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Blut und Schlacht (Blood and Battle): A Learner’s Saga
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Chapter 134: Waste Not, Want Not (25 January 974 to 29 August 976)
Chapter 134: Waste Not, Want Not (25 January 974 to 29 August 976)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Bringing about victory in Denmark's war against Poland ended a bloody but ultimately successful period in Eilif II's reign. The Emperor turned now to contemplate his next moves as the challenge of expanding the burgeoning economy beckoned. Could the Rurikids continue to drag the bulk of their realm out of the backward tribal economy of the Russian steppe? Only time would tell …
January-March 974
The outbreak of camp fever was striking close to and then within the Dark Fylkir’s home in late January and mid-February. Two of his sons were afflicted and the doctor was called. The Fylkir certainly wanted his sons to survive, but a part of his by now mad and evilly demented inner mind turned briefly to thoughts of his dark powers and his many children. He did have spares, after all. But he did not act on these dark impulses.
But neither did he close the gates, remaining with his troops in the field as they made their way back from the victorious war against Poland on Denmark’s behalf to Russian-governed Stettin. Where some impudent raiders were doing a bit of looting, apparently unaware of the doom descending upon them.
That doom struck them on 13 February and by the 23rd the last raider had been rounded up and slaughtered, for minimal loss.
The Pope’s Crusade against the young Norse King Sigbjörn of Latium was just one of his problems by mid-February 974, with the vultures circling in increasing numbers. But Eilif was neither positioned nor disposed to intervene. The tragedy would have to play out to its sad but inevitable conclusion.
Marshal Gnupa sent a note on 2 March that he had temporarily withdrawn from his duties to seclude in Ladoga, where camp fever had spread.
But young Jarl Ormr of Brabant, now Eilif’s son-in-law, showed he was a traditional Brabant adventurer by launching his latest conquest on Suffolk, seeking to expand his English holdings against the Christian King Sumarliði II.
Back at the court in Nygarðr, camp fever stalked the halls. Eilif’s concubine Aslaug, mother of Crown Prince Styrbjörn, was already sick from cancer and succumbed to added burden of the fever on 9 March. Another of his concubines, Gloð, had been incapacitated by the same malady and was now gravely ill.
But Eilif remained with the troops, waiting for the whole army to muster in Stettin so that the levies could be safely dismissed and his next venture commenced.
Despite his seclusion, Gnupa sent a note on 12 March saying his search for the rumoured artefact continued and had made some progress.
Ten days later, all the remaining levies from the Polish War were back in Stettin and were dismissed, taking the host from 14,000 to 7,000 men (the Guard and Jomsvikings remaining under arms). At this point, Russian threat remained high. The Christian pact was strong and Poland had joined it while the troops returned to Stettin and thus before a follow-up war could be safely called against them.
The Pagan pact had declined, but with threat high and the territorial pickings marginal, Eilif opted for his intended course: raiding for money to fuel the economic growth of the still nascent feudalised Russian Empire.
Hakon remained in charge of the army, Eilif commanding the left and the siege specialist Gunnarr the right. The Sacred Raiding Toggle was invoked by the Fylkir in a solemn ceremony and a limited fleet summons issued.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
April-June 974
With the levies dismissed and raiding invoked, the budget was back in surplus (+7.72 gold/month) by 2 April, with 256 in the treasury. The raider began boarding the assembled ships on 11 April and were on board a week later. At which point Eilif succumbed to the quickest case of scurvy ever recorded in Russian raiding annals!
He was just dictating a positive response to Chancellor Arnbjörn on administration in Vyazma when he succumbed. He headed back to shore in a small boat as the raiding army remained aboard. He was quickly returned to the capital as he waited to see how bad his illness would become.
And that was the signal to belatedly shut the gates to keep out the fever: he was afraid simultaneous cases of scurvy and camp fever could prove fatal. His wife, surviving concubines and youngest children were in isolation with him, and another in his castle in Finland. The Crown Prince’s Jarldom of Sarkel was not affected.
The raiders meanwhile set sail on 21 April for the rich county of Rouen in West Francia as their first intended target.
In Nygarðr, as Eilif attempted to recover from his scurvy, his lover Botulfr’s son Alfr caught the fever. A hard choice needed to be made – but Botulfr was with him in the castle and this was one time the otherwise hard-hearted Dark Fylkir showed his sympathetic side. The doctor was called for the boy, despite the risk of keeping him in the castle.
Jarl Ormr was able to declare a Holy War on 6 May against the Polish Rebellion, for Pomeralia on the Baltic coast. Even as Eilif resisted the temptation to torture the inmates of his dungeon. Two days later, a revolt was declared by one Snorri on Jarl Falki of Bergslagen. The children were certainly playing hard while the raid was on and Eilif secluded.
The fleet arrived off Rouen on 17 May and King Louis V’s potential opposition to the Russians assessed. His could called on an estimated 9,690 men, even though he himself languished in another’s prison. But the raid would go on anyway: if the West Francian’s intervened, then woe to them!
Back home, The Court Physician finished his examination of Eilif and prescribed a regimen of fruit and vegetables for the scurvy. It made little sense to Eilif but was of course exactly the right response. A month later, he had fully recovered. Even if his puns had worsened.
In Francia, the raiders were making their way ashore with new commanders as most of the leading officers were secluded in the capital. Jarl Gorm led [martial 21], with two obscure second-rate officers taking the flanks [both Martial 8].
On 3 June, Seeress Ulfhildr was still out on mission in Ösel, trying to convert the heathens to Germanicism so a castle could be built and the crown county changed to a feudal administration. They attacked and wounded her, but she would recover and continued her mission.
In Rouen, the siege was established and by 12 June the 7,000 raiders were ashore and no Francian troops in sight yet.
July-September 974
The summer brought more ravages from camp fever. On 14 July, the Russian commander Folki was not as lucky as Botulfr’s son: he was expelled from the keep rather than given treatment.
Nine days later, Eilif’s ailing concubine (and mother of three of his children) Gloð was the next to fall to the epidemic.
The fever had stopped spreading at Holmgarðr, so the lords to its south were still free to pursue their ambitions and grievances. One such blow-up saw Jarl Styrbjörn ‘the Faceless’ face off (so to speak) against old Jarl Tryggve ‘the Unready’ of Vladimir in a de jure claim over Tryggve’s county of Vologda on 15 July. Eilif ‘let them have their fun’, as he put it.
From 22 July, the Francians began to muster their troops, with 690 spotted in Boulogne and 647 in Mortain, north and south of the raid in Rouen, who then numbered 6,833 after some losses in the siege. By 31 July, more had been added, including some closer to the Russians in Eu, but still only around 2,400 in total. Jarl Gorm’s raiders continued to ignore them, but kept a keen eye out for developments.
On 22 August, High Chieftess Þordis of Lithuania commendably launched her own war on the Polish Revolt, looking to conquer the county of Lepiel, on the principle of ‘the more, the merrier’. Camp fever continued to linger in Holmgarðr, but seemed to have stopped spreading, having affected most of Finland, a patch of Sweden and the north-western corner of Russia up to Narva, Ladoga and the capital itself.
Another note that day was full of what would one day be termed chutzpah: Vigdis was still trying to get Empress Björg killed and now asked Eilif to join the plot!
He looked into it, not only refusing but finding a couple of plotters, including Princess Aleta, had rejoined. He couldn’t get Vigdis to desist, but was able to order the other two to stop. And did.
October-December 974
September passed quietly, but from early October Francian troop movements in the vicinity of Rouen began to increase. On the 3rd, about 2,700 troops could be seen, spread from Evreux through Paris to Riems, but the all seemed to be moving eastwards. Ten days later, the positions were the same but around another 3,400 Francian troops had appeared in Paris, with the raiders rebuilt to a strength of 7,150 against about 6,000 Francians.
By 23 October, Francia had mustered 7,715 men in Paris, now outnumbering the 7,300 Gorm had at the siege of Rouen, though the Francians had begun heading east, apparently to confront a smaller raiding party in Riems. Five days later, with Francian numbers still climbing as they moved to wipe out the raiders in Riems, a precautionary muster of two of the closer and larger vassal levies was issued. This would see about 2,100 extra troops make their way to the raiding camp in Rouen – just in case. They would take a route designed to avoid crossing paths with the main West Francian army.
At home, the perils of landing the heir to the throne and not prearranging a betrothal for him were laid bare when he made his own match. The choice seemed a poor one both politically and in terms of his intended’s personal attributes. “Dumb as a sackful of turnips” was one of the unflattering descriptions of Killu Rova, who may one day become Empress of Russia!
The long investment of Rouen ended on 12 November, the 88 gold looted costing a massive 950 men in casualties during the siege. As December was coming to an end, the Brabantian contingent, commanded by an apparently recovered Folki, had to turn back from Eu to the friendly territory of Artois: they had forgotten to invoke the Sacred Raiding Toggle before leaving Russian territory.
January-March 975
The other contingent of Sviþjod troops from Pfalz made sure they invoked the Toggle as they passed through Brabant in early January. On 10 January, with troop numbers on the rise, another 21 ships were mustered from Brabant’s vassal fleet levy, which would bring total fleet strength to 110: enough to lift the whole army if needs be. Arques was sacked on 12 January, with just 88 raiders lost and 109 gold looted. Folki’s troop ‘Toggled’ in Artois on the 18th and started heading straight back to Rouen.
In Russia, marshal Gnupa reported progress in the artefact hunt and requested additional support, this time from the spy network.
Eilif decided to take the risk and sent Gnupa the requested agents – and hoped he wouldn’t regret it.
In Francia, Count Guilhem was bringing an army to try to isolate and ambush the last of the reinforcing contingents in Boulogne, but the Sviþjod detachment would escape to Eu by just six days.
On 13 February, the Russians had concentrated their force, now numbering 9,312 men, in Rouen. Count Herbert had also been reinforced and had 7,822 men in Boulogne but headed north to Guines instead.
The extra troops helped speed up the current siege of Fecamp in Rouen a little, which ended on 2 March with another 74 gold taken and no troops lost. Very satisfactory.
April-June 975
1 April saw the last gold from Rouen being loaded aboard the fleet. West Francian Count Guihem (5,711 men) was fighting a group of raiders from Celle (1,423 men) in Vexin, with another 2,058 under Count Herbert set to join him from Amiens. By 14 April the raiders began moving along the coast to Boulogne, via Eu, as the Francians finished off their battle in Vexin (now in the pursuit stage).
Five days later, At last Guilhem decided to confront the Russians (now commanded by Folki) after freeing Vexin – but once more, they would just miss their target, this time by just one day. The Russians did not fear losing, but as it was a raid, they did wish to avoid the unnecessary loss of lives that would result from a large pitched battle.
In the Empire, the camp fever epidemic was now dissipating. It had vanished from its original centre in southern Finland by 25 April and only remained in the last-infected counties at the periphery of the outbreak. But Holmgarðr remained infected and the lockdown in the capital stayed in place.
In Francia the chase continued, with Folki due to evade his pursuers in Eu by just two days as he made for Boulogne, where he should be able to defend behind a river if the Francians did attack.
The Russians stood in Boulogne on 4 May, setting up defensive positions and starting their siege and the looting of the countryside. But Guilhem, outnumbered by around 1,900 men, decided not to continue and was seen heading south again from Eu.
After a period of comparative peace for the followers of Hel, a low-level Fellowship member was found and burned on 4 June. Another would suffer the same fate almost a year later at the hands of King Sigurðr’s Seer. But again, it was only a minor, unlanded low-born member, so Eilif just shrugged his shoulders on both occasions. The cost of doing Hel’s business, he noted in his Infernal Journal.
The same day Guilhem (with 8,500 men now) was seen in Rouen, still heading south. It looked like they didn’t have the stomach for a fight with the Russians, who now numbered 9,858.
July-September 975
In early July, an outbreak of smallpox centred on Boulogne, Yperen and Eu began. The siege of the castle was almost over, so the raiders decided to finish that off then get away from this nasty disease. The sacking of Boulogne yielded 40 gold on 20 July, having cost 272 troops. All the loot had gone straight to nearby Artois (rather than the fleet) and thus straight into the Imperial coffers. The raiders quickly headed back to the ships, hoping they hadn’t brought the epidemic with them.
By 3 August, they were in the Solent and started to land in Winchester – another of King Louis' possession, which stretched from there through to Cornwall at that time. All of them rich. Winchester bordered Sussex (a Brabantian holding) so again, the loot would go straight there rather than the ships, boosting the treasury more quickly.
Back in Russia, the war between the Faceless and the Unready spurred something of a changing of the guard in the upper echelons of the Empire and its Council. Whether in battle or after a siege, on 16 August Tryggve was captured and imprisoned by Jarl Styrbjörn. This resulted in a forced removal of old Tryggve from his position as one of the Advisors. Young Jarl Ormr, who coveted and indeed expected a position on the Council due to his powerful holdings, was appointed to the vacancy on the 18th.
As it happened, Tryggve (for once actually unready) conceded in the war for Vologda and was released on 22 August, angry at having been replaced (which he viewed as a firing) and wanting his Council position back. But his time was past: at 77 and seen as a diseased, mad and infirm drunkard; Ormr was the way of the future. A winner probably with many years ahead of him, rather than a loser on his last legs.
Good news came at the end of the month with knowledge of trade practices in Tana advancing to the point that improvements could start to be made to the trade post there. With the treasury healthy and the future rewards great, construction was started straight away.
At the same time, castle walls were started in Ladoga and stables in Torzhok. Better barracks were sought in Ladoga to increase the number of pikemen available to the Imperial levies, while the stables addressed a perceived shortage of cavalry. Both were to help counteract any future threat posed by the horse lords of the east in future campaigns of either conquest or defence.
By the start of September, camp fever had almost gone, but persisted in Holmgarðr and Ladoga an on the north-eastern coast of the Gulf of Bothnia. The gate of the capital remained shut. On 12 September, one Haukr ‘the Cleansing Flame’ declared a rebellion against his liege Jarl Hildur II of Austergautland in the name of a claimant, Kraka. Eilif cared little for such sideshows and let them do their worst.
October-December 975
Some time before 1 October 975, Eilif’s young sons Helgi and Karl had fully recovered from their earlier bouts of camp fever. The threat definitely seemed to be receding – and no rats, or worse, had needed to be consumed by the courtiers isolated in the keep!
Ormr won the race to win his claim against the Polish revolt on 15 October. This meant the renamed county of Stolp was added to the Empire, linking up the Russian-held lands across the north German coast of the Baltic. This also resulted in the Revolt collapsing and Lithuania’s conquest of Lepiel lapsing.
Over in England, the outbreak of consumption in the east of the country bubbled away but had not spread west yet. And camp fever had finally left the capital: Eilif threw the gates open and had soon made his way to England to take personal command of the Great Raid, giving Folki one flank and Gunnarr, the siege specialist, the other. A West Francian force of around 2,000 picketing them to the west caused no loss of sleep for the Russians.
News came in November of the pregnancy of Eilif’s surviving concubine, Gytha. The time in isolation had clearly been well spent by Eilif ‘doing his duty’ once more. Then just eight days later, Crown Prince Styrbjörn came of age and very pleasingly emerged as an ‘éminence grise’. Even if not very skilled in other areas, especially military aptitude.
Having fulfilled his ambition of grooming his heir to adulthood, Eilif changed his next aim to that of assembling a war chest. Though he planned to use it to fight an economic, rather than a military war. Given his current raiding expedition, achieving the 1,000 gold objective should not be too hard and would fuel a major building program and increased taxes for years to come.
Those potential future riches received another small boost with the feudalisation of Memel on 9 November. Two days later, King Halsten ‘the Monster’ declared a ‘2nd Jorvik Prepared Invasion of England’ on the hapless King Sumarliði II. Of which Eilif generally approved and sent Halsten a letter passing on his best wishes for success.
Winchester was looted of 53 gold on 18 November for no loss, the Eilif’s raiding host now numbering 10,349.
Gnupa advised his artefact search was making progress and now requested a large levy of soldiers to assist. Given there was no shortage of troops for Eilif to employ and no large war on the immediate horizon, this time the request was agreed to. But the artefact had better be found and be worth it for the dynasty – the cost kept increasing.
The Bishopric of St Swithun was the next to be looted, yielding 59 gold for no loss on 14 December. And in Tana, the silk road trade post was completed and trade offices commenced – only a small dent in the war chest ambition. Especially when the raiding fleet deposited the gold it had accumulated from Rouen in Sussex eight days later.
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January-March 976
The infidel victimisation of King Sigbjörn – already known as ‘the Lion’ even at his young age – won out on 13 January 976. It seems he lost his own demesne lands in the settlement and had to usurp that of one of his vassals in Apulia.
The raid went on uninterrupted, with Southampton looted on the 19th for a huge 103 gold and no troops lost. The ships headed back from Sussex to the Solent as Eilif took his raiders on to Dorset, where a small Francian contingent remained – unwisely.
On 28 January, another internecine conflict broke out, this time Jarl Oddr of Verstergautland claiming Austergautland from Jarl Hildur II of Austergautland, who now faced both an internal revolt and external claim war for his Jarldom.
The next day, Eilif descended on the West Francian army in Wareham – and it was not pretty for the Christians. They were wiped out to a man, in a great slaughter, with only three Russian troops killed.
From 18 February to 6 March, there was a succession of ‘good news, bad news’ developments. Prince Alfr of Nyland, the second in line to succeed Eilif, came of age as a moderately talented financial operator. The same day, Eilif felt the weight of ruling pressing down a little harder and became stressed.
Shortly afterwards, his long dedication to Hel saw him become a more arbitrary man, which had a negative effect on two of his already weaker areas in stewardship and learning. He sought to partly counteract this by once more using his dark power to summon a familiar – a raven.
Frustrated in her attempt to take Lepiel from the Polish revolt earlier in the year, on 22 February Þordis launched a 3rd Lithuanian conquest of Zemgale against King Maslaw of Poland. Hopefully the recent defeat of the Poles in the great war would help her achieve this difficult task.
A month later, reports showed the smallpox epidemic was spreading all the way from Normandy to Holland and well into the interior and had now moved into south-east England, where consumption also still lingered a little further north. But despite the stress and bad news, Eilif continued to resist torture impulses, gaining a little piety every time he did – no matter how tempting it was to indulge in a little pleasurable recreation.
His humour was improved a little on 29 March with the sack of Wareham in Dorset, seizing 42 gold without losing a man. The next day, Prince Alfr made a rather cheeky request of his father for more land: the crown county of Toropets, no less! Alfr may be a little peeved [-5 opinion] about this for the next ten years, but Eilif was not about to breakup the strong central Imperial demesne for a grasping child.
April-June 976
Sherbourne was looted on 23 April for 58 gold, once more for no loss, with the raiding army now numbering almost 11,000 men. They moved onto the next holding in Dorset as Eilif quickly closed in on his 1,000 gold target (818 gold in the treasury, 130 more on the ships).
A review of the ledgers on 12 May revealed that trade had appeared as a new line item in the annual budget, with Tana contributing almost all of the 30.92 gold annually: more now than both tribal and church taxes for the whole Empire combined.
A few days after the second of the Hel worshipping burnings, Jarl Ormr (correctly) accused Chancellor Arnbjörn of Connacht of being a ‘witch and a demon worshipper’. Eilif did not want to see his accomplished, loyal and fellow Hel-worshipper harmed by either denouncing him or threatening him with abjuring himself from factions he showed no interest in joining. The evidence was quietly swept under the carpet.
Dorchester was sacked on 18 May, bring another 88 gold for no troop loss, but the fleet remained on station for now rather than taking the treasure back to Sussex to reach the war chest ambition objective.
In Russia, there were five factions in operation, the two most serious being for elective succession in the Kingdom of Garðariki (21.7%) and in favour of Jarl Gorm (not a member of the faction himself) for the Imperial crown (19.1%). These groups were deemed no immediate threat and left alone for now. But if necessary, Eilif would not hesitate to use either conventional or dark powers to suppress any key troublemakers if it came to it.
On 1 June, what should have been happy news soon turned worrisome, when Eilif’s eight child Ulfr was born. Struggle seemed the most appropriate focus for the weak young boy as the court physician was soon summoned to see what he could do.
Not long after, the old King of Noregr died, dissolving the pact with Eilif when the new King was, who came from a different branch of the family, took over. King Egill soon took Noregr into the Pagan defensive pact, wisely removing it as an easy expansion target for Eilif if he had felt like it after the current raids were over.
Even after receiving this poor news, the next day Eilif recorded in his diary that he again resisted the impulse to torture defenceless prisoners: none of those left could be ransomed, but they would be needed for the next Blot, if nothing else!
Corfe was looted on 24 June (just 11 gold, no losses). Three days later, a very dark chapter in Rurikid history, hidden until the recent discovery and translation of Eilif II’s Infernal Journal, played out. It seemed Hrörekr had been unable to do anything for the ailing baby. Seeing the child was doomed to die anyway, Eilif bid the physician, Gytha and all others to leave the room. He announced he would be taking Ulfr into the woods for a final send off to the underworld in ‘traditional Norse manner’.
Eilif had decided that if Ulfr was doomed anyway, his life force should not be squandered: Waste not, want not, he solemnly inscribed in the Journal. Ulfr was never seen by anyone else again, but Eilif emerged from the process with ‘a new lease on life’. What is written in dark tomes of the ritual likely used is not for the squeamish …
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July-August 976
July passed relatively quietly. On 2 August, the treasure-laden ships of the raiding fleet headed back once more to Sussex and by the 10th Eilif was finished in Dorset and now began to march his 11,270 raiders further west to Devon. That day, he put his carousing days behind him, trading the boost to his diplomatic reach for a new focus.
The fleet had docked and the Imperial war chest have been assembled already, with longer term tax takes also increased. The next day his focus turned to stewardship and his new ambition (the only one left available at that point) turned to seeing the realm prosper. If that came to pass, it would permanently boost his stewardship abilities. Though there was always a chance a tempting war target may sway him from that path.
The raiding fleet returned from Sussex and made for Land’s End, where it arrived on 23 August in time to support the latest raid in Devon. And where Eilif sought to avoid the spreading smallpox epidemic, which had by then covered most of West Francia almost to Italy and was also spreading in the east of southern England.
Orders had been sent back to Russia for the most massive building campaign so far in Russian history. To the few projects already in progress, another five were added. There was a mix between economic and military benefits sought. And even after these were ordered, there was still over 600 gold left in the treasury.
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Questions
Eilif sent three questions back for consideration by the Þing regarding future development. One related to improvements in holdings – such as the Temple of Tikhvin – held by direct junior vassals in demesne counties.
Another asked whether it would be worth founding a new holding – such as a city – the capital. That would cost 594 gold alone and could not practically be held directly by Eilif or a successor. But perhaps the long term tax benefit under feudal rule could make it worthwhile eventually.
The third question was a variation of one that had been asked before, but more money was now available and more would be: with the rising incidence of serious epidemics, including now in Russia itself, would it be worth constructing more basic hospitals in the three other central crown counties (Ladoga, Torzhok and Toropets) at least, if not in other smaller demesne counties.
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Bringing about victory in Denmark's war against Poland ended a bloody but ultimately successful period in Eilif II's reign. The Emperor turned now to contemplate his next moves as the challenge of expanding the burgeoning economy beckoned. Could the Rurikids continue to drag the bulk of their realm out of the backward tribal economy of the Russian steppe? Only time would tell …
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
January-March 974
The outbreak of camp fever was striking close to and then within the Dark Fylkir’s home in late January and mid-February. Two of his sons were afflicted and the doctor was called. The Fylkir certainly wanted his sons to survive, but a part of his by now mad and evilly demented inner mind turned briefly to thoughts of his dark powers and his many children. He did have spares, after all. But he did not act on these dark impulses.
That doom struck them on 13 February and by the 23rd the last raider had been rounded up and slaughtered, for minimal loss.
But young Jarl Ormr of Brabant, now Eilif’s son-in-law, showed he was a traditional Brabant adventurer by launching his latest conquest on Suffolk, seeking to expand his English holdings against the Christian King Sumarliði II.
Despite his seclusion, Gnupa sent a note on 12 March saying his search for the rumoured artefact continued and had made some progress.
Ten days later, all the remaining levies from the Polish War were back in Stettin and were dismissed, taking the host from 14,000 to 7,000 men (the Guard and Jomsvikings remaining under arms). At this point, Russian threat remained high. The Christian pact was strong and Poland had joined it while the troops returned to Stettin and thus before a follow-up war could be safely called against them.
Hakon remained in charge of the army, Eilif commanding the left and the siege specialist Gunnarr the right. The Sacred Raiding Toggle was invoked by the Fylkir in a solemn ceremony and a limited fleet summons issued.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
April-June 974
With the levies dismissed and raiding invoked, the budget was back in surplus (+7.72 gold/month) by 2 April, with 256 in the treasury. The raider began boarding the assembled ships on 11 April and were on board a week later. At which point Eilif succumbed to the quickest case of scurvy ever recorded in Russian raiding annals!
He was just dictating a positive response to Chancellor Arnbjörn on administration in Vyazma when he succumbed. He headed back to shore in a small boat as the raiding army remained aboard. He was quickly returned to the capital as he waited to see how bad his illness would become.
The raiders meanwhile set sail on 21 April for the rich county of Rouen in West Francia as their first intended target.
In Nygarðr, as Eilif attempted to recover from his scurvy, his lover Botulfr’s son Alfr caught the fever. A hard choice needed to be made – but Botulfr was with him in the castle and this was one time the otherwise hard-hearted Dark Fylkir showed his sympathetic side. The doctor was called for the boy, despite the risk of keeping him in the castle.
The fleet arrived off Rouen on 17 May and King Louis V’s potential opposition to the Russians assessed. His could called on an estimated 9,690 men, even though he himself languished in another’s prison. But the raid would go on anyway: if the West Francian’s intervened, then woe to them!
Back home, The Court Physician finished his examination of Eilif and prescribed a regimen of fruit and vegetables for the scurvy. It made little sense to Eilif but was of course exactly the right response. A month later, he had fully recovered. Even if his puns had worsened.
On 3 June, Seeress Ulfhildr was still out on mission in Ösel, trying to convert the heathens to Germanicism so a castle could be built and the crown county changed to a feudal administration. They attacked and wounded her, but she would recover and continued her mission.
In Rouen, the siege was established and by 12 June the 7,000 raiders were ashore and no Francian troops in sight yet.
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July-September 974
The summer brought more ravages from camp fever. On 14 July, the Russian commander Folki was not as lucky as Botulfr’s son: he was expelled from the keep rather than given treatment.
“I don’t care what he thinks, as long as he obeys orders – if he recovers,” was Eilif’s offhand dismissal of the soldier’s objections when relayed to him.
The fever had stopped spreading at Holmgarðr, so the lords to its south were still free to pursue their ambitions and grievances. One such blow-up saw Jarl Styrbjörn ‘the Faceless’ face off (so to speak) against old Jarl Tryggve ‘the Unready’ of Vladimir in a de jure claim over Tryggve’s county of Vologda on 15 July. Eilif ‘let them have their fun’, as he put it.
From 22 July, the Francians began to muster their troops, with 690 spotted in Boulogne and 647 in Mortain, north and south of the raid in Rouen, who then numbered 6,833 after some losses in the siege. By 31 July, more had been added, including some closer to the Russians in Eu, but still only around 2,400 in total. Jarl Gorm’s raiders continued to ignore them, but kept a keen eye out for developments.
On 22 August, High Chieftess Þordis of Lithuania commendably launched her own war on the Polish Revolt, looking to conquer the county of Lepiel, on the principle of ‘the more, the merrier’. Camp fever continued to linger in Holmgarðr, but seemed to have stopped spreading, having affected most of Finland, a patch of Sweden and the north-western corner of Russia up to Narva, Ladoga and the capital itself.
Another note that day was full of what would one day be termed chutzpah: Vigdis was still trying to get Empress Björg killed and now asked Eilif to join the plot!
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October-December 974
September passed quietly, but from early October Francian troop movements in the vicinity of Rouen began to increase. On the 3rd, about 2,700 troops could be seen, spread from Evreux through Paris to Riems, but the all seemed to be moving eastwards. Ten days later, the positions were the same but around another 3,400 Francian troops had appeared in Paris, with the raiders rebuilt to a strength of 7,150 against about 6,000 Francians.
By 23 October, Francia had mustered 7,715 men in Paris, now outnumbering the 7,300 Gorm had at the siege of Rouen, though the Francians had begun heading east, apparently to confront a smaller raiding party in Riems. Five days later, with Francian numbers still climbing as they moved to wipe out the raiders in Riems, a precautionary muster of two of the closer and larger vassal levies was issued. This would see about 2,100 extra troops make their way to the raiding camp in Rouen – just in case. They would take a route designed to avoid crossing paths with the main West Francian army.
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January-March 975
The other contingent of Sviþjod troops from Pfalz made sure they invoked the Toggle as they passed through Brabant in early January. On 10 January, with troop numbers on the rise, another 21 ships were mustered from Brabant’s vassal fleet levy, which would bring total fleet strength to 110: enough to lift the whole army if needs be. Arques was sacked on 12 January, with just 88 raiders lost and 109 gold looted. Folki’s troop ‘Toggled’ in Artois on the 18th and started heading straight back to Rouen.
In Russia, marshal Gnupa reported progress in the artefact hunt and requested additional support, this time from the spy network.
In Francia, Count Guilhem was bringing an army to try to isolate and ambush the last of the reinforcing contingents in Boulogne, but the Sviþjod detachment would escape to Eu by just six days.
The extra troops helped speed up the current siege of Fecamp in Rouen a little, which ended on 2 March with another 74 gold taken and no troops lost. Very satisfactory.
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April-June 975
1 April saw the last gold from Rouen being loaded aboard the fleet. West Francian Count Guihem (5,711 men) was fighting a group of raiders from Celle (1,423 men) in Vexin, with another 2,058 under Count Herbert set to join him from Amiens. By 14 April the raiders began moving along the coast to Boulogne, via Eu, as the Francians finished off their battle in Vexin (now in the pursuit stage).
Five days later, At last Guilhem decided to confront the Russians (now commanded by Folki) after freeing Vexin – but once more, they would just miss their target, this time by just one day. The Russians did not fear losing, but as it was a raid, they did wish to avoid the unnecessary loss of lives that would result from a large pitched battle.
In Francia the chase continued, with Folki due to evade his pursuers in Eu by just two days as he made for Boulogne, where he should be able to defend behind a river if the Francians did attack.
After a period of comparative peace for the followers of Hel, a low-level Fellowship member was found and burned on 4 June. Another would suffer the same fate almost a year later at the hands of King Sigurðr’s Seer. But again, it was only a minor, unlanded low-born member, so Eilif just shrugged his shoulders on both occasions. The cost of doing Hel’s business, he noted in his Infernal Journal.
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July-September 975
In early July, an outbreak of smallpox centred on Boulogne, Yperen and Eu began. The siege of the castle was almost over, so the raiders decided to finish that off then get away from this nasty disease. The sacking of Boulogne yielded 40 gold on 20 July, having cost 272 troops. All the loot had gone straight to nearby Artois (rather than the fleet) and thus straight into the Imperial coffers. The raiders quickly headed back to the ships, hoping they hadn’t brought the epidemic with them.
By 3 August, they were in the Solent and started to land in Winchester – another of King Louis' possession, which stretched from there through to Cornwall at that time. All of them rich. Winchester bordered Sussex (a Brabantian holding) so again, the loot would go straight there rather than the ships, boosting the treasury more quickly.
Back in Russia, the war between the Faceless and the Unready spurred something of a changing of the guard in the upper echelons of the Empire and its Council. Whether in battle or after a siege, on 16 August Tryggve was captured and imprisoned by Jarl Styrbjörn. This resulted in a forced removal of old Tryggve from his position as one of the Advisors. Young Jarl Ormr, who coveted and indeed expected a position on the Council due to his powerful holdings, was appointed to the vacancy on the 18th.
Good news came at the end of the month with knowledge of trade practices in Tana advancing to the point that improvements could start to be made to the trade post there. With the treasury healthy and the future rewards great, construction was started straight away.
By the start of September, camp fever had almost gone, but persisted in Holmgarðr and Ladoga an on the north-eastern coast of the Gulf of Bothnia. The gate of the capital remained shut. On 12 September, one Haukr ‘the Cleansing Flame’ declared a rebellion against his liege Jarl Hildur II of Austergautland in the name of a claimant, Kraka. Eilif cared little for such sideshows and let them do their worst.
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October-December 975
Some time before 1 October 975, Eilif’s young sons Helgi and Karl had fully recovered from their earlier bouts of camp fever. The threat definitely seemed to be receding – and no rats, or worse, had needed to be consumed by the courtiers isolated in the keep!
Ormr won the race to win his claim against the Polish revolt on 15 October. This meant the renamed county of Stolp was added to the Empire, linking up the Russian-held lands across the north German coast of the Baltic. This also resulted in the Revolt collapsing and Lithuania’s conquest of Lepiel lapsing.
Winchester was looted of 53 gold on 18 November for no loss, the Eilif’s raiding host now numbering 10,349.
Gnupa advised his artefact search was making progress and now requested a large levy of soldiers to assist. Given there was no shortage of troops for Eilif to employ and no large war on the immediate horizon, this time the request was agreed to. But the artefact had better be found and be worth it for the dynasty – the cost kept increasing.
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January-March 976
The infidel victimisation of King Sigbjörn – already known as ‘the Lion’ even at his young age – won out on 13 January 976. It seems he lost his own demesne lands in the settlement and had to usurp that of one of his vassals in Apulia.
On 28 January, another internecine conflict broke out, this time Jarl Oddr of Verstergautland claiming Austergautland from Jarl Hildur II of Austergautland, who now faced both an internal revolt and external claim war for his Jarldom.
The next day, Eilif descended on the West Francian army in Wareham – and it was not pretty for the Christians. They were wiped out to a man, in a great slaughter, with only three Russian troops killed.
Frustrated in her attempt to take Lepiel from the Polish revolt earlier in the year, on 22 February Þordis launched a 3rd Lithuanian conquest of Zemgale against King Maslaw of Poland. Hopefully the recent defeat of the Poles in the great war would help her achieve this difficult task.
A month later, reports showed the smallpox epidemic was spreading all the way from Normandy to Holland and well into the interior and had now moved into south-east England, where consumption also still lingered a little further north. But despite the stress and bad news, Eilif continued to resist torture impulses, gaining a little piety every time he did – no matter how tempting it was to indulge in a little pleasurable recreation.
His humour was improved a little on 29 March with the sack of Wareham in Dorset, seizing 42 gold without losing a man. The next day, Prince Alfr made a rather cheeky request of his father for more land: the crown county of Toropets, no less! Alfr may be a little peeved [-5 opinion] about this for the next ten years, but Eilif was not about to breakup the strong central Imperial demesne for a grasping child.
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April-June 976
Sherbourne was looted on 23 April for 58 gold, once more for no loss, with the raiding army now numbering almost 11,000 men. They moved onto the next holding in Dorset as Eilif quickly closed in on his 1,000 gold target (818 gold in the treasury, 130 more on the ships).
A review of the ledgers on 12 May revealed that trade had appeared as a new line item in the annual budget, with Tana contributing almost all of the 30.92 gold annually: more now than both tribal and church taxes for the whole Empire combined.
A few days after the second of the Hel worshipping burnings, Jarl Ormr (correctly) accused Chancellor Arnbjörn of Connacht of being a ‘witch and a demon worshipper’. Eilif did not want to see his accomplished, loyal and fellow Hel-worshipper harmed by either denouncing him or threatening him with abjuring himself from factions he showed no interest in joining. The evidence was quietly swept under the carpet.
Dorchester was sacked on 18 May, bring another 88 gold for no troop loss, but the fleet remained on station for now rather than taking the treasure back to Sussex to reach the war chest ambition objective.
In Russia, there were five factions in operation, the two most serious being for elective succession in the Kingdom of Garðariki (21.7%) and in favour of Jarl Gorm (not a member of the faction himself) for the Imperial crown (19.1%). These groups were deemed no immediate threat and left alone for now. But if necessary, Eilif would not hesitate to use either conventional or dark powers to suppress any key troublemakers if it came to it.
On 1 June, what should have been happy news soon turned worrisome, when Eilif’s eight child Ulfr was born. Struggle seemed the most appropriate focus for the weak young boy as the court physician was soon summoned to see what he could do.
Corfe was looted on 24 June (just 11 gold, no losses). Three days later, a very dark chapter in Rurikid history, hidden until the recent discovery and translation of Eilif II’s Infernal Journal, played out. It seemed Hrörekr had been unable to do anything for the ailing baby. Seeing the child was doomed to die anyway, Eilif bid the physician, Gytha and all others to leave the room. He announced he would be taking Ulfr into the woods for a final send off to the underworld in ‘traditional Norse manner’.
Eilif had decided that if Ulfr was doomed anyway, his life force should not be squandered: Waste not, want not, he solemnly inscribed in the Journal. Ulfr was never seen by anyone else again, but Eilif emerged from the process with ‘a new lease on life’. What is written in dark tomes of the ritual likely used is not for the squeamish …
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July-August 976
July passed relatively quietly. On 2 August, the treasure-laden ships of the raiding fleet headed back once more to Sussex and by the 10th Eilif was finished in Dorset and now began to march his 11,270 raiders further west to Devon. That day, he put his carousing days behind him, trading the boost to his diplomatic reach for a new focus.
The fleet had docked and the Imperial war chest have been assembled already, with longer term tax takes also increased. The next day his focus turned to stewardship and his new ambition (the only one left available at that point) turned to seeing the realm prosper. If that came to pass, it would permanently boost his stewardship abilities. Though there was always a chance a tempting war target may sway him from that path.
Orders had been sent back to Russia for the most massive building campaign so far in Russian history. To the few projects already in progress, another five were added. There was a mix between economic and military benefits sought. And even after these were ordered, there was still over 600 gold left in the treasury.
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Questions
Eilif sent three questions back for consideration by the Þing regarding future development. One related to improvements in holdings – such as the Temple of Tikhvin – held by direct junior vassals in demesne counties.
Ch134 Q1: Improving Subordinate Holdings. I’ve asked variations of this before, but the circumstances have moved on a bit. Still best to let the holders do this, or are there a few such projects people think are worth doing for those sub-vassal holdings in the crown counties? My default assumption is ‘no’, but would be interested to hear if there are ‘alternate views’.
Another asked whether it would be worth founding a new holding – such as a city – the capital. That would cost 594 gold alone and could not practically be held directly by Eilif or a successor. But perhaps the long term tax benefit under feudal rule could make it worthwhile eventually.
Ch134 Q2: Creating New Holdings. Pretty straight forward. It’s a big expense and there’s a lot of other building projects to be done, but is now the time to start expanding the core Imperial demesne by ‘building up’?
The third question was a variation of one that had been asked before, but more money was now available and more would be: with the rising incidence of serious epidemics, including now in Russia itself, would it be worth constructing more basic hospitals in the three other central crown counties (Ladoga, Torzhok and Toropets) at least, if not in other smaller demesne counties.
Ch134 Q3: More Hospitals. Again, asked fairly recently and I ended up just building one in Holmgarðr itself, but would it be worth putting another in Ladoga, Torzhok and/or Toropets in due course? I can only build basic (level 1) establishments at present, until the relevant tech improves.
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Latium was bigger than I expected. Weak crusade in number on each side esp. Catholic. How did Tryggve live to 77? Even though Alfr has five points less than the heir, I like that he has better martial (bigger levy) and stewardship (income and demense size). 1) Unless you have a big bank account, vassals can build their own improvments. 2) Build holdings early. Then you and vassal can be working. 3) Hospitals in your core. Thank you for updating.
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I didn't even get the pun about a door hinge
maybe she's good material for some dark magic?
Stress is a way to the grave, there were some personal focuses that help to get rid of stress but I cannot remember from the top of my head. Was it family maybe?
EDIT: focus ship has already sailed, but Eilif already found some supernatural ways to keep himself alive anyway
This would be a great boon to the empire, and would also prevent having an overly strong vassal. Once we're contiguous, maybe we can go for a few more trade post provinces.
If you want to make a vassal love you, outright bribing has decreasing returns. Building a building for them adds an extra kick! Other than this unless there's a special vassal you want to nurture or something, let them do it.
On the long run, filling the holdings are always good. How many holdings are there now at the capital? You can try the decision to call jomsvikings to the capital, that decision auto-builds a holding but I don't remember what it was. Or was it a hospital? Not sure. Either way, once you have a city and a temple you can build yet another castle which you can directly hold.
No idea about this
Great episode, and great AAR in general, I'm so happy you started this and keep going! Cheers!
EDIT: forgot to tell, the crown prince stats seem great, I hope he loses stressed quickly
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Eilif's raiding proceeded well. Russia can definitely make use of that money. But seeing how weak the crusade was, I'd say he should have saved Norse Italy. Could have made for a good ally in the future while also weakening the Catholics.
He's also truly going down the Dark Fylkir's past... and once he's begun sacrificing children, there's nothing stopping him from seeing any future children he might have as nothing else but life-prolonging measures for himself .
Then you'd have to hand out distant counties, but focusing imperial power can be worth it.
For me it's only really worth it if you've got more money than you can spend.
He's also truly going down the Dark Fylkir's past... and once he's begun sacrificing children, there's nothing stopping him from seeing any future children he might have as nothing else but life-prolonging measures for himself
.Your own lands are more important. Building for your vassals might be a good idea if you want to improve their opinion, but else don't bother. The stronger your own lands in comparison, the less you need to worry about factions.
It's a good idea, as that income can't be taken from you as long as you hold on to your demesne. Generally, if you wish to focus on a strong demesne, it can also pay off to hold multiple castles in your core counties/duchy - you get more men out of them then from distant holdings, but it takes a while to build them up.
Then you'd have to hand out distant counties, but focusing imperial power can be worth it.
Basic hospitals do nothing as long as they don't have the basic buildings like the leper colony. IMHO, protecting your capital is far more important than other counties, as those other ones are only protected from the disease modifiers - your court doesn't care.
For me it's only really worth it if you've got more money than you can spend.
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1) I would sometimes build up the money producing buildings for vassals, but only when there wasn't other things worth building for myself. Or at least things that aren't really really expensive.
2) This is a much better way to spend your money. It's a long-term thing but will greatly improve your strength.
3) I find them more useful for the tech boost than for disease. In fact, I recall an analysis which claimed they were counter-productive because they made disease last far longer when it did spread.
2) This is a much better way to spend your money. It's a long-term thing but will greatly improve your strength.
3) I find them more useful for the tech boost than for disease. In fact, I recall an analysis which claimed they were counter-productive because they made disease last far longer when it did spread.
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Thanks for the comments and advice everyone!
The Questions
Ch134 Q1: Improving Subordinate Holdings. I’ve asked variations of this before, but the circumstances have moved on a bit. Still best to let the holders do this, or are there a few such projects people think are worth doing for those sub-vassal holdings in the crown counties? My default assumption is ‘no’, but would be interested to hear if there are ‘alternate views’.
Ch134 Q2: Creating New Holdings. Pretty straight forward. It’s a big expense and there’s a lot of other building projects to be done, but is now the time to start expanding the core Imperial demesne by ‘building up’?
Ch134 Q3: More Hospitals. Again, asked fairly recently and I ended up just building one in Holmgarðr itself, but would it be worth putting another in Ladoga, Torzhok and/or Toropets in due course? I can only build basic (level 1) establishments at present, until the relevant tech improves.
Thanks all, next step is to play another session through - I will do my best to move the story along a bit quicker, given its four years of the AAR and still quite a way off from the 11th century!!
A pity to let the Latium crusade pass, but we were otherwise occupied. Tryggve was pretty effective along the way, only stumbled at the end. Hoping I can improve the Styrbjorn more through focus chains etc once I get control of him.
Indeed.
Haha, that's a possibility for Eilif. Though Styrbjorn may well just opt for some nice concubines - if she survives Eilif's attentions!
Yes, no point him going half-heartedly (or heartlessly) down the Dark Path.Stress is a way to the grave, there were some personal focuses that help to get rid of stress but I cannot remember from the top of my head. Was it family maybe?
EDIT: focus ship has already sailed, but Eilif already found some supernatural ways to keep himself alive anyway
Will try to find where they are if/when the time comes.
Thanks! At least there's plenty of spares if Styrbjorn doesn't make it ... unless Eilif starts eating more of them!!
Thanks!
It did this time. Good to go with a large and well-armed host - not the light-inf dominated parties of Rurik's time.
That is indeed where he's probably looking now. Though in this case, his rationale was that the child was going to die anyway ... which makes it oh so much nicerHe's also truly going down the Dark Fylkir's past... and once he's begun sacrificing children, there's nothing stopping him from seeing any future children he might have as nothing else but life-prolonging measures for himself
The Questions
Ch134 Q1: Improving Subordinate Holdings. I’ve asked variations of this before, but the circumstances have moved on a bit. Still best to let the holders do this, or are there a few such projects people think are worth doing for those sub-vassal holdings in the crown counties? My default assumption is ‘no’, but would be interested to hear if there are ‘alternate views’.
That pretty much confirms my assumptions then. There's plenty to spend on in owned holdings in the core counties first. I wasn't going to do it for independent vassals - just the ones (like mayors or priests) in the core crown counties. But there's enough work to be done on demesne core holdings for a long time yet.
Ch134 Q2: Creating New Holdings. Pretty straight forward. It’s a big expense and there’s a lot of other building projects to be done, but is now the time to start expanding the core Imperial demesne by ‘building up’?
This is still pretty early in the game longer term, so it's a viable consideration, I think.
The capital is just the castle, temple and city. Other than the ones they come with or are added when feudalised, I haven't built any new holdings yet.
So is the advice I should only build new castle holdings and keep them with the PC? Rather than say building a new city and drawing whatever tax it pays after installing a Mayor?
Thanks. I will look to do the first new holding in the capital, of course, when the time comes.
Ch134 Q3: More Hospitals. Again, asked fairly recently and I ended up just building one in Holmgarðr itself, but would it be worth putting another in Ladoga, Torzhok and/or Toropets in due course? I can only build basic (level 1) establishments at present, until the relevant tech improves.
OK, will focus on the capital then and have to wait for tech to advance so that upgrades can be made.
Interesting. In any case, they will remain a low priority for now.
Thanks all, next step is to play another session through - I will do my best to move the story along a bit quicker, given its four years of the AAR and still quite a way off from the 11th century!!
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Chapter 135: Looting, Building and Fighting (29 August 976 to 19 May 980)
Chapter 135: Looting, Building and Fighting (29 August 976 to 19 May 980)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … August 976 found the Emperor in a period of raiding, building, consolidation and reduction of threat in an effort to break down the large Pagan and Christian defensive pacts that had formed against him in recent times. He was now focused on amassing and spending wealth to build his empire and dynasty as Russia slowly developed its feudal institutions. Personally, he had gone on a dark path, sacrificing his latest dying young son to prolong his health through dark rituals …
1. Raiding: 976-78
The current great raid continued in Devon from August through to November 976 in a routine fashion. Then, on 7 November one of the flank commanders, the lowborn Folki [Martial 19] died of (non-epidemic) camp fever whilst on campaign. Hjalmar Yngling, then marshal of Heidmark [Martial 18] was invited to the Russian court and to Folki’s appointment as an Imperial commander when he arrived on the 23rd, bringing a minor Noregr county claim with him.
By 13 March, the available plunder had been looted from the four Devonshire holdings and countryside (172 gold for no troop losses), but all the new ships had not yet arrived. One of Jarl Ormr’s levy companies was detached and sent to Ireland to wait in Hlymrek while the fleet returned to pick up the rest some weeks later.
On 23 May Eilif, still commanding the raid personally despite a bout of ill-health (described later), with Dobrynia [Martial 22] having replaced Folki and the siege specialist Gunnarr [Martial 19] still on the other flank, set off for the county of Desmond in Ireland and would arrive there on 8 July 977 to start the next phase of the raid.
Once the contingent in Hlymrek rejoined them, they would have over 11,600 men and 122 ships as they plundered away, again without any real fear of interference. They had learned the lessons of their ambush by the Umayyads some years before in Spain and were avoiding large potential adversaries, as they did the smallpox epidemic ravaging continental Europe and now southern England.
The raiders landed next in Santiago – part of a small Christian enclave that would not draw Umayyad ire, with the local lord having fewer than a tenth of the troops of the raiding party. Of note, on 9 July 978 the long-serving Gunnarr (Russia’s only siege specialist) left on a career of adventuring, gathering a host and going on to eventually pillage successfully in Bulgaria – and beyond the ken of this chronicle.
His place in Santiago was taken by Malmfrið, who replaced Morag as a commander after being made a shieldmaiden by her cousin - Emperor Eilif. Her special relationship with the Emperor dating from this period will be dealt with in more detail below, when the Dark Fylkir’s personal life is discussed (in Part 5). But suffice it to say, Eilif (still suffering from poor health) wanted his favourites around him, so Botulfr was summoned to command the other division. Eilif had decided he may as well ‘enjoy’ good company whilst out in foreign fields.
In early October 978, it was discovered that the raiding fleet had been reduced to just 89 ships after vassal successions back in Russia had led to 27 ships being recalled. It was no problem for treasure storage, but would mean the raiding group would need to be transported in two groups when it moved next.
This happened shortly afterwards on 5 November, when the last bit of gold was extracted from Santiago: it had provided a rich haul of around 300 gold from five holdings, though costing another 568 siege-related casualties among the raiders. Eilif took his Imperial Retinue and the levy companies (3,827 men) in the first voyage back to Ormr’s province of Westfriesland. Hakon took charge of the 7,666 Jomsvikings who remained in Santiago. This ended the great raid – a new challenge would face the troops once they arrived back in Russian lands.
2. Building: 977-79
The spoils of earlier raiding had led to many new projects in Eilif’s demesne lands being commissioned in 975 and 976, culminating in the largest program yet begun in August 976. These earlier projects would come to fruition in 977 and new ones begun as the funds from raiding and gradually increasing domestic tax revenues flowed in, especially as troop maintenance costs during the raids were minimised.
New stables were built in Yamsky Gorodok on January 977, then the biggest new project yet was begun in the capital county: a new castle holding was commenced the next day and would take until October 978 to complete.
With the completion of rudimentary trade offices for the Tana trade post in March, work on a mercenary garrison was commenced, while the hillfort of the still tribal main holding continued its upgrade.
When that was completed on 2 August, work on a stone hillfort was begun – which would allow conversion into a castle and feudalisation of the county once built. A few days later, a castle town was completed in Vyazma. Then on 15 August, the first castle walls were finished in Roslavl. With local tech not yet high enough to extend the castle walls and thus gain access to new training grounds or a Druzhina (heavy infantry and cavalry) training ground, 73 gold was invested in building some basic castle fortifications.
30 October 977 saw (level 2) castle walls finished in Starya Russa (Toropets) and 280 gold put into expanding the barracks (to level 3). Militia training grounds in Nygarðr (Holmgarðr) were expanded again (to level 3) on 26 December, with new stables (139 gold) commissioned the same day: Russia at this time was hoping to redress its ‘traditional’ relative weakness in cavalry.
Early February 978 brought the first castle fortifications in Roslavl, followed a few days later by the beginning of a new castle town – feeding the other current Rurukid thirst for greater revenue.
But the biggest ‘double bonus’ for many years came in mid-July 978: within six days, Seeress Ulfhildr finally managed to convert Ösel to Germanicism and the stone hillfort was finished in Tana. This meant both counties could be converted into feudal holdings. And with a new barony to hand out, Eilif decided to give it to the youngest of his now four adult sons, the recently ‘graduated’ Prince Helgi. Castle walls were also begun in Tana, as some additional protection for this distant and exposed but lucrative county seemed prudent to the Dark Fylkir.
The small mercenary garrison was delivered in Tana on 11 October, but trade practices technology would need to improve there before any further development of the Silk Route trade post could be commenced. Instead, money was spent to increase the Imperial Retinue to which the mercenary garrison had contributed capacity. A third cavalry retinue was added.
The new castle holding of Chudovo was completed in Holmgarðr on 27 October 978 and kept under direct Imperial control with Eilif as Þegn, increasing his demesne above the level the vassals felt acceptable (9/8). The new barony would become a focal point for improvement, will castle walls the first to go up (69 gold) – all that could be afforded given the treasury was back down to 100 gold by then. What Eilif really wanted was a shipyard in the castle of Moon in Ösel: but that would cost 146 gold.
The new stables were finished in Nygarðr on 14 November, but the treasury was now down to only 36 gold, so anything more would have to wait.
After more raiding income arrived in January 979, the next addition was again to the Guard, with a second skirmish retinue added, principally to redress something of a shortage more widely in archers. At the same time, the new castle town was completed in Roslavl.
By then, Russia was at war again (which we will follow below) so a large surplus was kept in the treasury in case of emergencies or increased troop costs. The castle walls were finished in Tana on 4 July and a barracks in Starya Russa (Toropets) on 18 August. But the next new build was left until 18 September, when Chudovo’s castle walls were finished and a castle town set in train (139 gold).
The last few years had seen the greatest construction work in the history of the personal Rurikid demesne.
3. Politics, Religion and Epidemics: 976-980
Marshal Gnupa was out of his own county’s epidemic lockdown and back on the hunt for the rumoured artefact by October 976. Just two months later he returned to court bearing the hand of a great (though unnamed) hero, which would augment Rurik’s Neckbiter to improve the Emperor's martial reputation.
Eilif agreed that Gnupa deserved a reward but was reluctant to part with precious cash. So be broke his usual rule and granted the loyal Marshal and Hel Brother a favour instead, expecting it may never be called in before one or the other died.
In mid-February 977, with the realm at peace and three prisoners - who Eilif had carefully refrained from torturing and could not be ransomed - in the dungeons, the Dark Fylkir decided it was time for another Great Blot. Though he remained in nominal command of the raiders then in Devonshire, he must have taken a fast ship back to Russia at this time, because he is recorded as participating in the festivities.
A large throng of vassals attended the rare event and all enjoyed the hangings which progressed in early March, whether Hel devotees or not. Though Eilif was a little miffed by the burning of a lowborn Hel Brother by Jarl Arni the Cruel of Sviþjod on 1 March in a kind of ‘off campus’ celebration by the Odinites.
Undeterred, the blot festivities continued, with not one but two of Eilif’s Imperial Councillors making asses of themselves. But all round, a good time was had by all and opinion of the Emperor duly bolstered for a while.
In mid-May, Eilif’s son Prince Alfr of Nyland, completely unaware of his father's dark secret, saw another lowborn Hel Brother, Mayor Knut of Esbo, burned.
By August 977, smallpox was raging through the northern half of Francia, south-east England and Holland. Measles was infecting north-eastern Italy around Venice and a massive outbreak of consumption was sweeping the land east of the Caspian Sea. But Russia remained safe again, for now.
On 4 January 978, Spymaster Emund found incriminating evidence against Eilif’s pesky half-brother and inveterate faction leader (and Court Jester) Prince Ingólfr of Sarpa. He took his medicine like a good boy and within a few weeks had abandoned the leadership of the two factions he had headed ‘for the foreseeable future’. Throughout this period, factions were never a great problem, but it was always good to minimise their influence – without having to resort to the draining expenditure of dark power.
By June 978, the great smallpox epidemic was receding in Francia but spreading in England and hanging on in western Germany. The raiders were in Spain by then and well clear of the disease outbreaks. However, a new measles outbreak started in the fringe Russian Black Sea county of Abkhazia in December of the same year.
Things remained quiet politically and on the religious front in Russia through 979, with Imperial income still in surplus despite a new war to fight.
Another lowborn Hel Sister was burned in Hlymrek in February 980, but overall numbers were healthy despite these periodic losses of Fellowship ‘small fry’.
By May 980, the only major disease outbreak remaining in Europe was at its edges: the measles outbreak had grown significantly from Abkhazia, but seemed to be heading south into Byzantine lands. Tana and other Russian counties remained largely unaffected.
4. Major Vassal Successions and Wars: 976-980
As had been the case for many years, the predominant expansion of Russian lands continued to come through the actions of zealous jarls, mostly powerful, sometimes just hopeful wannabes. There was the usual share of noble revolts, succession upheavals and internal wars, some successful, others not. Only the major events over the four-year period will be described here.
On 6 October 976, Jarl Gorm the Lionheart announced he was preparing to invade the lands of Khan Eldeçyuk the Bold of Cumania. That invasion would eventually begin on 21 September 978: but Cumania was by this time a small realm compared to its glory days, though the war continued into May 980.
Old Jarl Tryggve had been trying to conquer Galaz from King Kornél of Bulgaria but was caught unready again, imprisoned (probably from a battlefield loss) on 11 October 976. Within eight days he had capitulated and was released – otherwise unharmed – on the 19th. Now aged 78, the Jarl of Ryazan would continue to be a major player in the Russian realm for a while yet.
Jarl Hildur’s turn to depart the stage came in April 977, succeeded by his fitter but mediocre-looking son Ottarr as Jarl of Austerbotn.
The (actually) young Ottarr did not keep his Jarldom for long, with Jarl Oddr II the Young (65 at the time) of Verstgautland usurping Austergautland on 25 October 977 after a brief claim war, cementing his place as one of the leading lords of the Swedish realm.
The peasants of Livland (945 men) rose on 1 November 977. As the local lords had no ability to handle it themselves, a force of levies (2,139 in total) was soon raised in Holmgarðr and Toropets and sent off to deal with them. Livland fell to the rebels on 20 December and it took until 20 January 978 for the Russian army under Dobrynia and Botulfr, to close with them. The battle was wrapped up by 10 February (25 Russian and 447 rebel casualties); the rebellion was defeated, its leader imprisoned and the small army disbanded again.
The difficult Rurikid kinsman Jarl Styrbjörn was murdered by some ‘bit player’ in a new Tverian revolt in August 978. This led to the already powerful and but absolutely loyal Jarl Gorm expanding his realm even further, though not taking all of the titles held by ‘the Faceless’. Gorm by then was a drunkard and not very well, but if he did die his son Bersi (who seemed to like his father not at all) seemed to be well enough disposed to his emperor.
Note Cumania on the map, now just a rump realm on the steppe.
The next month, Jarl Tryggve de Normandie ‘the Unready’ finally keeled over at the age of 80 – not of old age but the Great Pox. A fully lived life, that’s for sure! His son Bo took the Jarldom of Vladimir, but a previously unknown friend of Tryggve’s became Jarl of the more powerful Ryazan. And he immediately wanted a position on the Council – which to be fair he had some competencies for. But at 60, Eilif was unlikely to choose him at the expense of better qualified incumbents.
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On 7 February 979, Þordis continued Lithuania’s useful expansionist tradition by conquering Zemgale (now renamed Riga) from King Maslaw of Poland at Lithaunia’s third attempt.
The unhealthy Jarl Bo of Vladimir did not enjoy his title for long, dying of ‘poor physique’ at the age of 47 on 3 May 979. His son Klas de Normandie succeeded him, at 27 a younger and healthier choice.
Prince Arngrimr thought he would take advantage of Polish weakness by declaring a conquest of Kurzemi (just west of Riga) in June 979. But with only 559 troops to his name, his chances of succeeding looked slim. This adventure would end tragically for Arngrimr less than a year later, with his death from ‘severe stress’ (as it was carefully labelled in the Rurikid Chronicle), seemingly after a bout of depression perhaps exacerbated by his rash conquest attempt. Arngrimr had no child, so the title returned to Eilif.
The title would then be granted to young Prince Karl, who already had a strong claim on the county.
In yet another Brabantian acquisition, Eilif’s son-in-law Jarl Ormr launched a conquest of Kent in August 979 - which would ultimately be won by February the next year. Even while his Emperor still supported another war he had launched on the continent earlier, but since seemed to have lost interest in (more on that below in Part 6).
5. Personal and Family Matters: 976-980
As Eilif reached his mid-forties, his life went through some quite profound changes. First, with only one of his original concubines still living, in August 976 he decided to find two new ones to ‘keep him company’. Later revelations led to insinuations by modern historians this may have been to provide some additional ‘excess’ children, just in case he needed more Hellish healing at some point, but his true motivations at the time were unclear. There were other possible explanations …
Kraka and Linda were both lowborn, available, of child-bearing age and in Linda’s case, had an interesting reputation as an ‘impaler’ that matched Eilif’s own character.
Arngrmr, whose sad demise less than four years later we have already mentioned, came of age in September 976. Though already stressed, his excellent money-making skills had him being mentioned as a future Imperial Steward. Alas, this would never come to pass. His betrothed was definitely ‘unimpressive’, but again, this never became an issue for the future of the Imperial bloodline.
But this example did lead Eilif to arrange the brightest prospect he could for his youngest son Karl and to ‘lock’ the marriage discretion of all his remaining unmarried children. Karl would prove the longer term prospect for Lettgallen in any case.
Eilif’s oldest surviving concubine and mother of three of his children (one now dead by sacrifice), Gytha the Shieldmaiden, died of natural causes on 4 July 977. She would not be immediately replaced.
It was in January 977 that the first big indication of the Dark Fylkir’s hard secret life catching up with him manifested itself for all to see, to the detriment of all his major functions. An unexplained but persistent infirmity struck him.
Eilif, who remained in command of the raid in Devonshire, turned his thoughts immediately to his three then adult sons. His heir Styrbjörn was devoted to his father and considered the diplomat of the family – a skill Eilif lacked. Though he too was stressed. Alfr was a fair financial manager but mediocre in all other talents. Arngrimr we have already seen – and we know his fate.
Soon after this affliction began and with no offer of treatment coming from his Physician, Eilif tried some private healing of his own to see if he could banish this worrying condition.
But there was no miracle: his resumption of dark rituals caused rumours and there was no amazing cure for the infirmity.
Then one of his new concubines, Kraka, died of the great pox on 4 July 977. Given she’d not had the malady before coming to court and Eilif did not have it. Infirmity sapped his already weak libido for women and there were suspicions about how she acquired it but the issue was not pursued – the Emperor had more important concerns. And was back down to one concubine again.
Prince Helgi was the next son to come of age, on 1 August 977. He had no title at that stage (though would be granted one later, as mentioned above). His betrothal to the dull but well-connected Linda was approved in the end, given her brother was now King of Noregr and she brought a claim for the kingdom with her to Russia. The marriage would bring some diplomatic options with it as well, given King Egill had joined the Pagan Pact against Eilif.
But Eilif’s next family concern was a somewhat disconcerting one. His brother King Sigurðr had lost his wife and requested a new one from Eilif: Eilif’s own daughter Princess Björg – Sigurðr’s niece! She would make a good spymaster and wanted a husband so, there being no seeming legal prohibition against it, Eilif acceded, knowing it would bind his powerful brother even closer to him.
In mid-April 978 another major change was sparked in Eilif’s life, which continued fully even under the shadow of his infirmity. His cousin – and Hel Sister – Malmfrið called with a lascivious proposition. Ever the hedonist, Eilif took her offer up. And it changed his desires. Best of all, while Malmfrið became his new lover, Botulfr (a Hel brother, of course) remained his lover as well.
As we saw in the discussion of the Great Raid (in Part 1), Malmfrið was an accomplished warrior who Eilif first made a shieldmaiden and then a commander, taking her as a concubine as well. Then ensuring both she and Botulfr ‘commanded his flanks’ in the raiding party! He may be infirm now, but could still enjoy himself. It was still good to be the Emperor. While he was at it , he took another woman, one Þora from Gotland, to be his third concubine.
Eilif was no longer under suspicion by November 978, so tried yet another Dark Healing ritual, but this also failed to produce the desired miracle cure for his infirmity … and put him right back under suspicion again. By that time Chief Þorgil ‘the Drunkard’, chief of three English counties under Ormr of Brabant and his Marshal, was a Visendmaðr in the Fellowship (membership healthy at 43) and its Deputy.
In September 979, with all the pressures and health concerns the Dark Fykir had piling on him, it seems he overcome by it all – and by too many toasts of potent mead. In his distress after a fall and knowing in his heart the toll prolonged infirmity was taking on him (not to mention the ravages of Dark Sorcery on his body and soul), he sought help. From the loyal (in part due to an earlier possession, to be frank) and powerful Jarl Gorm, himself a man who liked his drink, as demonstrated at the recent Great Blot.
Only to be rejected and treated with contempt! This outcome confirmed Eilif in his binge and made the two bitter rivals – though the things they held in common and Gorm’s previous binding by dark power ameliorated the effect of the rivalry to make it in effect a mild dislike. An effort to offset this – and bind Gorm even closer – through induction into the Fellowship failed soon after. The faction in Gorm’s name (though usually without his participation) had at least disbanded on 1 October.
The personal sadness and anger Eilif may have felt at this breaking of a previously close relationship with one of the most powerful lords in the realm and fellow Rurikid scion was softened early in 980 when his cousin and concubine Malmfrið became pregnant! Their love for each other was complete and it seems Eilif’s infirmity had not sapped all the energy from him. Or from his Great Serpent!
6. Foreign Affairs and War: 977-980
In mid-September 977, the Russian raiding party was in Ireland, in the early stages of its looting of Desmond. News came through that King Hroðulfr had succumbed to a wound, perhaps suffered in a previous conflict. Unfortunately for Russia, this dissolved the non-aggression pact the two realms had enjoyed due to marriage ties. His son Björn took the crown – and was just as mediocre a ruler as his father had been.
Though Björn had soon joined the anti-Eilif Pagan Defensive Pact, the relations between the two remained close enough that a new non-aggression pact was concluded before the end of the month.
The aggressive King Halsten ‘the Monster’ won his invasion of England on 23 January 978. A few days after doing so, he formally changed the name of his realm from Jorvik to England. The deposed Sumarliði subsequently adopted the title of King of Irland.
In July, Eilif began a new diplomatic push, with his first move being to betroth his niece Ulfhildr to one of Halsten’s much younger sons. After the proposal was accepted it was followed up with a proposal for a full alliance. Eilif figured that despite Halsten’s expansionist approach, his genius for warfare and very large army should make him a good partner. And better to have him in the tent, rather than outside it.
Halsten did not wait long, declaring a conquest on Middlesex against the hapless King Louis V of West Francia. He seemed to be moving to unite as much of England under his rule as he could, another reason for an alliance to protect Ormr’s holdings held in Russia’s name. The other main player in Britain remained Sumarliði, now based in Ireland, Scotland and western Wales.
By mid-November 978, we have seen earlier the raid in Santiago was winding up. It was at that point that Ormr declared another conquest war – this time against the formidable Teutonic Hochmeister Friedrich. Successful as he often was in such ventures, Eilif did not believe he could win this war without strong assistance. With the raid finishing, Eilif decided to pitch in to assist his son-in-law, as taking Bremen would help expand Russia’s position in northern Germany and would hopefully keep the now recovered Teutons in their place.
The first contingent of 3,827 Russian troops from Santiago was on its way back to Westfriesland on the 14th. By early December, Hochmeister Friedrich’s troop numbers were increasing: he now had over 12,000 mustered, with 9,334 of those ‘hired’ (presumably the Teutonic Order itself).
In response, on 10 December Eilif mustered his personal levies in Russia (around 5,300 men) and called King Halsten to join the war against the Teutons. The Russian levies were ordered to march ‘the long way’ through Finland and Sweden, rather than risk them trying to pick their way through neutral and hostile ground in central Europe.
Denmark was already at war with the Teutons and was facing a revolt as well against Björn’s rule. But Eilif proposed a formal alliance anyway. Halsten pledged his support and Björn agreed to the alliance, while the treasure fleet docked by the end of the month, which also replenished the treasury. They turned around and sailed back to Santiago to bring the Jomsvikings to join the fight.
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It was no great surprise when Björn called on Eilif to assist with his civil war against the powerful Danish Revolt a couple of weeks later.
On 7 March, Eilif’s army began march from Westfriesland to Bremen when the main Teuton force was reported to be in or heading to eastern Germany (to invest Danish holdings won there in the previous war against Poland). By 16 April, an English contingent of around 1,100 men was in Bremen to begin the siege of Teuton holdings there.
Mid-May 979 saw the main Teuton army still in the east, in fact on the far bank of the Vistula: and it had grown to 15,600 in strength. Eilif’s force was in Celle and approaching Bremen.
News came on 27 May that Egill had lost his Norwegian crown to the usurpation of another Yngling contender, the far older and now King Öysteinn (64), with an unhappy Egill becoming just one of his jarls. The pick of Egill to cultivate as a diplomatic partner had proven less than useful.
The now Anglo-Russian siege of Stade in Bremen succeeded on 1 July 979, giving the Norse allies a slight edge in the war against the Teutons [+5% warscore]. A few days later, the first levy reinforcements were beginning to concentrate in Sweden – but a large Danish Rebel force was spotted passing through southern Noregr, while English and Danish troops were just south of Bremen. The big news for Russia was that the Jomsvikings, now back up to full strength, were beginning to unload in Denmark.
Halsten completed his conquest of Middlesex just a week later – Eilif hoped it meant more English troops might soon be on their way. The Jomsvikings were in Denmark and overcoming their travel disorganisation by the end of July. They had been joined by Eilif’s force which had vacated Bremen. The reinforcing levies were approaching Denmark via southern Sweden, but the Rebel Danish army looked to interrupt their flow. The Russian, Danish and English armies around Bremen had all moved north due to the approach of the Teuton main army, which by this time had arrived in Celle. Hakon and the other two leading Russian commanders now took charge of the combined army.
By late August, the rearmost levies were directed to the Swedish coast instead, where they would be picked up by sea, as the Danish Rebels approached Skäne and a smaller group of Russian levies tried to make it across the narrow strait to Sjaelland. The Russian main army in Sleswig now numbered 15,000 men, and on 24 August Hakon took them south towards Holstein (a Russian county), hoping to tempt the Teutons into a cross-river attack.
Given the further growth in Teuton numbers, the bulk of Russia’s remaining vassal levies (around 4,500 men) were called out 14 September. They too began trying to find a safe path to the front. By 19 October, there had been no bite from the Teutons , who remained west of the Elbe. The large Danish Rebel army by then was fighting and beating about half the number of Danish Loyalist troops in Fen (around 4,000 v 2,000). Hakon therefore hooked north to relieve their beleaguered Danish allies.
The Battle of Odense was fought from 2 to 18 November, following closely on from the Rebels’ win against Björn’s forces. It proved an easy enough Russian victory against a massively outnumbered enemy. While that battle was being fought, a large English army had landed and attacked Bremen, where a smaller Teuton force was maintaining a siege. But the main Teuton host was moving their way from Celle and as the Battle of Odense was finishing the Teutons were completing a comprehensive victory of their own in Bremen.
Wanting to damage the Rebel position while it was easy to do so, a quick assault on 19 and 20 November against Faaborg quickly took the Rebel stronghold (Russia 14/16,218; 273 garrison killed).
Following their victory in Bremen, by 7 December the main Teuton was army was heading along the coast and apparently making for Brabant, while the 4,000 English troops left were routing north through Denmark. Hakon broke off from Fen and took the army south, determined on retaking lost ground in Celle and destroying the smaller contingent the Teutons had left behind to besiege Bremen.
Early 980 saw the Russians in Celle, where an assault from 3-5 January retook it. The smaller Teuton force in Bremen had fled to safety along the coast towards the main Teuton army, which was at that stage taking on a large raiding force further south (12,400 Teutons v 5,400 raiders). Hakon made for Bremen, where he retook Stade from its tiny garrison (nine men) by assault on 11 January, for no loss. He then assaulted the larger garrison in Bremen itself from 16-19 January, wiping out the 383 man garrison for just 33 men lost [warscore back to -7%].
More Russian reinforcements arrived in Bremen on 19 January, but the arrival of allied Danish troops brought some small attrition in the winter conditions [18,772 men with an 18,000 supply limit, 1% attrition]. By then, the quick-moving Teuton army (12,500 men) was on its way back in Gelre and heading north.
Before battle could be joined, shocking news came from England. Halsten had apparently been murdered, though no culprit had been found. A new King from a different branch of the Hvitserk dynasty took the throne. Which promptly ended the Anglo-Russian alliance and took England out of the war.
In mid-February, Hakon had 17,200 men in Bremen, with the Teuton army of 12,500 in Celle, trying to get across the Elbe to Hamborg. The smaller Teuton force of 1,900 was in Oldenburg and moving to link up with the Hochmeister’s army (which he was commanding personally) in Celle. Hakon could have let him go, but Russia was keen to see this war decided. Hakon attacked and was due to catch the Teuton just four days before they made it across the river.
The Battle of Hannover would be the latest epic struggle between the implacable religious opponents. Fighting started on 21 February, the Russians with a 4,400-man numerical advantage and superior generals in charge, especially on the Teuton left flank. It would be the large advantage the Teutons held in their feared heavy cavalry that the Russians must overcome to win. The numbers were evened up somewhat on 24 February, when the Teuton reinforcements arrived.
But after over two weeks of heavy fighting, especially a large melee on the Teuton left, it was Dobrynia’s flank that collapsed and broke, even though the other two remained evenly balanced. With casualties mounting and the Russian centre now exposed, Hakon sounded the retreat and managed to do so in good order, the pursuit ending on 19 March. It could have been worse.
The Danish revolt had ended ‘inconclusively’ on 4 March as the fighting in Hannover raged. Ormr had shown little desire to help fight his own war, taking Kent instead (as we noted previously) and the war had swung heavily to the Hochmeister’s favour. So Eilif had no compunction in reaching terms with Friedrich on his son-in-law’s behalf – and at his expense.
While waiting for the formal Teuton response to the surrender offer, the retreating Russians ran into an unfortunate raiding band that had been ravaging Holstein. Folki’s host of 890 men was completely wiped out from 29 March to 6 April, for only 12 Russian losses out of 13,388 men.
By mid-April, with Russia at peace again, levies were being disbanded wherever they were on Russian territory. This was completed by 21 April, with the main army in Holstein reduced once more, now to just the Imperial Retinue and the Jomsvikings. That day, 8,770 men invoked the Sacred Raiding Toggle and began boarding the ships – which they could now all fit upon. By 19 May, they were all aboard and headed back out on Viking again: to Rouen, where the much maligned King Louis V ‘the Usurper’ of West Francia would once again have Russian boots tramping upon his rich lands.
Questions
Just the one minor question here, more out of curiosity. Of course, expert advice or general comments on any aspect warmly welcomed.
Ch135 Q1: Unlanded Son. It was fixed later anyway, but is this a big problem for feudal rulers under primogeniture?
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … August 976 found the Emperor in a period of raiding, building, consolidation and reduction of threat in an effort to break down the large Pagan and Christian defensive pacts that had formed against him in recent times. He was now focused on amassing and spending wealth to build his empire and dynasty as Russia slowly developed its feudal institutions. Personally, he had gone on a dark path, sacrificing his latest dying young son to prolong his health through dark rituals …
AuthAAR’s Note: this chapter covers the first part of a long play session that continued several years past the convenient end-point I have selected here. In trying to move the story along, I’m covering a longer period here, omitting a few more details and minor events, and have taken a little more of a thematic, history book-type approach. In doing so, I’m trying to make the write-up a little more coherent and less scatter-gun than a purely diary-based approach. I hope it works and you enjoy.
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1. Raiding: 976-78
The current great raid continued in Devon from August through to November 976 in a routine fashion. Then, on 7 November one of the flank commanders, the lowborn Folki [Martial 19] died of (non-epidemic) camp fever whilst on campaign. Hjalmar Yngling, then marshal of Heidmark [Martial 18] was invited to the Russian court and to Folki’s appointment as an Imperial commander when he arrived on the 23rd, bringing a minor Noregr county claim with him.
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As the raiding party grew to almost 11,600 (through Jomsviking and Imperial Retinue recruiting), the raiding fleet had to be expanded from its current 110 ships in order to be able to transport them. Another 12 were summoned on 31 January 977 from the fringes of the Empire.
By 13 March, the available plunder had been looted from the four Devonshire holdings and countryside (172 gold for no troop losses), but all the new ships had not yet arrived. One of Jarl Ormr’s levy companies was detached and sent to Ireland to wait in Hlymrek while the fleet returned to pick up the rest some weeks later.
On 23 May Eilif, still commanding the raid personally despite a bout of ill-health (described later), with Dobrynia [Martial 22] having replaced Folki and the siege specialist Gunnarr [Martial 19] still on the other flank, set off for the county of Desmond in Ireland and would arrive there on 8 July 977 to start the next phase of the raid.
Once the contingent in Hlymrek rejoined them, they would have over 11,600 men and 122 ships as they plundered away, again without any real fear of interference. They had learned the lessons of their ambush by the Umayyads some years before in Spain and were avoiding large potential adversaries, as they did the smallpox epidemic ravaging continental Europe and now southern England.
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The raiders left Desmond on 5 January 978 with 11,473 men in 123 ships, having lost 568 men to gain 159 gold (all sent direct to the treasury rather than the fleet, as it bordered Russian territory). We will see below what the influx of treasure was spent on back in Russia during this time.
The raiders landed next in Santiago – part of a small Christian enclave that would not draw Umayyad ire, with the local lord having fewer than a tenth of the troops of the raiding party. Of note, on 9 July 978 the long-serving Gunnarr (Russia’s only siege specialist) left on a career of adventuring, gathering a host and going on to eventually pillage successfully in Bulgaria – and beyond the ken of this chronicle.
His place in Santiago was taken by Malmfrið, who replaced Morag as a commander after being made a shieldmaiden by her cousin - Emperor Eilif. Her special relationship with the Emperor dating from this period will be dealt with in more detail below, when the Dark Fylkir’s personal life is discussed (in Part 5). But suffice it to say, Eilif (still suffering from poor health) wanted his favourites around him, so Botulfr was summoned to command the other division. Eilif had decided he may as well ‘enjoy’ good company whilst out in foreign fields.
This happened shortly afterwards on 5 November, when the last bit of gold was extracted from Santiago: it had provided a rich haul of around 300 gold from five holdings, though costing another 568 siege-related casualties among the raiders. Eilif took his Imperial Retinue and the levy companies (3,827 men) in the first voyage back to Ormr’s province of Westfriesland. Hakon took charge of the 7,666 Jomsvikings who remained in Santiago. This ended the great raid – a new challenge would face the troops once they arrived back in Russian lands.
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2. Building: 977-79
The spoils of earlier raiding had led to many new projects in Eilif’s demesne lands being commissioned in 975 and 976, culminating in the largest program yet begun in August 976. These earlier projects would come to fruition in 977 and new ones begun as the funds from raiding and gradually increasing domestic tax revenues flowed in, especially as troop maintenance costs during the raids were minimised.
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New stables were built in Yamsky Gorodok on January 977, then the biggest new project yet was begun in the capital county: a new castle holding was commenced the next day and would take until October 978 to complete.
With the completion of rudimentary trade offices for the Tana trade post in March, work on a mercenary garrison was commenced, while the hillfort of the still tribal main holding continued its upgrade.
30 October 977 saw (level 2) castle walls finished in Starya Russa (Toropets) and 280 gold put into expanding the barracks (to level 3). Militia training grounds in Nygarðr (Holmgarðr) were expanded again (to level 3) on 26 December, with new stables (139 gold) commissioned the same day: Russia at this time was hoping to redress its ‘traditional’ relative weakness in cavalry.
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Early February 978 brought the first castle fortifications in Roslavl, followed a few days later by the beginning of a new castle town – feeding the other current Rurukid thirst for greater revenue.
But the biggest ‘double bonus’ for many years came in mid-July 978: within six days, Seeress Ulfhildr finally managed to convert Ösel to Germanicism and the stone hillfort was finished in Tana. This meant both counties could be converted into feudal holdings. And with a new barony to hand out, Eilif decided to give it to the youngest of his now four adult sons, the recently ‘graduated’ Prince Helgi. Castle walls were also begun in Tana, as some additional protection for this distant and exposed but lucrative county seemed prudent to the Dark Fylkir.
The new stables were finished in Nygarðr on 14 November, but the treasury was now down to only 36 gold, so anything more would have to wait.
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After more raiding income arrived in January 979, the next addition was again to the Guard, with a second skirmish retinue added, principally to redress something of a shortage more widely in archers. At the same time, the new castle town was completed in Roslavl.
By then, Russia was at war again (which we will follow below) so a large surplus was kept in the treasury in case of emergencies or increased troop costs. The castle walls were finished in Tana on 4 July and a barracks in Starya Russa (Toropets) on 18 August. But the next new build was left until 18 September, when Chudovo’s castle walls were finished and a castle town set in train (139 gold).
The last few years had seen the greatest construction work in the history of the personal Rurikid demesne.
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3. Politics, Religion and Epidemics: 976-980
Marshal Gnupa was out of his own county’s epidemic lockdown and back on the hunt for the rumoured artefact by October 976. Just two months later he returned to court bearing the hand of a great (though unnamed) hero, which would augment Rurik’s Neckbiter to improve the Emperor's martial reputation.
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In mid-February 977, with the realm at peace and three prisoners - who Eilif had carefully refrained from torturing and could not be ransomed - in the dungeons, the Dark Fylkir decided it was time for another Great Blot. Though he remained in nominal command of the raiders then in Devonshire, he must have taken a fast ship back to Russia at this time, because he is recorded as participating in the festivities.
Undeterred, the blot festivities continued, with not one but two of Eilif’s Imperial Councillors making asses of themselves. But all round, a good time was had by all and opinion of the Emperor duly bolstered for a while.
By August 977, smallpox was raging through the northern half of Francia, south-east England and Holland. Measles was infecting north-eastern Italy around Venice and a massive outbreak of consumption was sweeping the land east of the Caspian Sea. But Russia remained safe again, for now.
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On 4 January 978, Spymaster Emund found incriminating evidence against Eilif’s pesky half-brother and inveterate faction leader (and Court Jester) Prince Ingólfr of Sarpa. He took his medicine like a good boy and within a few weeks had abandoned the leadership of the two factions he had headed ‘for the foreseeable future’. Throughout this period, factions were never a great problem, but it was always good to minimise their influence – without having to resort to the draining expenditure of dark power.
By June 978, the great smallpox epidemic was receding in Francia but spreading in England and hanging on in western Germany. The raiders were in Spain by then and well clear of the disease outbreaks. However, a new measles outbreak started in the fringe Russian Black Sea county of Abkhazia in December of the same year.
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Things remained quiet politically and on the religious front in Russia through 979, with Imperial income still in surplus despite a new war to fight.
Another lowborn Hel Sister was burned in Hlymrek in February 980, but overall numbers were healthy despite these periodic losses of Fellowship ‘small fry’.
By May 980, the only major disease outbreak remaining in Europe was at its edges: the measles outbreak had grown significantly from Abkhazia, but seemed to be heading south into Byzantine lands. Tana and other Russian counties remained largely unaffected.
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4. Major Vassal Successions and Wars: 976-980
As had been the case for many years, the predominant expansion of Russian lands continued to come through the actions of zealous jarls, mostly powerful, sometimes just hopeful wannabes. There was the usual share of noble revolts, succession upheavals and internal wars, some successful, others not. Only the major events over the four-year period will be described here.
On 6 October 976, Jarl Gorm the Lionheart announced he was preparing to invade the lands of Khan Eldeçyuk the Bold of Cumania. That invasion would eventually begin on 21 September 978: but Cumania was by this time a small realm compared to its glory days, though the war continued into May 980.
Old Jarl Tryggve had been trying to conquer Galaz from King Kornél of Bulgaria but was caught unready again, imprisoned (probably from a battlefield loss) on 11 October 976. Within eight days he had capitulated and was released – otherwise unharmed – on the 19th. Now aged 78, the Jarl of Ryazan would continue to be a major player in the Russian realm for a while yet.
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Jarl Hildur’s turn to depart the stage came in April 977, succeeded by his fitter but mediocre-looking son Ottarr as Jarl of Austerbotn.
The peasants of Livland (945 men) rose on 1 November 977. As the local lords had no ability to handle it themselves, a force of levies (2,139 in total) was soon raised in Holmgarðr and Toropets and sent off to deal with them. Livland fell to the rebels on 20 December and it took until 20 January 978 for the Russian army under Dobrynia and Botulfr, to close with them. The battle was wrapped up by 10 February (25 Russian and 447 rebel casualties); the rebellion was defeated, its leader imprisoned and the small army disbanded again.
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The difficult Rurikid kinsman Jarl Styrbjörn was murdered by some ‘bit player’ in a new Tverian revolt in August 978. This led to the already powerful and but absolutely loyal Jarl Gorm expanding his realm even further, though not taking all of the titles held by ‘the Faceless’. Gorm by then was a drunkard and not very well, but if he did die his son Bersi (who seemed to like his father not at all) seemed to be well enough disposed to his emperor.
Note Cumania on the map, now just a rump realm on the steppe.
The next month, Jarl Tryggve de Normandie ‘the Unready’ finally keeled over at the age of 80 – not of old age but the Great Pox. A fully lived life, that’s for sure! His son Bo took the Jarldom of Vladimir, but a previously unknown friend of Tryggve’s became Jarl of the more powerful Ryazan. And he immediately wanted a position on the Council – which to be fair he had some competencies for. But at 60, Eilif was unlikely to choose him at the expense of better qualified incumbents.
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On 7 February 979, Þordis continued Lithuania’s useful expansionist tradition by conquering Zemgale (now renamed Riga) from King Maslaw of Poland at Lithaunia’s third attempt.
Prince Arngrimr thought he would take advantage of Polish weakness by declaring a conquest of Kurzemi (just west of Riga) in June 979. But with only 559 troops to his name, his chances of succeeding looked slim. This adventure would end tragically for Arngrimr less than a year later, with his death from ‘severe stress’ (as it was carefully labelled in the Rurikid Chronicle), seemingly after a bout of depression perhaps exacerbated by his rash conquest attempt. Arngrimr had no child, so the title returned to Eilif.
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5. Personal and Family Matters: 976-980
As Eilif reached his mid-forties, his life went through some quite profound changes. First, with only one of his original concubines still living, in August 976 he decided to find two new ones to ‘keep him company’. Later revelations led to insinuations by modern historians this may have been to provide some additional ‘excess’ children, just in case he needed more Hellish healing at some point, but his true motivations at the time were unclear. There were other possible explanations …
Arngrmr, whose sad demise less than four years later we have already mentioned, came of age in September 976. Though already stressed, his excellent money-making skills had him being mentioned as a future Imperial Steward. Alas, this would never come to pass. His betrothed was definitely ‘unimpressive’, but again, this never became an issue for the future of the Imperial bloodline.
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Eilif’s oldest surviving concubine and mother of three of his children (one now dead by sacrifice), Gytha the Shieldmaiden, died of natural causes on 4 July 977. She would not be immediately replaced.
It was in January 977 that the first big indication of the Dark Fylkir’s hard secret life catching up with him manifested itself for all to see, to the detriment of all his major functions. An unexplained but persistent infirmity struck him.
Soon after this affliction began and with no offer of treatment coming from his Physician, Eilif tried some private healing of his own to see if he could banish this worrying condition.
Then one of his new concubines, Kraka, died of the great pox on 4 July 977. Given she’d not had the malady before coming to court and Eilif did not have it. Infirmity sapped his already weak libido for women and there were suspicions about how she acquired it but the issue was not pursued – the Emperor had more important concerns. And was back down to one concubine again.
Prince Helgi was the next son to come of age, on 1 August 977. He had no title at that stage (though would be granted one later, as mentioned above). His betrothal to the dull but well-connected Linda was approved in the end, given her brother was now King of Noregr and she brought a claim for the kingdom with her to Russia. The marriage would bring some diplomatic options with it as well, given King Egill had joined the Pagan Pact against Eilif.
Ch135 Q1: Unlanded Son. It was fixed later anyway, but is this a big problem for feudal rulers under primogeniture?
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But Eilif’s next family concern was a somewhat disconcerting one. His brother King Sigurðr had lost his wife and requested a new one from Eilif: Eilif’s own daughter Princess Björg – Sigurðr’s niece! She would make a good spymaster and wanted a husband so, there being no seeming legal prohibition against it, Eilif acceded, knowing it would bind his powerful brother even closer to him.
Eilif was no longer under suspicion by November 978, so tried yet another Dark Healing ritual, but this also failed to produce the desired miracle cure for his infirmity … and put him right back under suspicion again. By that time Chief Þorgil ‘the Drunkard’, chief of three English counties under Ormr of Brabant and his Marshal, was a Visendmaðr in the Fellowship (membership healthy at 43) and its Deputy.
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In September 979, with all the pressures and health concerns the Dark Fykir had piling on him, it seems he overcome by it all – and by too many toasts of potent mead. In his distress after a fall and knowing in his heart the toll prolonged infirmity was taking on him (not to mention the ravages of Dark Sorcery on his body and soul), he sought help. From the loyal (in part due to an earlier possession, to be frank) and powerful Jarl Gorm, himself a man who liked his drink, as demonstrated at the recent Great Blot.
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The personal sadness and anger Eilif may have felt at this breaking of a previously close relationship with one of the most powerful lords in the realm and fellow Rurikid scion was softened early in 980 when his cousin and concubine Malmfrið became pregnant! Their love for each other was complete and it seems Eilif’s infirmity had not sapped all the energy from him. Or from his Great Serpent!
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6. Foreign Affairs and War: 977-980
In mid-September 977, the Russian raiding party was in Ireland, in the early stages of its looting of Desmond. News came through that King Hroðulfr had succumbed to a wound, perhaps suffered in a previous conflict. Unfortunately for Russia, this dissolved the non-aggression pact the two realms had enjoyed due to marriage ties. His son Björn took the crown – and was just as mediocre a ruler as his father had been.
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The aggressive King Halsten ‘the Monster’ won his invasion of England on 23 January 978. A few days after doing so, he formally changed the name of his realm from Jorvik to England. The deposed Sumarliði subsequently adopted the title of King of Irland.
In response, on 10 December Eilif mustered his personal levies in Russia (around 5,300 men) and called King Halsten to join the war against the Teutons. The Russian levies were ordered to march ‘the long way’ through Finland and Sweden, rather than risk them trying to pick their way through neutral and hostile ground in central Europe.
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It was no great surprise when Björn called on Eilif to assist with his civil war against the powerful Danish Revolt a couple of weeks later.
Mid-May 979 saw the main Teuton army still in the east, in fact on the far bank of the Vistula: and it had grown to 15,600 in strength. Eilif’s force was in Celle and approaching Bremen.
News came on 27 May that Egill had lost his Norwegian crown to the usurpation of another Yngling contender, the far older and now King Öysteinn (64), with an unhappy Egill becoming just one of his jarls. The pick of Egill to cultivate as a diplomatic partner had proven less than useful.
The now Anglo-Russian siege of Stade in Bremen succeeded on 1 July 979, giving the Norse allies a slight edge in the war against the Teutons [+5% warscore]. A few days later, the first levy reinforcements were beginning to concentrate in Sweden – but a large Danish Rebel force was spotted passing through southern Noregr, while English and Danish troops were just south of Bremen. The big news for Russia was that the Jomsvikings, now back up to full strength, were beginning to unload in Denmark.
Given the further growth in Teuton numbers, the bulk of Russia’s remaining vassal levies (around 4,500 men) were called out 14 September. They too began trying to find a safe path to the front. By 19 October, there had been no bite from the Teutons , who remained west of the Elbe. The large Danish Rebel army by then was fighting and beating about half the number of Danish Loyalist troops in Fen (around 4,000 v 2,000). Hakon therefore hooked north to relieve their beleaguered Danish allies.
The Battle of Odense was fought from 2 to 18 November, following closely on from the Rebels’ win against Björn’s forces. It proved an easy enough Russian victory against a massively outnumbered enemy. While that battle was being fought, a large English army had landed and attacked Bremen, where a smaller Teuton force was maintaining a siege. But the main Teuton host was moving their way from Celle and as the Battle of Odense was finishing the Teutons were completing a comprehensive victory of their own in Bremen.
Following their victory in Bremen, by 7 December the main Teuton was army was heading along the coast and apparently making for Brabant, while the 4,000 English troops left were routing north through Denmark. Hakon broke off from Fen and took the army south, determined on retaking lost ground in Celle and destroying the smaller contingent the Teutons had left behind to besiege Bremen.
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Early 980 saw the Russians in Celle, where an assault from 3-5 January retook it. The smaller Teuton force in Bremen had fled to safety along the coast towards the main Teuton army, which was at that stage taking on a large raiding force further south (12,400 Teutons v 5,400 raiders). Hakon made for Bremen, where he retook Stade from its tiny garrison (nine men) by assault on 11 January, for no loss. He then assaulted the larger garrison in Bremen itself from 16-19 January, wiping out the 383 man garrison for just 33 men lost [warscore back to -7%].
More Russian reinforcements arrived in Bremen on 19 January, but the arrival of allied Danish troops brought some small attrition in the winter conditions [18,772 men with an 18,000 supply limit, 1% attrition]. By then, the quick-moving Teuton army (12,500 men) was on its way back in Gelre and heading north.
Before battle could be joined, shocking news came from England. Halsten had apparently been murdered, though no culprit had been found. A new King from a different branch of the Hvitserk dynasty took the throne. Which promptly ended the Anglo-Russian alliance and took England out of the war.
The Battle of Hannover would be the latest epic struggle between the implacable religious opponents. Fighting started on 21 February, the Russians with a 4,400-man numerical advantage and superior generals in charge, especially on the Teuton left flank. It would be the large advantage the Teutons held in their feared heavy cavalry that the Russians must overcome to win. The numbers were evened up somewhat on 24 February, when the Teuton reinforcements arrived.
But after over two weeks of heavy fighting, especially a large melee on the Teuton left, it was Dobrynia’s flank that collapsed and broke, even though the other two remained evenly balanced. With casualties mounting and the Russian centre now exposed, Hakon sounded the retreat and managed to do so in good order, the pursuit ending on 19 March. It could have been worse.
By mid-April, with Russia at peace again, levies were being disbanded wherever they were on Russian territory. This was completed by 21 April, with the main army in Holstein reduced once more, now to just the Imperial Retinue and the Jomsvikings. That day, 8,770 men invoked the Sacred Raiding Toggle and began boarding the ships – which they could now all fit upon. By 19 May, they were all aboard and headed back out on Viking again: to Rouen, where the much maligned King Louis V ‘the Usurper’ of West Francia would once again have Russian boots tramping upon his rich lands.
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Questions
Just the one minor question here, more out of curiosity. Of course, expert advice or general comments on any aspect warmly welcomed.
Ch135 Q1: Unlanded Son. It was fixed later anyway, but is this a big problem for feudal rulers under primogeniture?
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Unlanded sons are just a prestige hit. Unless you are over demense limit, the benefits of having the holdings outweigh the prestige penalty.
Incapable is bad! Daughter/Brother marriage: If anything happens to you at least you know where the poison was cooked. Your AI brother is acting like a human preparing for a succession fight.
Thank you for the update.
Incapable is bad! Daughter/Brother marriage: If anything happens to you at least you know where the poison was cooked. Your AI brother is acting like a human preparing for a succession fight.
Thank you for the update.
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In the long run, artifacts and bloodlines are the most stable investments which improve all your future rulers. A good catch here!
I might be missing something but no big deal
What a full and exciting episode! So much has happened. Highlight of my day!
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Another great update! And as for the unlanded sons, it’s a scaling prestige reduction i believe. The higher your rank, the higher the penalty. The max at emperor rank is -1 per month per son, though at that point unless you have 20 sons and horrible traits, you’ll be in the net positive for prestige anyway. So it’s no real big deal.
And having your sons unlanded means you can have a degree or control over them, in terms of who they can marry and so on.
And having your sons unlanded means you can have a degree or control over them, in terms of who they can marry and so on.
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Becoming infirm at a relatively young age - fate doesn't like being toyed with. Must be retribution for his absorption of his son's lifeforce! And yet, Eilif still toys with fate, as the demonic orgy awoke his lust for the female sex. That can't end well.
In war terms, the Teutons are clearly a formidable opponent - whenever they fight Catholics, the Russians should take care. Then again, with the Monster's successful invasion of England, Norse influence has grown, and there's a tempting weak Catholic target in Ireland. Dealing blows to Catholic MA reduces the numbers of their holy warriors, so raiding churches and winning holy wars would help... though all the other Catholic victories likely keep their MA high.
The rise of another powerful Norse kingdom makes calling a GHW all the more tempting.
As for the unlanded sons penalty, don't bother. For many reasons: Feudal lords hardly need prestige anyway, there remains a net gain, the only prestige requirement that might matter is the 8.000 for creating a custom empire - and Eilif is already emperor.
In war terms, the Teutons are clearly a formidable opponent - whenever they fight Catholics, the Russians should take care. Then again, with the Monster's successful invasion of England, Norse influence has grown, and there's a tempting weak Catholic target in Ireland. Dealing blows to Catholic MA reduces the numbers of their holy warriors, so raiding churches and winning holy wars would help... though all the other Catholic victories likely keep their MA high.
The rise of another powerful Norse kingdom makes calling a GHW all the more tempting.
As for the unlanded sons penalty, don't bother. For many reasons: Feudal lords hardly need prestige anyway, there remains a net gain, the only prestige requirement that might matter is the 8.000 for creating a custom empire - and Eilif is already emperor.
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The prestige will just make the Teutones try again ... it was them that started ... wasn't it?
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No, it was Ormr of Brabant trying to take Bremen off them.
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Right, that shouldn't be too bad then given how much prestige Eilif has at present.
Yes, that incapability is a big worry for Eilif - and me! He will keep trying to do something about it - though the use of dark power can also be dangerous.
Let's hope that dodgy marriage doesn't cause problems down the track ...
hahaEngland? What's that? Don't you mean Whales?
Yes, worth it in the end.
It seems not. Glad it helped brighten your day a little - the next one is quite eventful too.I might be missing something but no big deal
What a full and exciting episode! So much has happened. Highlight of my day!
Thanks! And with all the prestige buffs from raiding and usually winning wars, it's no problem for the Emperor. For RP purposes, I have tried to land them when I can, though.
Yes, it's a big worry. But not the end of the story for him - yet. He will always burn the demonic human-fat candle at both ends, it seems!
Yes, their heavy cavalry in particular has proven a real problem. Not unbeatable (as the eventual victory over Poland showed), but definitely tough to deal with and requiring much careful handling. Very interesting re MA and Holy Orders - I hadn't known that.
Yes, though other things keep getting in the way ...
Noted. As mentioned above, Eilif has still tried to land his sons for RP purposes, even when it comes back to bite him on the bum.
Indeed. Thanks for reading and noting so by commenting.
<3To All: the next big chapter is ready for publishing, so should be up sometime later today. Thanks for all the support - and to all viewers for recently taking this humble tale past the 200k views mark! People must still be reading it after all.
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