asked for peaceful integration rather than see German armies take his land by force in five years. Michael delightedly accepted.
One final attempt by the French to escape the harsh peace was unequivocally rejected, and the lands were properly integrated into the German republic.
Chancellor Bismarck’s declaration that, under the Citizenship Law passed many years ago, all inhabitants of the recently conquered territories would immediately become German citizens sparked two very different kinds of revolt. A secret society of French officers tried to organize a popular militia to resist German occupation. Unfortunately for them, the Corps of Gendarmerie had infiltrated them a long time ago, and half of their number were gone after the formal first session.
In Treviso, a group of Germans were outraged that anybody could become “a German for losing at the right time.” The riot was even more swiftly put down than it had sprung up.
With the Franco-German war concluded, the business of the Republic returned to peaceful pursuits. Railroads to the newly conquered territories, Vienna, and the “toe” of the Italian boot quickly sprang up with government funds. [2]
New processes for forging steel sped the process up even more quickly. One German industrial magnate, a Friedrich von Krupp, was especially excited by the new technology, claiming that “if he were given the proper funds, he could make artillery that would cause the enemies of Germany to tremble and beg for mercy.”
In June, a group of Jacobins, Karl Marx at their head, claimed another government as Athens surrendered to a clandestine group of revolutionaries. Calling themselves the “British Faction”, not one of them could speak English.
But that was quickly forgotten, as Castille stunned by the world by taking on France
and Grenada by herself, looking to claim still more formerly Spanish lands. Although a Castillan diplomat had sounded out Germany’s reaction, Michael von Hohenzollern would not break the truce with France. It appeared, at least in the early going, that Castille might have gotten a bit too aggressive.
Just in case, German troops moved closer to the border with France. France had put down most of their rebels, but scattered elements had crossed the border once or twice. [3]
The Franco-German War involved great gains for the German Republic, but great cost as well. Not just in lives, but in currency, although German reserves were still ample.
1855 looked to be, perhaps, a peaceful year, for rebuilding and slowly assimilating the new lands Germany had acquired, but much depended on the rest of the world.
[1] I keep forgetting that unless you actively call an ally into a war, you need military access to get on their lands. Fortunately, we “won” the battle; we lost some transports, but took a lot of them with us, and no soldiers were harmed.
[2] Actually, a lot of that was done by German capitalists. I think I maybe added five or six provinces worth of railroads.
[3] We actually “lost” a battle because one of these rebel stacks attacked us while we were still exiled. They took like 3500 casualties and we took less than a hundred, but sure, “we lost.”
I’m going to hold off on my plan until see how you guys react; let the games begin!