• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Chapter 136: The Long Raid (20 May 980 to 15 June 983)
Chapter 136: The Long Raid (20 May 980 to 15 June 983)

Previously, on Blut und Schlacht despite repeated attempts at dark healing, the Dark Fylkir remained infirm as he approached his 50th birthday, but this did not seem to slow him down at home or abroad, in war or peace. The Russian vassals continued to do their best to expand, rectify borders and conquer on behalf of Father Russia – though some could not resist their plotting and scheming, most never realising how dangerous this was with the leader of the Fellowship of Hel as their Emperor and Fylkir. And following the negotiated loss of the war against the Teutons, the Imperial retinue and Jomsvikings prepared to set out from Denmark to resume the pleasures of going on Viking

AuthAAR’s Note: this chapter covers the second part of the last long play session and brings us up to date again with the game play.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

1. Russian Wars and Raids: 980-81

In May 980, Hakon commanded the latest raiding party (over 8,800 Russian troops) as they headed to the coast of Normandy to once more ravage the rich lands of the hapless West Francia. But before they could land, a peasant revolt broke out in Satakunda (western Finland) on 1 June, led by Kauro – one of those ubiquitous low-born ex-soldiers who always made the mistake of leading these hopeless ventures. For now, this small group (fewer than 500 men) was ignored by Eilif in the hope one of the local lords would sort them out.

By 8 June, Hakon, with Jarl Gorm and Olafr commanding the flank divisions, began disembarking his raiders in the rich Francian coastal county of Rouen – a favourite Russian target. Ten days later, as they looted the countryside and establish their siege lines, Francian armies mustered near them, but not in sufficient numbers (around 3,100 in total at that point) to worry the Russians (now over 9,000 strong).

After years of defensive pacts against him, Eilif was told on 21 August 980 that the last of them had disbanded – for now. But he would continue raiding in the meantime. The castle of Rouen fell on 6 November and yielded a rich haul not just of gold but of prisoners, a number of whom could be ransomed.

Duke Adelbert of Normandy would deride Eilif as “pitiful”, “wretched”, a “cruel pirate” and “demonic windbag” (the last of these made Eilif chortle – demoniacally, of course) as he ransomed four of his womenfolk between 6 November to 24 December 980. The 112 gold thus gained was more than enough to even up the bargain, though his words would come back to haunt Adelbert later.

Back in Russia, Eilif decided the peasant revolt in Satakunda would have to be dealt with directly before things got any worse and headed a limited call out of troops in late November 980: enough was enough.

eK4JP1.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

But just as Eilif had finally gathered his small force in April 981 and was looking to cross over into Satakunda, a similarly sized Belo Ozeran army arrived first and did the job for him. Kauro was in prison and Eilif’s little levy army soon dispersed back to their homes. Alas, the prisoner would die soon after on 5 May and would not be around to offer any ‘sport’ at the next Great Blot.

nGEWbR.jpg

Back in Francia, as the looting of Rouen progressed, by early February 981 a new smallpox outbreak had spread throughout neighbouring Brittany: the next target would need to take them north or east, away from this slowly spreading pestilence. Hakon had taken every last piece of treasure out of Rouen by 26 April, where the three sacked holdings yielded another 274 gold for no Russian troop loss.

They would move on to nearby Eu next, now with 10,300 men, and attack a small and careless Norman army of around 1,000 men commanded by none other than the luckless Duke Adelbert of Normandy: perhaps he started to regret - too late - the names he had called Eilif when he realised he would not be able to escape in time!

Indeed, the Battle of Forges in Eu (30 April-11 May 981) proved to be a horrible slaughter. The Normans lost all 1,043 of the men fielded, though Adelbert himself was not among the killed or captured. Hakon lost only seven soldiers in this exercise that taught the Norman duke about the benefits of being civil to Emperors.

As the holdings of Eu were reduced one by one, Eilif’s reputation was further burnished when he was acclaimed as a ‘Ravager’ after the bloody sacking of Aumale on 29 August 981. The Dark Fylkir was very pleased by this: infirm he may be, but far from done for!

S8T65k.jpg

As Hakon settled into the siege of the city of Forges in Eu in early September 981, the only sizeable Francian force they were aware of was way over to the east of Brabant – and would not have caused him any real worries even if they had been next door. Another Viking raiding group to the north-east was also unlikely to cause any problems for the Russians.

bIpMdn.jpg

Eu’s three holdings had brought another 156 gold onto the raiding fleet by the time the Russians finished there on 6 October 981 (again for no loss). They kept heading up along the coast: Boulogne would be the next target. Another West Francian ducal army of around 1,200 had imprudently waited there too long. They tried to escape but could not do so in time.

Because Boulogne adjoined the Russian-held county of Artois (now part of Jarl Ormr’s demesne), the treasure fleet would not be needed, with loot going direct to the Russian treasury. It docked in Kent in early October 981, delivering a big boost to the Russian treasury, Eilif’s prestige and to commerce in the capital. We shall see later what this money helped to buy back in Father Russia.

L1gWKU.jpg

The enemy in Boulogne were soundly defeated between 11-23 October: they had a river to defend behind, but it really only allowed them to escape without every defender being killed this time (Russia 17/10,631; West Francia 748/1,230 killed). The Raiders soon scoured whatever treasure was available from the countryside and set their siege works up, where the four holdings would take until June the following year to reduce.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

2. Vassal and Ally Wars: 980-83

Eilif’s son and heir Jarl Styrbjörn of Sarkel launched a conquest of the county of Lower Don against Khan Papaçyz of Khazaria on 27 April 981. This venture would still be unresolved two years later. But at least the young man – 21 years old at the time – was trying! Though his dull wife had not yet provided him an heir of his own.

High Chieftess Þordis – another one of those intrepid and formidable female Lithuanian adventurers – began a Holy War for Yatvingia against the High Chieftess of that small realm on 25 June 981. She would succeed in this by the infidels’ Christmas Day of the following year. And in doing so earned herself a suitably grand nickname - even if (in Eilif's view) she remained an ‘Odinite’. Still, it was all in the name of Germanicism, so earned even Eilif’s grudging respect (of course, his true religious allegiance and perfidious character was still kept largely hidden from public view).

fFEccv.jpg

One of the middle-ranking Fellowship Chiefs who owed his allegiance to Jarl Ormr of Brabant, Þorgil of Norfolk, decided to get in on the conquest game in July 981. Unfortunately for him, his Jarl had other ideas for the notorious drunkard, who must have been too indiscrete.

U2TuT5.jpg

Þorgil’s successor Froði would take on the task, but the conquest was incomplete by mid-983.

The Norse Kingdom of England (formerly Jorvik) had been unstable ever since King Halsten the Monster had been murdered in January 980. King Sigfrið ‘the Just’ had taken the crown, but by August 981 he was being painted as a tyrant by his opponents and a revolt was raised in the name of a young Hvitserk relation, Suni. Who seemed to have some very powerful backers among the vassals. Despite a far larger personal army, it looked like Sigfrið was in some trouble.

1NkcVH.jpg

And so it would prove by October of 982, though the precise legal pretext for the ending of the war was beyond Eilif’s lawyers to explain. In the end, Suni did not take the throne: the very imposing King Hrafn Hvitserk emerged in charge.

sZ9cPv.jpg

Ch136 Q1: Confusing English War Result. Out of interest, the mechanics that most likely led to this outcome would be nice to know.

Eilif tried to recruit him into the Fellowship straight away, but this failed, despite a promising introduction.

The ever-greedy King Björn of Denmark – still in an alliance with Russia at that time – started yet another war of conquest on 27 February 982, this time against the Polish offshoot of the Kingdom of Bohemia, where King Witosz III controlled lands adjoining fairly extensive Danish holdings in central Germany. For the time being, no call to arms for Russian help was issued.

But almost exactly one year later, with the war not going so well for him, the plaintive Danish king (and relative by marriage) issued a request that honour bound Eilif to agree to. Though he had no immediate plans to provide direct assistance: he had other projects afoot at that point, about which we shall read below. But the war would prove to be a complication in another unforeseen way.

J0sQy8.jpg

Eilif’s ever-eager son-in-law Jarl Ormr of Brabant launched a new Holy War on 13 December 982 for Brunswick against its young (age 21) Duke Christopher von Hannover. That war was still going by June 983. The same could be said of a new venture in Ireland lunched by Chancellor Arnbjörn of Connacht on 3 February 983: he hoped to conquer Dubhlinn from King Somhairle II of Éire [I’ll check next time to see if this is just the Irish adopted name of the former King Sumarliði of England, then Ireland, or an immediate successor.]

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

3. Domestic Affairs: 980-83

3.a The Expansion of Germanicism

The slow but steady expansion of Reformed Germanicism continued throughout this period. Brugge (June 980), Kerzhenets (December 980), Holland (March 982) and Orsha (August 982) all converted thanks to local events.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

3.b Building

Previous and new injections of gold from raiding and a small but increasing domestic tax take saw the continuation of Eilif II’s ‘golden age of building’ during 980-83. A previously ordered castle town was completed in Chudovo (Holmgarðr’s second barony) in August 980. Then loot from West Francia fuelled another building boom in January 982, with five new projects started in a single day. Building the Russian cavalry arm continued to figure prominently, while general barracks, taxes and a new Imperial shipbuilding capability also got some attention.

yMN4HX.jpg

The new stables for Starya Russa (Toropets) were completed on 19 November 982. The new barracks for Chudovo was finished the same day and by mid-December funds were allocated to begin stables there, too.

PKaNHz.jpg

The shipyard was completed in Moon (Ösel) on 27 December 982. It could not be upgraded until local shipbuilding technology had developed further [then at 1.2 – needs to be 2].

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

3.c Monthly Income

Throughout this period, even though large periodic influxes of gold from raiding kept coming and were then largely spent on building or military projects, a careful eye was kept on the monthly national income (various taxes, fairly steady), expenses (ie military maintenance spending, fluctuating) and balance. Some samples of these monthly amounts are noted below:
  • 19 November 980: income +23.55; expenses -15.50, balance +8.06.
  • 3 March 981: income +23.49; expenses –18.18, balance +5.32.
  • 14 May 981: income +24.22; expenses -6.83, balance +17.39.
  • 1 July 982: income +23.58; expenses -6.52, balance +17.06.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

3.d Vassals, Factions, Politics and Council

Eilif’s troublesome half-brother, factional player and Court Jester Prince Ingólfr happened to be the next vassals whose opinion of the Emperor was improved by Chancellor Arbjörn’s statecraft in August 980. Perhaps there was some hope for him yet!

uocFzM.jpg

The largest political grouping in October 980 was the well-subscribed Elective Succession in Garðariki faction. It’s leader, Jarl Froði of Pereyaslavl, was targeted for a demonic possession and was soon a ‘loyal servant’ of the Emperor (even if an insane one).

gtAcPt.jpg

But Eilif felt that if he never used his dark powers, what was the point of having them?

Froði soon left his leadership of the faction, but it was taken over by the imposing High Chieftess Þordis (not yet known as the ‘Sword of Odin’ at that time, though it wouldn’t have saved her from Eilif’s depredations anyway). She too got a demonic night visit in mid-November 980 and would also leave the faction soon afterwards.

8JXS23.jpg

Next on Eilif’s agenda was a legal change in February 981 designed to build the future prosperity of the Empire. The city burghers would, to their irritation, be made to pay more tax while providing fewer levies in the years to come.

A0P4JY.jpg

The newish Jarl of Vladimir showed the usual de Normandie assertiveness in May 981. First he tried to extract the title for the crown county of Roslavl from an unimpressed Emperor. Just eight days later, word filtered back to Eilif that Klas wanted to become King of Konugarðr (a title that did not yet exist), no less! Klas may have been a bit disappointed at being turned down over Roslavl, but as a subordinate Hel member, he would just have to put up with it.

29CucY.jpg

More political action became possible when the sole member of the Independence faction and a ‘foot soldier’ in the Elective Succession in Garðariki group, Chief Purysho of Lappland was threatened by Spymaster Emund in July 981. He too was soon sidelined.

TzGVYy.jpg

Four months later, the Chancellor improved relations with Emund, though the latter (as a Mayor) disliked the new tax law [-10 opinion] and as a vassal disapproved of the extra title Eilif was still holding [-10 as well]. Emund was also envious [-15], so even after the improvement in relations, his loyalty was only middling [+47]. And he was no longer that effective a spymaster, either [Intrigue 10]. We now know from the Dark Fylkir’s private journal that from this time, he started to consider replacing Emund in this key role.

A succession of leadership occurred in the Merchant Republic of Livonia on 16 January 982 when its first Grand Mayor Baldr Væni died of a heart attack. Skuli af Salaspils was elected as his replacement – and he was no great fan of his Emperor [-69 opinion]. But Eilif took no action as yet.

Ch136 Q2. Grand Mayor Skuli. Is Skuli’s poor opinion of Eilif likely to badly affect tax income? Should I be looking to either butter him up or send another demon to ‘persuade’ him?

On 24 March 982, Eilif moved quietly against Mayor Emund. First, a distant Rurikid kinsman (but still a royal family member) living in Veliky Ustug as Chancellor and also its heir, was invited to court. It so happened he was far more steeped in the arts of intrigue than Emund. He arrived with his family on 9 April and was straight away made Spymaster.

kT8YoU.jpg

At that time, the Council was dominated by ‘glory hounds’ and Tolir was another. And most were under obligation to Jarl Gorm, but they still seemed to do what Eilif wanted for the moment, so he left it at that.

By the end of March 982, the factional scene was well under control. The largest, for Elective Succession in Garðariki, was down to only 12.5% strength compared to the Emperor. But its newest member was none other than Eilif’s son, Prince Alfr!

“How sharper than a serpent's tooth it is to have a thankless child!” wrote Eilif bitterly in his journal about that discovery.

The loyal Warchief of the Jomsvikings was the next to provide political ammunition for Eilif’s multi-faceted campaign against factionalism in April 982. As ever, Eilif took advantage without compunction.

6oYQrN.jpg

Some of the incoming gold from raiding went to introduce two more units into the Imperial Retinue on 1 July 982: with new cavalry (200 light, 100 heavy) and defence (pikemen 250, archers 50) companies started [retinue cap usage to 8,900/9,400 points].

The period closed with another succession, this time in Sweden. From 28 May 983, Vestergautland had a new Duchess, just ten years old.

Nc9YGo.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

4. Personal and Family Events: 980-83

One of Eilif’s new concubines gave him cause for suspicion in August 980. Eilif ran this scandal to ground and found out the truth – which he then suppressed. He would have a new child all saw as legitimate who could be used for political marriage or – in extremis – to give Eilif another health boost down the track! Especially given his persistent infirmity.

qCBeFs.jpg

There was no suspicion about the parentage of the daughter (Eilif’s ninth child) his cousin, lover, concubine and Hel Sister Malmfrið gave birth to later that month. But perhaps that combination of dubious factors led to the poor thing being born with a spinal deformity.

jtDuem.jpg

It what was turning into a busy month for personal matters, Botulfr’s wife accused Eilif of having an affair with his handsome commander and lover. Naturally, Eilif flatly denied this completely true assertion! He would not lose Botulfr a second time.

K3iavj.jpg

Before the end of the year, it was Eilif’s wife, Empress Björg, making the same accusation. Once more, the accomplished Emperor of Lies weaselled his way out of it, gas-lighting poor Björg to make her feel guilty about it.

k2tiBB.jpg

Young Hafrid – Eilif’s tenth child – was born in March 981 ‘no questions asked’, even if Eilif knew the truth. She had better hope his health improved before more … drastic … measures needed to be taken.

vNyqUN.jpg

And there was another scare on that front in April 981, when Eilif was beset by cramps. As always, there were fears it could into something much more serious – many was the medieval personage who had died ‘attending to chamber business’. Eilif entrusted himself to the care of his Physician this time.

rmlAlk.jpg

He was over the episode in a month. And young Hafrid could rest easy, though she never knew her peril, of course.

Eilif turned fifty on 28 May 981. Though still infirm, during the day he managed to celebrate with those of his family present in the capital, plus his wife, his two lovers and his other two concubines. All while getting good and drunk. It was good to be both alive and the Emperor!

lWqtoW.jpg

Though the lack of any new personal ambition he could follow did leave a small feeling of regret.

In September 981, Eilif’s younger sister Ingfrid, married to his illegitimate cousin and commander Hakon, died prematurely from cancer at the age of only 41. A matter of passing sadness for the busy Emperor.

In May 982, it was thoughts of his own mortality that had Eilif once more seeking out the Dark Power of Hel. Perhaps this time it would cure him of his infirmity …

Kcl2Yt.jpg

… and although it threw suspicion on him once again and, as usual, would leave him feeling rather washed out for a year afterwards, it really worked this time. He may still be possessed, stressed and a drunkard but the infirmity of the last few years was gone, boosting his energy and skills all round.

The good mood couldn’t last for ever, though. And it was family that caused him grief once more. His daughter-in-law Linda was plotting to murder him – apparently to hasten the inheritance of his son Helgi to many of the best parts of Russia’s crown lands!

kcQgCG.jpg

She was, of course, told to stop. And she did. But the episode shed light on an aspect of the succession Eilif had not realised to this point: Helgi, not his Imperial heir Crown Prince Styrbjörn, appeared to be legal heir to the Kingdom of Garðariki, the Jarldom of Holmgarðr and three of the four core crown counties that formed the basis of true power for all Eilif’s predecessors as head of the Rurikid dynasty. He would certainly need the advice of the Þing about this. This inept murder plot had proven to be a blessing in disguise.

Ch136 Q3: Inheritance Alarm. Bloody hell – I didn’t notice this until reviewing this screen just now. I kinda thought (without checking, duh!) that with primo inheritance the counties currently owned by Eilif would have all been passed onto Styrbjörn. But clearly not. So I’ve looked through them and realised, as I should have done really, that while Russian Imperial inheritance laws were changed, those for the Kingdom or Garðariki (and thus the Jarldom of Holmgarðr by default) were not. It seems Finland, which was founded after the change to primo at the Imperial level, took on that new form.

After checking, all I need to change Garðariki is peace and one minor vassal, currently with -3 opinion (easily enough fixed) to be made happy. The problem is that war is the Danish-Bohemian one – they seem to be an ally that causes nothing but problems. Maybe I’ll have to fix that first after all. An annex to this chapter will set out what I hope is the relevant information, so Eilif can obtain the views of the wise at the next (formal) Þing.

At least the high suspicion of Eilif as a possible Hel follower had waned again by December 982, though more sad family news came with the death of his older sister Aleta (aged 57) on 13 April 983 from natural causes. But his worry now was what should be done to ensure his primary heir inherited the most powerful position he could without sparking a vicious succession war following the Emperor's death.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

5. Russian Wars and Raids: 982-83

On 30 January 982 around 1,300 raiders appeared in Luki to try their luck. But appearing so close to the Russian capital was very poor judgement. Eilif was soon mustering a force of levies from his central counties: over 2,500 men would gather in Toropets under Eilif’s personal command, before moving on to confront the impudent adventurers.

It took until 12 March for the army to concentrate then begin marching to Vitebsk, to avoid attacking the raiders over the Lovai River at a major disadvantage. They were in Vitebsk by early May then headed north to strike the raiding army which failed to take the prudent course of running away. Battle was joined on 26 May and it was all over by 5 June 982 (Russia 79/2,916; Raiders 717/1,320 killed). Eilif’s disbanded his levies so they could return to tend their farms as spring headed towards summer.

Over in Francia, the Long Raid continued in Boulogne, with the last of its four holdings fully looted by 12 June 982, gaining 204 gold for only 108 troops lost since they arrived in Boulogne in October the year before. The next target to feel the savagery of the Russian Viking raiders would be inland at Amiens, from 1 July 982. Again, it was along the border with Brabant, allowing loot to be sent directly to the treasury as soon as it was won.

On 23 October, the one unit of levies still with the raiders – the main Nygarðr regiment of 962 men – was split from the main body of Hakon’s army (which still numbered a little over 10,000 Jomsvikings and Imperial Retinue troops) and began marching back to Russian-held Artois. He would arrive there on 7 November, allowing the levies to safely disband.

The reason for this was immediately revealed: it was time to teach the Karelians another lesson and to remove some more border gore in the Kingdom of Finland. Eilif headed back into the field again at the head of another army made just of his own levies and the two new (still growing) retinue companies.

k9Q42a.jpg

And it was confirmed that because their original sacred raiding toggle invocation was still in force, Hakon’s army was free to continue its pillage of Francia, despite Russia now being at war again. Having a large standing army of Holy Warriors and the Retinue was very useful indeed - the best of both worlds for Blood and Battle! [A small experiment I was pleased to see worked.]

By mid-December 982, Ahma ‘the Brute’ was mobilising his forces and calling in what allies he could – but it was never going to be enough, even against just the Emperor’s personal levy army.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

The new year saw the raid still occupied in Amiens as in Finland the main Russian army entered Savo unopposed on 19 February 983. The force was split into two, one to conduct the siege of the war’s primary target, the other smaller one headed up by Hakon (recalled from Francia) to pursue a smaller Karelian force that had slipped into Austerbotn.

Eilif had taken Hakon’s place in command of the raid in Amiens and was back far away from home, enjoying the company of his Fellowship Siblings and lovers Botulfr and Malmfrið again as his two flank commanders. It was in Francia that Eilif would be finally healed of his infirmity a few months later.

Hakon [by now up to Martial skill 30] easily defeated the Karelians at Austerbotn from 5-17 March 983 (Russia 17/1,303; Karelia 185/572 killed). The Karelian army had been commanded by Ahma himself [Martial 13] and during the battle one of his minor officers, Kharuchi Hasabid, was captured. While Ahma could afford the 10 gold ransom demanded, he was unwilling to pay it. Perhaps Kharuchi would live long enough to become a star attraction at the next Blot, instead!

The tribal hold of Savo fell on 27 April 983 and two prisoners were seized. One of them was a woman for whom no ransom could be procured. But the other – probably the sister of the young Chief Uoti of Sava, the target of Eilif’s de jure claim – attracted a 10 gold payment by 1 May. Eilif found Uoti’s letter, where he described the Dark Fylkir as a “creepy bore”, to be quite amusing. It didn’t seem likely a warm relationship would ensure once the young man was forced to bend the knee to his new liege when his current master inevitably lost this little war.

The raid finished in Amiens on 29 April (152 gold, 499 raiders lost) and Eilif then swung his men across the Seine towards Mortain, with the fleet called back from its anchorage in Kent to remain on station in the Baie de la Seine, ready to begin taking on treasure.

By mid-May 983, the Russian army in Finland had divided into three parts. One (2,134 men) remained in Savo to invest its temple holding. A second (1,991 men) finished its siege of Ahma’s capital in Karjala on 14 May. The third – Hakon’s smaller field army of 1,330 men – was approaching Satakunda from Tavastehus to confront a smaller force there led by one of Ahma’s allies.

In Francia, Eilif in Mortain and attacked another tardy and incautious Francian force at the Battle of Bayeux on 1 June. The whole enemy army was destroyed by the 15th and the latest raid siege began as the ‘loose change’ from the countryside was gathered and loaded onto the treasure fleet.

rdRT4a.jpg

Hakon cornered the Karelians at Satakunda at the end of May and had won another cheap victory by 5 June 983 (Russia 8/1,345; Karelia 220/465 killed) [warscore to 74%].

Victory came in the war on 15 June – the same day as Eilf’s victory over the West Francians at Bayeux – when the temple of Mikkeli fell in what would now be known as the Russian county of Savolax. Ruled by a very unhappy 11-year-old Chief Uoti. Who would soon face a demand to convert from his heathen Suomenusko beliefs.

INbZJh.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

6. Current Situation and Next Steps

The efforts of both Eilif himself and some of his ambitious vassals had further expanded the Empire over the last three years. The borders would always be a bit untidy as these expansions branch out, but southern Finland was now properly self-contained, at least.

3Tu1eZ.jpg

Though there were no active defensive pacts against Eilif for now, the minor threat the absorption of Savolax had sparked might cause some to form, though hopefully not too many and not for too long. Eilif was back at the peak of his personal powers again, though his drunkenness and stress remained causes for concern. He could command a huge army if all its strength was called out and his personal prestige had never been higher.

b0dO2w.jpg

Denmark had fallen behind in its war against Bohemia: Eilif would need to decide whether to assist King Björn there or not. Doing so had certainly been difficult and expensive in the past, especially if the Teutonic Order got involved. He would have to check the details before deciding how to approach that conflict – if at all. He had the most powerful half of his total potential army raiding in Francia for now.

Other options included another small border conquest – perhaps a de jure claim again, a Holy War (or even Great Holy War) or continued raiding and building. Possibly supporting one of his vassal’s expansion wars (but again, not against heathen holy orders, as had wound up so expensive in backing Ormr against the Teutons).

And finally, as the Dark Fylkir turned his thoughts back to matters of succession and inheritance, Crown Prince Styrbjörn seemed to be developing well enough. And his dopey and depressed wife Killu at last looked like she would give her husband an heir. But the inheritance laws of Garðariki needed to be fixed first, meaning closing off that pesky Danish-Bohemian war Russia had been dragged into. Just when you thought you were out, they drag you back in again!

And maybe Eilif should offer some support for that war of Styrbjörn’s for Lower Don, which had been going on since April 981. His son was in front on paper [+40% war score] but looked to have recently suffered a defeat at the hands of the Khazars. Perhaps Eilif could handle both these matters at once, even while keeping the raid going in Francia …

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Questions

The three specific questions posed this time are collated below. General strategic thoughts are also welcome, of course. After this goes up, I’ll publish a short annex for the edification of the Þing, which Eilif has called. It will spell out the succession background, to help ensure I’m not missing anything there, and the situation with some of those extant vassal and ally wars referred to above and that Eilif is considering for interventions.

Ch136 Q1: Confusing English War Result. Out of interest, the mechanics that most likely led to this outcome would be nice to know.

Ch136 Q2. Grand Mayor Skuli. Is Skuli’s poor opinion of Eilif likely to badly affect tax income? Should I be looking to either butter him up or send another demon to ‘persuade’ him?

Ch136 Q3: Inheritance Alarm. Bloody hell – I didn’t notice this until reviewing this screen just now. I kinda thought (without checking, duh!) that with primo inheritance the counties currently owned by Eilif would have all been passed onto Styrbjörn. But clearly not. So I’ve looked through them and realised, as I should have done really, that while Russian Imperial inheritance laws were changed, those for the Kingdom or Garðariki (and thus the Jarldom of Holmgarðr by default) were not. It seems Finland, which was founded after the change to primo at the Imperial level, took on that new form.

After checking, all I need to change Garðariki is peace and one minor vassal, currently with -3 opinion (easily enough fixed) to be made happy. The problem is that war is the Danish-Bohemian one – they seem to be an ally that causes nothing but problems. Maybe I’ll have to fix that first after all. An annex to this chapter will set out what I hope is the relevant information, so Eilif can obtain the views of the wise at the next (formal) Þing.
 
Last edited:
  • 2Like
  • 2Love
Reactions:
Ch136 Q2. Grand Mayor Skuli - Normally I would say seduce him but your character is the wrong gender. But buttering him up is better then, like, replacing him. Many of your vassals might not like that last option.
 
  • 1
  • 1
Reactions:
Chapter 136 Annex A: Information for the Þing of 15 June 983
Chapter 136 Annex A: Information for the Þing of 15 June 983
1. Inheritance Laws

Agnatic Gavelkind remained the inheritance law in the Kingdom of Garðariki – an oversight thus far that would need to be corrected to safeguard the strength of the Rurikid supremacy in Russia. The current Russian involvement in the Danish-Bohemian War and the opinion of one minor vassal of the Kingdom of Garðariki were the only things – apart perhaps from the untested opinion of Council as well [not sure if that’s an issue in a subordinate title law change – standing in the way of this being fixed.

ObfenG.jpg

In Finland, founded after the Imperial inheritance law change, the unified succession was safe.

Vdsu3q.jpg

While for the ‘home’ Jarldom of Holmgarðr and three of its four Crown Counties, it seemed the kingdom laws also held sway, with these titles due to fall to Helgi at present. Alfr stood to inherit Vyazma (part of Garðariki), while Styrbjörn would inherit the capital county of Holmgarðr, the new Barony of Chudovo and the three more recently acquired ‘outlier counties’.

hxwpCL.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

2. Selected Vassal and Ally Wars - Standing

The Danish-Bohemian War, as mentioned previously, currently favoured King Witosz III (a Piast of the Polish royal family), though at least he didn’t have the Teutons (or any other allies) fighting for him. Other than a group of raiders nearby, while Witosz had about three times the soldiers King Björn had in the field, it shouldn’t take to great an effort (perhaps the Imperial demesne levies alone) to see the Bohemians defeated. It left open the option of continuing the raid in Francia simultaneously.

5SR4Gs.jpg

Styrbjörn’s more than two-year war for the Lower Don looked like it had suffered a setback, with his Khazarian opponent having won the advantage in the field, if not in terms of territory controlled. But the forces here were small and it may not take much to tip things in the Crown Prince’s favour, thus securing another Black Sea country for the Empire.

tuIK9g.jpg

Meanwhile, the very prissy-looking Duke Christopher of Brunswick looked to have called in some fairly useful allies, which had tipped things against Ormr. It would be a pity to see this Holy War lost against the Christians with some rich and strategically important land at stake, as well as the moral authority of Germanicism. And that ridiculous moustache of Christopher’s alone was surely a sufficient casus belli for a Viking Ravager to cite!

ME7IY3.jpg

But if this war was to also be supported, it would require the raid to be interrupted and the Jomsvikings and Retinue to redeploy. If all three were tackled, it may even become necessary to start calling up some of the vassal levies, too. Especially those of Brabant and Pfalz in the west, and some of the main Russians holdings to assist against Bohemia and Khazaria.
 
  • 3Like
  • 1Love
Reactions:
3.b Building
as a rule of thumb if you'll build a military building always prioritize the cultural buildings first (not that you're not doing that, just a reminder)

Ch136 Q2. Grand Mayor Skuli. Is Skuli’s poor opinion of Eilif likely to badly affect tax income? Should I be looking to either butter him up or send another demon to ‘persuade’ him?
not completely sure but opinion shouldn't affect tax. I don't remember the exact penalties of the insane trait but if it affects stewardship I'd not risk making him insane because his stewardship directly affects his income which he pays tax out of as a percentage.

Ch136 Q3: Inheritance Alarm. Bloody hell – I didn’t notice this until reviewing this screen just now. I kinda thought (without checking, duh!) that with primo inheritance the counties currently owned by Eilif would have all been passed onto Styrbjörn. But clearly not. So I’ve looked through them and realised, as I should have done really, that while Russian Imperial inheritance laws were changed, those for the Kingdom or Garðariki (and thus the Jarldom of Holmgarðr by default) were not. It seems Finland, which was founded after the change to primo at the Imperial level, took on that new form.

After checking, all I need to change Garðariki is peace and one minor vassal, currently with -3 opinion (easily enough fixed) to be made happy. The problem is that war is the Danish-Bohemian one – they seem to be an ally that causes nothing but problems. Maybe I’ll have to fix that first after all. An annex to this chapter will set out what I hope is the relevant information, so Eilif can obtain the views of the wise at the next (formal) Þing.
Ahhh of course! truly the plot was a blessing, good that you were cautious enough to catch this. So Eilif needs to stay alive until the Danish war is over. They really keep us busy all the time, we shall declare a big war after this war and succession is fixed, and call the Danes to pay back.

And it was confirmed that because their original sacred raiding toggle invocation was still in force, Hakon’s army was free to continue its pillage of Francia, despite Russia now being at war again. Having a large standing army of Holy Warriors and the Retinue was very useful indeed - the best of both worlds for Blood and Battle! [A small experiment I was pleased to see worked.]
Nice!

The efforts of both Eilif himself and some of his ambitious vassals had further expanded the Empire over the last three years. The borders would always be a bit untidy as these expansions branch out, but southern Finland was now properly self-contained, at least.
Northern Jarls are not nearly as hardworking as the southern ones, there's still a lot of mopping up they haven't done.

the opinion of one minor vassal of the Kingdom of Garðariki
if the bribe is higher than a cheap building's cost, it might be cheaper to sway him with a wall to his castle




Thanks for another full episode!

I say don't stop the raiding, help the 2 vassals with the other forces. If the Danish war isn't concluded by then, you can switch those forces to that front. Also, maybe keep Eilif off the field until the succession is sorted?
 
Last edited:
  • 2Like
  • 1
Reactions:
At least everything went well on both the raiding and the demonic front. Eilif truly makes good use of his powers now, and he's got a handy backup to prolong his life, too. Dealing with the women is an easy price to pay here.

Now to provide a lawyer's advice:
Ch136 Q1: Confusing English War Result. Out of interest, the mechanics that most likely led to this outcome would be nice to know.
It was a tyranny war, not a claimant war. So while Suni's side won, the result is the enforced abdication of the ruler (with all council laws enacted IIRC) to his heir.
Ch136 Q2. Grand Mayor Skuli. Is Skuli’s poor opinion of Eilif likely to badly affect tax income? Should I be looking to either butter him up or send another demon to ‘persuade’ him?
Opinion shouldn't have an effect on taxes, only on the levy, as your law change shows.

If you wish to have more problems with your vassals, but more freedom to act as the Rurikids see fit, you may also want to repel some council laws. I'd at least prioritize freely revoking and granting titles. The rest is far less annoying then these two.
Ch136 Q3: Inheritance Alarm. Bloody hell – I didn’t notice this until reviewing this screen just now. I kinda thought (without checking, duh!) that with primo inheritance the counties currently owned by Eilif would have all been passed onto Styrbjörn. But clearly not. So I’ve looked through them and realised, as I should have done really, that while Russian Imperial inheritance laws were changed, those for the Kingdom or Garðariki (and thus the Jarldom of Holmgarðr by default) were not. It seems Finland, which was founded after the change to primo at the Imperial level, took on that new form.

After checking, all I need to change Garðariki is peace and one minor vassal, currently with -3 opinion (easily enough fixed) to be made happy. The problem is that war is the Danish-Bohemian one – they seem to be an ally that causes nothing but problems. Maybe I’ll have to fix that first after all. An annex to this chapter will set out what I hope is the relevant information, so Eilif can obtain the views of the wise at the next (formal) Þing.
Keeping the kingdom and changing the succession is one solution - another might be to give away the kingdom. There are few benefits to keeping a kingdom title as emperor anyway (even though I often do so too), and if Garðariki's given away, then Styrbjörn should inherit all titles again. Giving away Garðariki would create a relatively powerful vassal, but with an enpowered council, it's easy enough to deal with. Problem would be that the new king would desire the Jarldom of Holmgarðr and its counties though, so he wouldn't like you...

So it's worth it to change the succession law. After the change, the kingdom can then be kept around (additional bonus - it spreads out factionalism) or dismantled. It's always nice to own the title, so my advice would be to save the Danes again (but take care - Bohemia has hired the Hospitallers, so their army, while not big, packs a punch).
 
  • 3
Reactions:
Eilif II’s Þing of June 983
Eilif II’s Þing of June 983

As the next phase of the Dark Fylkir’s reign begins and the next session is played and the chapter is in preparation, Eilif will consult the Wise of the Realm once more.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Ch136 Q1: Confusing English War Result. Out of interest, the mechanics that most likely led to this outcome would be nice to know.
It was a tyranny war, not a claimant war. So while Suni's side won, the result is the enforced abdication of the ruler (with all council laws enacted IIRC) to his heir.
Ah, thanks. Always useful to have the Court Lawyer to explain these things. :)

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Ch136 Q2. Grand Mayor Skuli. Is Skuli’s poor opinion of Eilif likely to badly affect tax income? Should I be looking to either butter him up or send another demon to ‘persuade’ him?
Normally I would say seduce him but your character is the wrong gender. But buttering him up is better then, like, replacing him. Many of your vassals might not like that last option.
Well, it may have been a possibility before his change of heart with Malmfryd ;) ... I could replace him, but then his successor is likely to dislike Eilif for all the same reasons. And per below, it doesn't seem to matter much in this case.
not completely sure but opinion shouldn't affect tax. I don't remember the exact penalties of the insane trait but if it affects stewardship I'd not risk making him insane because his stewardship directly affects his income which he pays tax out of as a percentage.
Thanks. Good point re possession and insanity.
Opinion shouldn't have an effect on taxes, only on the levy, as your law change shows.

If you wish to have more problems with your vassals, but more freedom to act as the Rurikids see fit, you may also want to repel some council laws. I'd at least prioritize freely revoking and granting titles. The rest is far less annoying then these two.
Right, thanks for confirming. The Council really isn't causing any problems at the moment, they've been pretty compliant for years now. It's the vassal opinion malus rather than any Council obstructions that have been staying Eilif's hand, so I'll keep that option in the back pocket for now.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Ch136 Q3: Inheritance Alarm. Bloody hell – I didn’t notice this until reviewing this screen just now. I kinda thought (without checking, duh!) that with primo inheritance the counties currently owned by Eilif would have all been passed onto Styrbjörn. But clearly not. So I’ve looked through them and realised, as I should have done really, that while Russian Imperial inheritance laws were changed, those for the Kingdom or Garðariki (and thus the Jarldom of Holmgarðr by default) were not. It seems Finland, which was founded after the change to primo at the Imperial level, took on that new form.

After checking, all I need to change Garðariki is peace and one minor vassal, currently with -3 opinion (easily enough fixed) to be made happy. The problem is that war is the Danish-Bohemian one – they seem to be an ally that causes nothing but problems. Maybe I’ll have to fix that first after all. An annex to this chapter will set out what I hope is the relevant information, so Eilif can obtain the views of the wise at the next (formal) Þing.

Ahhh of course! truly the plot was a blessing, good that you were cautious enough to catch this. So Eilif needs to stay alive until the Danish war is over. They really keep us busy all the time, we shall declare a big war after this war and succession is fixed, and call the Danes to pay back.
It was, otherwise I may not have noticed until it was too late. We'll see if Eilif can stay in the land of the living long enough and the Danes will owe Russia double if Eilif can win this Bohemian war for them, like for the one against Poland.
Keeping the kingdom and changing the succession is one solution - another might be to give away the kingdom. There are few benefits to keeping a kingdom title as emperor anyway (even though I often do so too), and if Garðariki's given away, then Styrbjörn should inherit all titles again. Giving away Garðariki would create a relatively powerful vassal, but with an enpowered council, it's easy enough to deal with. Problem would be that the new king would desire the Jarldom of Holmgarðr and its counties though, so he wouldn't like you...

So it's worth it to change the succession law. After the change, the kingdom can then be kept around (additional bonus - it spreads out factionalism) or dismantled. It's always nice to own the title, so my advice would be to save the Danes again (but take care - Bohemia has hired the Hospitallers, so their army, while not big, packs a punch).
Interesting point about holding/giving away kingdoms. Really, the main reason for the change here in Gardariki is more the law that applies to its component counties, in that the four core and a few of the subsequently added and developed counties use the kingdom inheritance laws, so they (except for Holmgardr county itself) would be stripped away from Eilif's successor, thus weakening him very badly and potentially wasting a great majority of the development done there over all these years (or having to fight an internecine war to get them back).

And as you say, you then have a jealous King, with 3/4 of the core counties +, wanting the rest ... so I'm definitely aiming for the succession law change ASAP. But a bit to do before Eilif van get there ... and we shall encounter the Hospitallers in the next chapter! :eek:

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

General Comments
as a rule of thumb if you'll build a military building always prioritize the cultural buildings first (not that you're not doing that, just a reminder)
Will try to remember! o_O
Northern Jarls are not nearly as hardworking as the southern ones, there's still a lot of mopping up they haven't done.
The southern ones seem to have the access, opportunity and resources to do it. Still Belo Ozero and Bolghar (Gorm), if they can be classified as 'northern' do try as well. Same with Svipjod, including in western Germany. But it's all welcome.
if the bribe is higher than a cheap building's cost, it might be cheaper to sway him with a wall to his castle
This will be tackled in the future - but she is a pretty minor noble, and while I haven't checked I'm anticipating it shouldn't be a big cost to bribe if the opinion difference is more than an honorary appointment can fix.
Thanks for another full episode!

I say don't stop the raiding, help the 2 vassals with the other forces. If the Danish war isn't concluded by then, you can switch those forces to that front. Also, maybe keep Eilif off the field until the succession is sorted?
You're very welcome. :) I want to keep raiding if I can, as we really need the money for both war fighting and building up the Empire (or the Emperor's core demesne, anyway). And for bribing, opportunity events and emergencies (mercenary hiring, for example) too.
Can you support some of your border barons with gold to help them win?
I'm not sure how effective that is. And whether the outlay would be better spent there than on retinue hiring/maintenance and new buildings. Anyone have additional views or ideas?
At least everything went well on both the raiding and the demonic front. Eilif truly makes good use of his powers now, and he's got a handy backup to prolong his life, too. Dealing with the women is an easy price to pay here.
Yes, things have gone along OK, though the use of his powers can have long and short term costs as well as benefits. At least it hasn't consumed him yet, which I thought might be a problem even before he turned fifty and started to enter the 'deathwatch zone'.
Thank you for the update. Another possibility for the little hater, make her someone's else (your son possibly) vassal so that you do not care what she thinks of you.
My pleasure. :) I did look at doing that in the next session, but had difficulty finding someone to give her to - it wasn't an option for a bunch of people I wanted to. Though someone else did end up getting that treatment as a bit of a lesson in familial loyalty!

Thanks everyone for reading and commenting. Do remember the ACAs are on at the moment and any authAARs you follow and feel deserve a vote will really appreciate the nod and publicity for their works - there are so many good ones out there. :)

Next chapter is in progress ...
 
  • 1Like
  • 1
Reactions:
Chapter 137: Bohemian Rhapsody (15 June 983 to 29 March 985)
Chapter 137: Bohemian Rhapsody (15 June 983 to 29 March 985)

Previously, on Blut und Schlacht no longer infirm thanks to some Dark Healing, Eilif has continued to pursue life to the full, both privately and in the world at large; a lucrative long raid – which he has commanded personally – continues in West Francia and has been bankrolling the development of his Imperial demesne lands; but Eilif's realisation of an oversight in Garðariki’s kingdom inheritance laws now has him looking to enact some legal reform; which in turn requires peace and turning attention to his so far passive involvement in the Danish-Bohemian War for Brandenburg, which King Björn called him into in February 983 …

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

1. Styrbjörn’s War on Khazaria and the Sarkel Rebellion

Following the Þing of 15 June 983, the Dark Fylkir pondered his options. He wanted to be as ambitious as he could reasonably be, while not over-stretching his (now admittedly significant) military capacity or risking a delay to his legal reform plan for Garðariki.

The Danish-Bohemian War had begun in February 982 and Eilif called in about a year later. It had gone poorly for King Björn of Denmark from the start. By mid-June 983, King Witosz III of Bohemia had almost 4,900 men under arms, of which most – about 3,900 – were hired: including the formidable Knights Hospitaller. Björn had about 1,900 troops in the vicinity of Pomerania. Now Eilif would probably have to bail him out if he wanted to reform the Garðarikian inheritance laws in reasonable time - and see Christian influence rolled back further in Germany.

Eilif had thought he might try to help his son-in-law Jarl Ormr ‘the Holy’ of Brabant in his Holy War for Brunswick, but discovered it was the ‘wrong type’ and he legally could not intervene.

It is ‘only’ a Holy War, not a claim war nor a Crusade/Jihad (presumably a GHW would also qualify).

But Eilif could join Crown Prince Styrbjörn’s (the Jarl of Sarkel) attempt to conquer the county of Lower Don from Khazaria, which had begun in April 981 but recently taken a turn for the worse for his son and heir. The offer to assist was made on 15 June.

Not even waiting for an answer, which he anticipated would be a ‘yes’, Eilif mustered almost all his personal demesne and vassal levies (over 10,500 in total strength and at a monthly cost of 20.4 gold) to three different rally points. The western and Swedish levies were ordered to assemble at Slesvig in Denmark. Many from northern Russia would rally at Podlasie on the Polish border and those from the south and east of Father Russia were sent down to Desht-i-Kipchack on the border with Khazaria.

The raiders would stay in West Francia unless called for: most of the 2,600 men then in the Imperial Retinue (26.2 gold/month) and just over 7,600 Jomsvikings (serving for free as a kind of permanent religious retinue) were commanded by Eilif and his two lovers and commanders, Malmfrið and Botulfr.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

On 26 June, Prince Styrbjörn duly accepted his father’s offer of assistance, as expected. But as the southern levies marched to their assembly point, one of Khan Papaçyz’s vassals suddenly produced an unexpectedly large army in Oleshye. This caused some of them to evade this nasty obstacle. And all the Russian levies previously earmarked for Podlasie and the Bohemian War were diverted south as a precaution.

n8JsWJ.jpg

And then on 2 July that vulture Hrörekr ‘Son of Hel’ declared war on Styrbjörn for his Jarldom title, while the lad was off fighting (and losing to) Khazaria. Eilif tried to force peace and was willing to sacrifice a little prestige to ask, but was not prepared to owe Hrörekr a favour to seal it. And because it was an internal war, Eilif could not aid his son directly.

RVEJ0C.jpg

On 3 August, Khazaria retook Lower Don [warscore to -23%] and then started marching towards Tana. Eilif’s levies were still dispersed and in no position to intervene yet. Eilif’s personal holding in Tana was under siege by the 22nd and he was worried it could be sacked (and a large dent put in his income).

By 1 September, Eilif had enough men in place in Desht-i-Kipchak to go after the Khazars in Tana, despite having to cross a minor river to get at them. The brilliant general Hakon was put in charge, with two very proficient flank commanders. Just five days later, in somewhat reassuring news, it seemed that the Crimean army in Oleshye had flipped the raiding toggle and were now heading south.

The Battle of Tana which started a few days later was a straightforward Russian victory against the small Khazarian main army. It also produced a rich prisoner, who was keen to ransom himself for a tidy sum.

vM8JDi.jpg

As Hakon travelled back west to Lower Don, 9 October found the Crimean raiders safely looting away in Byzantine territory on the southern tip of the Crimean Peninsula. At that point, the bulk of the Russian-based levies were directed back west again, this time to rally in Grodno, for service in the Bohemian War.

Eilif was keen to finalise the Khazarian campaign quickly and Hakon (who now had about 2,000 men) was ordered to conduct assaults rather than sieges against as many targets as he thought feasible, without drawing excessive losses. Assaults followed on Lower Don Tribe (14-16 October, 8 casualties v 48 garrison), Lukomorie Tribe (28-30 October, 14 casualties v 132 garrison), the (Orthodox) Bishopric of Kushumun in Lukomorie (1 November, 5 casualties v 22 garrison) and Lower Dniepr Tribe (14-19 November, 23 casualties v 207 garrison).

By that time, the war was standing well in Russia’s favour. The Khazarian army had finally rallied to the west in Peresechen, while the Crimean raiders still minded their own business to the south.

dJse74.jpg

Assaults followed in Crimea Tribe (3-4 December, 21 casualties v 178 garrison) and the Bishopric of Aqmescit in Crimea (6-8 December, 19 casualties v 67 garrison). By then, the Khazarian army was back in Oleshye and making for Lower Don.

On 24 December Hrörekr’s Sarkelian Rebel troops (377), having already occupied Sharukan, were winning a battle in Sugrov against Styrbjörn’s small Sarkelian Loyalist force (283).

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

On 3 January 984, faced with a larger garrison of 800 men in the substantial Castle of Theodosia [4.5 fortification] and a siege which would take almost five months, Hakon broke it and made north to intercept the approaching Khazars, picking up another 511 men then in Lower Dniepr along the way.

Hakon met the enemy at the Battle of Zaporzhye (25 January-7 February 984) in Lukomorie, before they could get to Lower Don. Another easy victory followed (Russia 31/2,555; Khazaria 225/558 killed). This spelled the end of Khan Papaçyz’s resistance, with Lower Don conceded to Styrbjörn on 7 February. But his war against Hrörekr was going poorly. The additional threat caused by the conquest went against Eilif [to 13.6%].

MKzWP7.jpg

Eilif had lost the option to force a peace of Hrörekr [presumably because he’d asked previously but not followed through], so instead the Dark Fylkir decided that day to use the seiðr via a tainted touch spell [costing 500 dark power] to cause a serious disease in the pesky rebel.

By 18 April, Hrörekr had contracted a gratifyingly serious case of pneumonia, even as the revolt against Styrbjörn continued to go his way.

D0j0eL.jpg

But the disease would not progress quickly enough to help Styrbjörn retain his Jarldom. He was forced to surrender his title as Jarl of Sarkel on 7 August 984, but at least retained four counties, taking the title of Chief of Sugrov. Eilif considered revoking the title and the Council would have strongly supported him, but the effect on the rest of Eilif’s vassals would have been punitive – at a time when he wanted to keep as many as he could on side.

S2CAzq.jpg

Eilif waited in frustration as his heir languished in Hrörekr’s dungeon, hoping a Hellish death would take that so-called ‘Son of Hel’.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

2. The Danish-Bohemian War and the Danish Revolt

As we have seen above, as the war against Khazaria was fought, troops had begun to muster to carry the fight against Bohemia on behalf of King Björn of Denmark. By late September 983, the vassal levies based in Pfalz and Brabant had linked up in Russian Holstein, with another 1,200 troops from Sweden on their way. King Witosz had confronted the Danes’ main army in Kalisz and the fearsome heavy cavalry of the Hospitallers (around 1,000 strong) made the plight of Russia’s already badly outnumbered ally even more dire.

6li7an.jpg

The western Russian army had linked up in Holstein under the command of Einarr by mid-October and was ordered over to Russian-owned Danzig. They would wait there for reinforcements from Russia-proper to link up with them before confronting the Bohemian army, which was by then in the pursuit phase against the Danes in the Battle of Kalisz. The remaining 942 Danes who survived their defeat in Kalisz were fleeing to Krakow by 1 November, while the 4,600 victorious Bohemians marched on Danish-owned Lower Silesia.

It seems the weakness of Björn’s position (perhaps exacerbated by his reputed dullness and obstinacy) brought the rats out of the cellars back home: Haukr ‘the Just’ sparked a Danish Revolt on 15 December 983 on behalf of a claimant named Jedvard.

q96Rgh.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

As the Khazarian War was turning heavily in Russia’s favour at the beginning of 984, things were going in the opposite direction for Denmark. King Witosz (personally commanding his army throughout) had fully occupied Lower Silesia by 7 January and was now advancing on Danish Posen. Einarr’s army of around 3,250 levies was waiting in Danzig, with the first trickles of eastern reinforcements still some way off.

The Russian victory against Khazaria on 7 February meant the last levy army was able to start their long march to the Bohemian front, while substantial Russian forces were now passing through Grodno.

Then, due to some internal issues in Sweden (dealt with in another section below), Einarr was reduced to just 2,150 men on 4 March when around 1,000 of the levies were called home. The Bohemians were still besieging Posen as around 5,800 Russian reinforcements approached from the east (not counting the more distant contingent heading up from Khazaria).

But by 18 April, the main Russian army, now commanded by Hakon and numbering around 7,350 men (including a couple of the newer Imperial Retinue regiments), had concentrated in Danzig and started its approach march to Posen, via Stolp (all Russian territory, so recruits could be gathered along the way).

Hakon would eventually face Witosz on the fields of Posen on 13 May 984, for what shaped as the decisive battle of the war. The Russians had a healthy advantage in overall numbers and far superior commanders. Their main comparative strengths were in light and heavy infantry, pikemen and light cavalry. The enemy held a moderate advantage in archers, but of course the 'pucker factor' that caused the Russians the most concern was the almost 1,000 Hospitaller knights. Memories were still fresh of the trouble the Teutons had caused with their knights not that long ago.

The skirmish phase lasted until 31 May, by which time melees started in the centre and on the Bohemian right. Witosz in the centre had been badly weakened by this point, as had the Bohemian right which was then heavily overpowered by Einarr’s charge. Both broke the following day, as Hakon turned on the enemy’s left – which had been far more evenly matched against Dobrynia’s division. The two sides were still skirmishing there as Einarr pursued the enemy’s broken left wing.

JscAS4.jpg

Dobrynia was taking vicious casualties as the Bohemians pressed the melee on 12 June, but by then Hakon and Einarr had both fallen on the Bohemians’ flank. The enemy broke the next day after taking horrendous casualties the day before from that combined charge [noting the red casualty figures indicate previous day’s losses, according to the mouse-over].

Despite their justified fears, the mainly levy Russian army had overcome the enemy’s knights, killing almost half of them and more than half of their heavy infantry in a comprehensive victory, which swung the balance of the war suddenly into the allies’ favour. And Eilif got to ransom a captured minor noble to King Witosz, who survived the battle to retreat eastwards with his troops.

HiMdPj.jpg

As had been the case in Khazaria, where cost-effective to do so Hakon was urged to assault any weakly held holdings he came across. The first of these was Posen, which Bohemia had recently occupied and was now swiftly liberated for the Danes (22-23 June, 23 casualties v 74 garrison). Still in Posen, Obryzycko soon followed (24-25 June, 3 casualties v 26 garrison), after which the Russians headed to the key ground of the campaign: Brandenburg.

There was a brief skirmish on arrival (Russia 0/6,599; Bohemia 29/29 killed) on 16-17 July, followed soon after by a more difficult assault on the castle of Brandenburg (26-28 July, 115 casualties v 495 garrison). Havelburg had a larger garrison though lower walls: a siege would take only about five weeks, so Hakon paused to complete that instead of assaulting.

Havelberg duly fell on 2 September, with no Russian casualties lost to overcome a garrison of 513 men. Jüterbog was however assaulted to thus complete the occupation of Brandenburg (3-4 September, 32 casualties v 268 garrison) [warscore to 84%, plus accumulation for holding the object of the war].

As Hakon was marching south to Lausitz, startling news came from Denmark barely a week later.

mriQ7j.jpg

While no culprit had been caught red-handed, all circumstantial evidence pointed towards the main benefactor of this death, the new King Leopold ‘the Silent’ of Denmark. But this change of leadership in the Bleik dynasty did not halt either the Bohemian War or the Danish revolt, where Leopold’s forces were dangerously dispersed and isolated while the rebels steadily reduced his capital.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

The last reinforcing Russian army (led by Jarl Gorm) reached Lower Silesia on 16 October 984 as Hakon conducted a siege of Lausitz. With a general advantage in numbers and another cast of superior commanders, Gorm decided to challenge Witosz’s army, which had rallied and returned (though much reduced) since their earlier defeat at Posen. Gorm had the numbers in light infantry, archers and light cavalry, plus a small group of pikemen. The two forces were fairly evenly matched in heavy infantry: the one significant advantage Witosz retained was in his Hospitaller knights.

The Bohemians only deployed two divisions, meaning their centre was flanked from the start. For reasons that aren’t entirely clear in the historical record (perhaps the effect of a charge by the enemy's knights), Nuyashka’s Russian division was the first to break during the initial phase of the battle. By 3 November, the two remaining wings on both sides were in a furious melee.

King Witosz then broke in the Bohemian centre on 6 November and Gorm pursued, but this left Olafr locked in combat with the enemy’s right flank division – and Olafr’s men started to take heavy casualties. By 12 November, Olafr had been forced from the field and Gorm had returned to take on the Bohemians, whose division was made up primarily of heavy infantry and knights. The stakes seemed evenly poised; Gorm had the greater numbers but was taking the heavier casualties.

IFkWon.jpg

The battle was decided by 14 November, with the flanking heavy infantry and cavalry of the Knights Hospitaller proving too strong for Gorm’s centre division. In the end, the Russian army was comprehensively defeated, the light infantry levies absorbing the lion’s share of the grief. Gorm's decision to pursue King Witosz rather than stay to assist Olafr had proven to be a serious error.

gj3IWp.jpg

The surviving Russians fled to Lausitz, where Hakon’s army would finish off the well-progressed siege before setting off to take revenge. The loss at the Battle of Glogau was a setback for the war effort, but should not prove insurmountable.

The siege of Gorlitz in Lausitz ended on 24 November, just two days after the pursuit phase of Glogau ended (no Russian casualties v 504 garrison). Hakon, Dobrynia and Einarr set off straight away to see to the defiant Witosz, who remained in Lower Silesia.

The Second Battle of Glogau began on 7 December and this time there would be no miracle for King Witosz, whose own still-demoralised centre division broke on first contact but was not pursued by Hakon. This left the hardier Hospitaller right flank, victors from the previous battle, to put up a last stand as all three Russian divisions closed in on them. It was all over by 16 December, with only three unlucky Russian soldiers killed in exacting this revenge.

BIEyLn.jpg

All that was left now was for Denmark to conclude the peace negotiations with Bohemia. The two Russian forces made their way back to home territory in Stettin, where the levy elements could be safely disbanded. They would fight two minor skirmishes on the way back against Bohemian stragglers, in Posen (Hakon; 23-26 December 984; 0/6,411 Russians, 185/185 Bohemians killed) and then Brandenburg on the last day of the war (Gorm; 5 January 985; 1/1,429 Russians, 37/37 Bohemians killed) before the peace was concluded.

As 985 began Leopold was still losing to Haukr’s Danish Revolt [-20% warscore], but the victory against Bohemia, formally agreed on 5 January, might allow him to claw his way back. But the Bohemian War, which began back on 27 February 982 and which Eilif had joined on 25 February 983, was over.

eLgrm9.jpg

Eilif’s prestige had never been higher and the treasury was healthy. But, as we shall see later, an irritating obstacle had arisen a few days before the peace treaty was concluded that would delay his aspirations for the reform of Garðariki’s inheritance laws.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

3. The Longest Raid Continues

The raid in West Francia continued throughout this time, led by Eilif, with the support (and love) of Malmfrið and Botulfr (he treated it as a rest cure 'with benefits'). When the castle of Mortain fell on 25 August 983, a prisoner was taken – one Guilhem Capet. Count Thibaut of Mortain wanted to ransom him, but could not yet afford the 26 gold demanded. Guilhem would be held and hopefully ransomed once Thibault could afford to do so. Eilif made a mental note to continue abstaining from the torture of prisoners, for which the urge regularly came upon him but he manfully resisted.

The raid of Mortain (county) had begun on 15 May 983 and by the time it ended on 19 March 984, four holdings had been sacked for about 182 gold and no troop losses among the Jomsvikings and Retinue troops engaged in the sieges. Having now exhausted the juiciest targets on the northern French coast in West Francia, Eilif moved next to Domnonia in Briezh, with a force of 10,150 of Russia's best troops under his command. He feared nothing any locals could send against him, but still kept a watch for surprises.

The raid of Domnonia started on 15 April 984 and during the siege of Paimpol, the Russians encountered one enemy they could not easily fight: a minor outbreak of disease in the siege camp. The 499 men who died would be the only casualties suffered during the raid in Domnonia.

By 5 August 984, the treasury was in danger of falling into deficit, with only 27.5 gold left after some domestic expenditures (covered below) and troop maintenance costs running at 22.8 gold per month. The fleet was still gathering in the loot from the fall of the second holding in the county, so tarried a little longer before heading back to port in England to deliver a top-up to the Imperial Treasury.

In retrospect, it occurred to me that I should have simply split the fleet (presuming that is possible once gold had been loaded aboard it), leaving some behind to gather treasure from the raid while the others took the gold back to port. You live and learn.

The fleet sailed off for Suffolk from the Iles de la Manche on 10 August, but had not reached port when the budget fell into deficit on 18 August (-10 gold) due to another unforeseen expense cropping up. But the morale of the armies did not suffer for long, as three days later the fleet dropped off a little over 383 gold, restoring the treasury to a healthy surplus.

The fleet then set off straight away to return to the Iles de la Manche, but arrived just four days late to receive the main haul of 29 gold looted when Sant-Brieg fell on 6 September: none went into the coffers, with the looting troops pocketing the lot themselves. Jarl Olafr would be blamed for this debacle, for reasons explained later.

By 30 November the last gold had been looted from the countryside and the raiders, back up to 10,000 strong, headed south for Thouars, in the Kingdom of Aquitaine, where they would arrive on 2 January 985. King Simon II could theoretically command up to 9,100 troops, so a careful eye would need to be kept in case a substantial force was mustered. A week later, three small Aquitanian armies numbering about 1,800 men in total had been spotted in nearby counties. But while a few more would gather in coming weeks, they would pose no threat by the end of March.

Then on 2 March, in a post-script to the previous raid, a check revealed that Count Thibault of Mortain now had enough funds to ransom Guilhem, so 26 gold flowed into the Russian treasury as the siege of Paimpol continued through March 985.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

4. Vassal Wars and Successions

By 15 August 983, Jarl Ormr’s Holy War for Brunswick (begun in December 982) was going badly – the dreaded Teutonic Knights had been hired by Duke Christopher of Brunswick, whose army of over 12,200 men was in the process of savaging Ormr’s main force in Braunschweig, which now numbered only 3,270. He would be forced to admit defeat in the way at the end of January 984.

Young Svanhildr had inherited the Jarldom of Vestergautland on 28 May 983. The ten-year-old held it for only (and exactly) three months before it was usurped by the new Njudunge family Jarl, Geirr. At least poor Svanhildr retained her county title.

Zn3hd8.jpg

In October 983, the loyal, talented and Hellish Chancellor Arnbjörn died of an apparent stroke and was succeeded in his county title by his son Bertil, who would carry on the Connachtian Conquest of Dubhlinn, begun in February.

GCDwaL.jpg

Within a month of his accession, Bertil had adopted the ambition of becoming King of Éire, giving him unlimited use of the subjugation casus belli within the de jure kingdom. Eilif thoroughly approved.

The search for a new Chancellor was brief: Jarl Buðli II of Belo Ozero, a powerful member of the Rurikid dynasty by then a loyal follower of the Dark Fylkir through possession and a talented diplomat, was installed the following day as both Chancellor and designated regent.

VGAECw.jpg

That old curmudgeon and lately fierce rival of Eilif, Jarl Gorm, was now a malevolent presence on the Council as Advisor. But he was too powerful for Eilif to risk removing him and antagonising him even further. Gorm was old, so Eilif just hoped he would kick the bucket sooner rather than later. He ensured Gorm frequently commanded armies in the field, but the wary old bastard stubbornly refused to be killed in combat!

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

High Chieftess Þordis ‘the Sword of Odin’ of Lithuania began a 2nd Lithuanian Conquest of Oleshye against Khan Papaçyz on 11 February 984, just a few days after the victory against him by Eilif on behalf of Styrbjörn. While this seemed a good idea on general principles, that big raiding party down south in Crimea was commanded by the Chief who owned the county. It could be that this time, Þordis had bitten off more than she could chew, as she would discover later on.

Then a big shock came to the Rurikid dynasty on 3 March 984 with a royal death.

boEuQC.jpg

King Sigurðr, Eilif’s beloved brother, friend, Imperial Steward and, er, son-in-law died of either a heart attack or stroke at the comparatively young age of 51. Under Sviþjod’s gavelkind inheritance laws, the main title went to his infant son (Eilif’s nephew and grandchild) Snorri.

There was no outstanding candidate among Eilif’s direct vassals or the Imperial Court to replace Sigurðr as Steward, so one Refil Folkisson, at that time the Seer of Vladimir, was invited to join the Court. He arrived a few weeks later and was soon made Steward, as well as being married off to an eligible Norse woman. He became the lone Zealot on the Council, while Buðli had obligingly joined the Royalist party.

xaoYU3.jpg

On 6 March, Chief Nuyaksha of Korsun declared his own Conquest of Oleshye – he would need even more luck than Þordis, though maybe he could assist taking down that large raiding army if it came to defend the target county. That same day, the Norfolkian Conquest of Surrey by Chief Froði (a vassal of Ormr’s) failed, having started way back in July 981.

In the last major succession news of this period, another great figure of the era died of ‘severe stress’ – none other than the famous Jarl Gorm ‘the Lionheart’ of Bolghar. His realm was divided between two main Rurikid claimants, breaking up one of the potentially more threatening vassal blocs in the Empire.

mvSJ77.jpg

Jarl Bersi got the major title and immediately wanted a seat on the Council – but was not talented nor, as yet, powerful enough to warrant it in Eilif’s eyes. The vacant Advisor position went to Jarl Hroðulfr of Ryazan on 14 February, converting an opponent into a supporter. The recently elevated Chief Bertil of Connacht [Martial 18] received Gorm’s position as an imperial commander.

As at 29 March 985, the Connachtian Conquest of Dubhlinn (started 3 February 983), the Danish Revolt (15 December 983), 2nd Lithuanian Conquest of Olyshe (11 February 984) and Korsunian Conquest of Olyshe (6 March 984) continued.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

5. Domestic and Personal Affairs

In September 983, there were five active factions in Russia. Only one had more than 10% of Eilif’s strength in supporters – the old Elective Succession in Garðariki group, with 11.6% support. And Eilif’s somewhat irritating son Prince Helgi was a member. But nothing to cause Eilif even a slight concern.

Only one Hel member was exposed during the period, one Tryggve Mordvinksson Varakid in December 983 – but he was only imprisoned in some minor Chief’s dungeon for now. By February 984, the Fellowship had a membership of 45 and Eilif retained an abundant reserve of Dark Power [2,634], should he need to call on it.

Suspicion had fallen on Eilif in February 984 after his rather extravagant use of Dark Power to put the tainted touch on Hrörekr, as revenge for his revolt against Styrbjörn. But far more serious consequences were felt a few months later – Eilif’s heavy use of Hel’s magic over the years had a long-lasting effect. Perhaps not as severe as his earlier infirmity, but worrying nonetheless.

Dzlw3s.jpg

Eilif was still enjoying the benefits of the ‘stolen life’ spell he had used a few years before that would last for another two years to come. And dark healing would have no application to reverse the frailty which now beset him. He sent a message along to his Brethren in the Fellowship and another to the public Þing to see if anyone had a possible remedy for this latest malaise (the wider public had no need to find out specifically what had caused it).

Ch 137 Q1: Frailty. Are there any other measure Eilif might take to remove this frailty? Perhaps any hunting focus events or something else? Otherwise, he’ll just have to put up with it. And maybe renew the ‘stolen life’ bonus when the time comes, which would more than offset the health malus, at least.

An opportunity was presented by Seeress Ulfhildr in June 984 to employ the skills of a great philosopher. There was just enough gold left in the treasury after recent building and troop maintenance costs to afford it, which Eilif authorised. But the minor cash-flow issue this created contributed to the brief deficit noted early in Section 3. Though it was not the final straw …

YZ5vuX.jpg

In August, Jarl Ormr proved to be a bit of an embarrassment, though as a fellow drunkard Eilif had some sympathy. Ormr had created a scene in Ösel and it would cost either money or good will to put it right, as he didn’t want his powerful Jarl (and son-in-law) to become disaffected, nor did he want the merchants unhappy. Normally, the 50 gold required to shut them up would have been easy enough to pay, but it so happened this event occurred not long after the hiring of the philosopher and at a time of high military support costs. There wasn’t quite enough gold in the treasury to cover the whole cost.

UqNjsL.jpg

It was this event that upset the calculations for the return of the raiding fleet, resulting in the three day period of deficit referred to earlier in the raiding summary, until the treasure ships came in. All this was more an irritation than a serious problem, but Ormr – losing wars, embarrassing himself and costing the Emperor precious gold – was becoming a bit of a hindrance these days.

A different Hrörekr – a minor Fellowship member – had become a rival of Eilif’s. Foolishly thinking he was being invited to a meeting of reconciliation by his Trollmaðr, Hrörekr soon learned his error – which would never be repeated! And what was that song the infernal bagpipes were playing ...?

fjDIik.jpg

But at least the tainted touch on that usurping maggot Hrörekr Veðr finally paid off when he died of ill health in late February 985. Hrörekr’s son Rögnvaldr succeeded him as Jarl of Sarkel. But if Eilif had anything to do with it, it would not be for long – especially after he discovered he was the young boy’s legal heir!

VPygzx.jpg

A more traditional method to remove the troublesome youth was immediately initiated. And in less than two weeks there were plenty of adherents, including some powerful magnates of the Empire, signed up – and then two of the young Jarl’s own Council! He was still alive as March 985 was ending, but surely his days were numbered …

Another welcome development following the death of old Jarl Gorm was a new friendship forged with Jarl Bersi, who now became a firm adherent of the Emperor. In contemplating his choices on what to do after the welcome end of his latter day rival, Eilif restrained himself from acting out of pure spite, but on the other hand enjoyed his reputation for cruelty too much to risk losing it. Bonding with Bersi a friend through their common dislike of the old Jarl was also the savvy political move.

gRYWF5.jpg

Soon afterwards, twin pieces of good news came in. His recent restraint meant suspicion about his Hellish activities had again fallen away, while his investment in Tana as a developing Imperial cash cow seemed to be paying off too.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

5a. Building Report

The massive Russian building program of the previous few years eased of but did not stop during the period June 983 to March 985. A new castle town was completed in Aldeigjuborg (Ladoga) and stables in Chudovo (Holmgarðr) in November 983, and castle walls in Moon (Ösel) in January 985 and Chudovo in March 985. Three new improvements were commissioned between November 983 and March 985, two of them in the rapidly developing second castle of the capital, Chudovo.

bWRzxv.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

6. The Kolomna Peasant Revolt and Imperial Ambitions

Just four days before the Danes concluded their peace deal with Bohemia, a peasant revolt broke out in Kolomna. This meant when the treaty was signed on 5 January 985, Russia was still not ‘at peace’ and Eilif was legally unable to push through his reform of the Garðarikian inheritance laws. Hakon’s army in Stettin was safely disbanded on 5 January, allowing sufficient levies to be re-mustered in the core Imperial counties to easily deal with the rebellion.

PKhxr7.jpg

The new army was ordered to rendezvous in Mozhaysk. Eilif hoped for a speedy campaign: his frailty made him conscious that a bit of bad luck before the laws could be changed would mean Styrbjörn, still imprisoned in Sarkel, could start a new reign with a dangerously reduced core Imperial demesne.

By 9 January, perhaps hearing of the assembling Russian army, the rebels were moving south-east towards Ryazan. They arrived there on 17 January and attacked a small Vladimiran force of about 350 men, which they defeated easily enough before heading back to Kolomna.

On 1 February, the smaller (1,443 men) army in the west (formerly Gorm’s, now commanded by Olafr) also arrived in Stettin. But instead of being disbanded immediately, they were ordered to see off a group of about 500 raiders from Alfheimr who were lurking in Danzig. The 361 Retinue troops then in Stolp (left over from the earlier disbandment of Hakon’s levies) would bypass Danzig on their way back to Father Russia.

Enough troops were gathered in Mozhaysk by 4 March to attack the rebels, who by then were back besieging Kolomna. Hakon took charge of over 4,100 of Eilif’s personal levies and headed off at a brisk pace. The Battle of Glukhovichi in Kolomna began on 12 March and would end in the savage suppression of the rebels and the capture of their leader by the 26th and Hakon’s army was soon disbanded.

eEDr9C.jpg

That same day, Eilif was able to adopt a new ambition, which he selected more because it was the only thing that occurred to him, rather than for any unshakeable desire for peace over the next five years. If it came, excellent; if not, so be it.

Olafr had attacked the raiders in Danzig on 21 March, but the battle was still in progress by the 29th.

But the victory against the rebels in Kolomna meant the realm was back at peace once more, even as Eilif still raided away in Aquitaine. By his standing orders as left with the Chancellor, the Royal Laws of Garðariki were reformed on 26 February to bring them into line with Imperial inheritance provisions. All it took was a gift of 15 gold to Chieftess Alfrið of Pskov to make her just happy enough with Eilif to let the law pass.

rUMayI.jpg

The change to agnatic primogeniture meant Eilif’s successor – the currently imprisoned Crown Prince Styrbjörn was the heir apparent – would receive all of Eilif’s current county and jarldom titles, as Finland already had that system in place and the rest were covered by Imperial law. This disinherited Prince Helgi as heir to Garðariki and three of the core Holmgarðr counties. And he was now even more unhappy than before. So Eilif decided to rub his nose in it by making him a vassal of his brother!

Ch137 Q2: Prince Helgi. This is purely a bit of malicious King Lear-like RP for Eilif: no in-game benefit came to mind, and I’m not sure if it could prove to be a hindrance to Styrbjörn later. Any views welcome.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Once again, Eilif could contemplate his next actions with no current wars in progress, the long raid now settled in north-western Aquitaine and his succession secured. Other than seeing Sarkel reclaimed and Styrbjörn released and reinstated to his Jarldom in Sarkel, personally Eilif wanted to see if he could somehow counteract his Hel-induced physical frailty. But the Empire seemed strong, his prestige great, the treasury healthy enough, his own military power secure, with factionalism having grown a bit but still not a serious problem.

kGxF8d.jpg

The Christian and Pagan defensive pacts were still in place, but not necessarily all-encompassing, while Eilif’s threat level was receding again.

ArLKhB.jpg

Holmgarðr was the richest county in the region by far and was approaching many of the old cities of the Mediterranean and Europe in terms of its wealth and culture, while the other counties of the core demesne rode along on its coat-tails.

The spread of the Germanic Faith was wide, but had not increased during the last few years after most Russian counties had converted by then – though not all.

J3YTJ0.jpg

And as always, the spread of Norse culture was far more gradual.

Ch137 Q3: The Way Ahead. Many of the ‘usual choices’ lie at Eilif’s feet A Great Holy War against someone not in one of the pacts? A smaller conquest, claim, or holy war adventure? Assisting an eligible vassal in a foreign conquest, as done for Styrbjörn? Peace with raiding for a while to mlet the threat subside and more isolated targets to emerge? Ireland, West Francia, Germany, Poland, the Suomenusko north or than Mordvin enclave? Any thoughts welcome, including re-raising various past proposals that have not yet been acted upon but whose time may now have come.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Questions

Ch 137 Q1: Frailty. Are there any other measure Eilif might take to remove this frailty? Perhaps any hunting focus events or something else? Otherwise, he’ll just have to put up with it. And maybe renew the ‘stolen life’ bonus when the time comes, which would more than offset the health malus, at least.

Ch137 Q2: Prince Helgi. This is purely a bit of malicious King Lear-like RP for Eilif: no in-game benefit came to mind, and I’m not sure if it could prove to be a hindrance to Styrbjörn later. Any views welcome.

Ch137 Q3: The Way Ahead. Many of the ‘usual choices’ lie at Eilif’s feet A Great Holy War against someone not in one of the pacts? A smaller conquest, claim, or holy war adventure? Assisting an eligible vassal in a foreign conquest, as done for Styrbjörn? Peace with raiding for a while to mlet the threat subside and more isolated targets to emerge? Ireland, West Francia, Germany, Poland, the Suomenusko north or than Mordvin enclave? Any thoughts welcome, including re-raising various past proposals that have not yet been acted upon but whose time may now have come.
 
Last edited:
  • 3Like
  • 2Love
Reactions:
Q2) if you're not doing petty things like that, why are you even playing CK2?
 
  • 1Haha
  • 1Like
  • 1
Reactions:
Q2) if you're not doing petty things like that, why are you even playing CK2?
Exactly. I find this game provides plenty of chances to be petty and it's hilarious. I didn't need to drive the Pope insane by reading him bad poetry, after I sent 5000 men to sack Rome but I could, so I did.

Getting caught up with things, another great update. Nice to see a bit of politicking and warfare mixed in. And I think if he wears that skull on duty as Flykir, people may catch on. :p
 
  • 2Like
  • 1Haha
Reactions:
Q1 I think that you will be frail for the duration. But at 53 and his life choices, the duration may be shorter than Eilif plans.

Q2 "Helgi, you are why God invented Industrial Strength Preparation H! Go annoy your brother!"

Q3 From role play stand not necessarily good play. Try to honor ambition, accept defensive calls but not offensive unless ally-breaking or prestige losing. Frail, no more leading troops. Two primary goals should be 1) Getting Styrbjörn out of prison! 2) Prolonging Eilif's life by dark magic! (I do not think that anyone wants to live forever while family and friends die.)

I am curious what happens if Styrbjörn becomes Emperor while in prison. Does he get a 'Get Out of Jail Free' card, since he would be his jailer's liege? Can he force his release or revoke the Jarl? Does his regent and council make his freedom item #11 on a ten item 'to do list'?

Thank you for updating
 
  • 2Like
Reactions:
Going Habsburg already? The Rurikids did start early.

Other then that (and the episode with Jarl Ormr) things went as well as before. Eilif's on a good path... Oh right, Styrbjörn. Chances are he won't be in prison much longer, but still...
Here's what I'm doing when a vassal's vassal wants a favour in exchange for stopping his revolt - if he doesn't stand to inherit a direct vassalage, sure he can get a favour. Not that he can do anything with it, but if he wants it, fine.

Ch 137 Q1: Frailty. Are there any other measure Eilif might take to remove this frailty? Perhaps any hunting focus events or something else? Otherwise, he’ll just have to put up with it. And maybe renew the ‘stolen life’ bonus when the time comes, which would more than offset the health malus, at least.
A way to remove it would be to do something that can turn your character brawny. There are a few such events, and those you can aim for are exactly where you'd expect them. It's likely Eilif will remain frail for the rest of his life though.
Ch137 Q2: Prince Helgi. This is purely a bit of malicious King Lear-like RP for Eilif: no in-game benefit came to mind, and I’m not sure if it could prove to be a hindrance to Styrbjörn later. Any views welcome.
I can only echo the above - petty revenge is one of the best things you can do in CK. As for risks involved - only if Styrbjörn's stupid enough to make Helgi his spymaster... or if he needed a little percentage for his murder plot to proceed.
Ch137 Q3: The Way Ahead. Many of the ‘usual choices’ lie at Eilif’s feet A Great Holy War against someone not in one of the pacts? A smaller conquest, claim, or holy war adventure? Assisting an eligible vassal in a foreign conquest, as done for Styrbjörn? Peace with raiding for a while to mlet the threat subside and more isolated targets to emerge? Ireland, West Francia, Germany, Poland, the Suomenusko north or than Mordvin enclave? Any thoughts welcome, including re-raising various past proposals that have not yet been acted upon but whose time may now have come.
The treasury can do with a good reserve... and then Eilif should really go for glory and pick a strong enemy. Dark or not, he's still the Fylkir and should really go our and spread the gods' faith - some of them may turn towards Eilif's personal taste, too.
 
  • 2
  • 1Like
Reactions:
As 985 began Leopold was still losing to Haukr’s Danish Revolt [-20% warscore], but the victory against Bohemia, formally agreed on 5 January, might allow him to claw his way back. But the Bohemian War, which began back on 27 February 982 and which Eilif had joined on 25 February 983, was over.
If with the passing of the king, the alliance has also ended maybe we shall try to forcefully vassalize the Danish kingdom? After all their entire expansion was our doing

In the last major succession news of this period, another great figure of the era died of ‘severe stress’ – none other than the famous Jarl Gorm ‘the Lionheart’ of Bolghar. His realm was divided between two main Rurikid claimants, breaking up one of the potentially more threatening vassal blocs in the Empire.
good riddance!

Ch 137 Q1: Frailty. Are there any other measure Eilif might take to remove this frailty? Perhaps any hunting focus events or something else? Otherwise, he’ll just have to put up with it. And maybe renew the ‘stolen life’ bonus when the time comes, which would more than offset the health malus, at least.
Hunting focus is a good idea, and the only one that occurs to me at the moment

Just four days before the Danes concluded their peace deal with Bohemia, a peasant revolt broke out in Kolomna.
Oh FFS!

But the victory against the rebels in Kolomna meant the realm was back at peace once more, even as Eilif still raided away in Aquitaine. By his standing orders as left with the Chancellor, the Royal Laws of Garðariki were reformed on 26 February to bring them into line with Imperial inheritance provisions. All it took was a gift of 15 gold to Chieftess Alfrið of Pskov to make her just happy enough with Eilif to let the law pass.
Phew, I was very anxious there would be a problem and the succession ruined

The Christian and Pagan defensive pacts were still in place, but not necessarily all-encompassing, while Eilif’s threat level was receding again.
A (probably) Tengri independent Turkistan! Vur ha!

Ch137 Q3: The Way Ahead. Many of the ‘usual choices’ lie at Eilif’s feet A Great Holy War against someone not in one of the pacts? A smaller conquest, claim, or holy war adventure? Assisting an eligible vassal in a foreign conquest, as done for Styrbjörn? Peace with raiding for a while to mlet the threat subside and more isolated targets to emerge? Ireland, West Francia, Germany, Poland, the Suomenusko north or than Mordvin enclave? Any thoughts welcome, including re-raising various past proposals that have not yet been acted upon but whose time may now have come.
As an overarching target I always push for making the realm contiguous but that would be too far away into the future. I was thinking Poland before, but they seem to be disintegrated a bit. I'd have said force vassalizing Denmark but I think force vassal casus belli comes with Jade Dragon patch. I'd say if we're going for something big go for the kingdom of Hungary or England, of course depending on what's going on with them. Is there a child monarch? Is there some instability that can hurt their war effforts? That kind of stuff. If a big war is something for the future, and it as may well be, then why not just raiding with the army and trying to expand via marriages, assassinations and dark power? That would be fun too and if you want you can put that 5 year limit to yourself and try to expand as much as possible without warfare. That sounds fun, especially with you as the narrator :)
 
  • 1
  • 1
Reactions:
  • 2
Reactions:
On frailty:
Q1 I think that you will be frail for the duration. But at 53 and his life choices, the duration may be shorter than Eilif plans.
His nasty lifestyle has been offset by the regular Dark Healing - and some even more unsavoury methods. But yet, I'm pleasantly surprised he's lasted this well for so long!
A way to remove it would be to do something that can turn your character brawny. There are a few such events, and those you can aim for are exactly where you'd expect them. It's likely Eilif will remain frail for the rest of his life though.
This seems likely. At least it seems better than him still being infirm, at least.
Hunting focus is a good idea, and the only one that occurs to me at the moment

On Prince Helgi:
Q2) if you're not doing petty things like that, why are you even playing CK2?
Exactly. I find this game provides plenty of chances to be petty and it's hilarious. I didn't need to drive the Pope insane by reading him bad poetry, after I sent 5000 men to sack Rome but I could, so I did.
Q2 "Helgi, you are why God invented Industrial Strength Preparation H! Go annoy your brother!"
I can only echo the above - petty revenge is one of the best things you can do in CK. As for risks involved - only if Styrbjörn's stupid enough to make Helgi his spymaster... or if he needed a little percentage for his murder plot to proceed.
We all find ourselves in furious agreement! :D

On the way ahead:

Q3 From role play stand not necessarily good play. Try to honor ambition, accept defensive calls but not offensive unless ally-breaking or prestige losing. Frail, no more leading troops. Two primary goals should be 1) Getting Styrbjörn out of prison! 2) Prolonging Eilif's life by dark magic! (I do not think that anyone wants to live forever while family and friends die.)
These all seem pretty reasonable and things Eilif has been doing or is now likely to do. Though he has enjoyed breaking the long-time Rurikid hesitancy to risk combat after it famously got Rurik castrated and then Styrbjorn killed.

He's definitely trying very hard to get Styrbjörn out of jail and the first stage of the plan has succeeded nicely, allowing Eilif to get at the son before he can sire new heirs.

And yes, he will use ordinary and if necessary extraordinary dark magic to prolong, but it is unlikely to result in immortality, I should think.
The treasury can do with a good reserve... and then Eilif should really go for glory and pick a strong enemy. Dark or not, he's still the Fylkir and should really go our and spread the gods' faith - some of them may turn towards Eilif's personal taste, too.
Eilif is likely to agree with these thoughts. More of his general plans will be revealed in the next chapter and some of them achieved. In the meantime, it seems he can rely on many ambitious vassals to do the expansion work for the realm on their own initiative, which has been very useful over the years.
As an overarching target I always push for making the realm contiguous but that would be too far away into the future. I was thinking Poland before, but they seem to be disintegrated a bit. I'd have said force vassalizing Denmark but I think force vassal casus belli comes with Jade Dragon patch. I'd say if we're going for something big go for the kingdom of Hungary or England, of course depending on what's going on with them. Is there a child monarch? Is there some instability that can hurt their war effforts? That kind of stuff. If a big war is something for the future, and it as may well be, then why not just raiding with the army and trying to expand via marriages, assassinations and dark power? That would be fun too and if you want you can put that 5 year limit to yourself and try to expand as much as possible without warfare. That sounds fun, especially with you as the narrator :)
Again, the vassals have been doing a pretty good job of both making things contiguous then seizing new bits to
provide those 'stretch goals'! Helped by the Emperor from time to time, as in Finland.

Denmark is as you say no longer an ally, but their long lasting wars have meant Eilif doesn't even get to test whether they would agree to this or not.

Poland is now Poland/Galindia and Bohemia, both under branches of the Piast dynasty. They are a possible Imperial target, but the western magnates have also regularly pitched in, sometimes winning and sometimes losing.

Hungary is another possibility in central Europe. England will be addressed at the start of the next chapter. As is another possibility worthy of the challenge. ;) And we'll see whether expansion by non-Imperial wars is possible in the soon to be published chapter.

In general:

I am curious what happens if Styrbjörn becomes Emperor while in prison. Does he get a 'Get Out of Jail Free' card, since he would be his jailer's liege? Can he force his release or revoke the Jarl? Does his regent and council make his freedom item #11 on a ten item 'to do list'?
Me too, but we shall see what happens in this regard in the next chapter, which may or may not directly answer this question ... ;)
Going Habsburg already? The Rurikids did start early.
I know! :eek: A more prudish (or moral) Emperor might have baulked at the proposal, but it's Eilif, so ... :rolleyes:
Other then that (and the episode with Jarl Ormr) things went as well as before. Eilif's on a good path... Oh right, Styrbjörn. Chances are he won't be in prison much longer, but still...
Not the first time it's happened to an heir apparent ... it happened to Eilif's own father, Styrbjörn, back in around 916 AD! An interesting twist with it happening to his grandson and namesake!
Here's what I'm doing when a vassal's vassal wants a favour in exchange for stopping his revolt - if he doesn't stand to inherit a direct vassalage, sure he can get a favour. Not that he can do anything with it, but if he wants it, fine.
Yes, I've done that a bit too when it didn't look like mattering much and should have done this time. But just let it slip past. A bit of RP arrogance from Eilif may also have been at play!
If with the passing of the king, the alliance has also ended maybe we shall try to forcefully vassalize the Danish kingdom? After all their entire expansion was our doing
Some of that answered above, more to follow in the next chapter.
Phew, I was very anxious there would be a problem and the succession ruined
Me too, but in the end it all worked fine and Eilif (dark) powered on.
A (probably) Tengri independent Turkistan! Vur ha!
:D
The evil at the heart of the empire lives on but for how long until Darth Fylgi dies?
This is now the question. But until that happens, evil and iron-fisted strength rule the Russian Empire. Will his successor (probably Styrbjörn, but no guarantee of course) be very different? Will he be tempted to the Dark Side ... or choose a different path?

To All: Thanks again for all the support. Happy thanksgiving to all our American friends who celebrate that holiday. I will take the risk of publishing while that is on, to either provide them with some holiday reading (if the opportunity presents) or something to look at later! :)
 
  • 1Like
  • 1
Reactions:
Chapter 138: Travel Broadens the Mind (29 March 985 to 20 January 988)
Chapter 138: Travel Broadens the Mind (29 March 985 to 20 January 988)

Previously, on Blut und Schlacht now frail rather than infirm and moving into his mid-fifties, Eilif had slowed down somewhat physically but remained active; with the French coastline now systematically plundered, the Russian raiding force had moved onto Aquitaine; Garðariki’s inheritance laws had finally been updated to secure the Imperial’s succession, but Crown Prince Styrbjörn himself remained in the jail of the young Jarl of Sarkel following his loss to Rögnvaldr’s father Hrörekr in a revolt; Eilif had got Hrörekr out of the way using the Dark Arts just a month ago and now had a conventional murder plot in place to kill the son – given as Emperor he was the boy’s legal heir!

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

1. Aquitaine, France and the West – March 985 to June 986

At the end of March, the raiding party of 10,150 formidable Imperial Retinue and Jomsviking troops continued the ‘permanent viking’ in Thouars, besieging the main castle, after which three more holdings (a city, bishopric and another castle) would be vulnerable. There was no Aquitainian force nearby that could worry the raiding army, which Eilif still personally commanded, flanked by his lovers Botulfr and Malmfrið.

In terms of next major goals, perhaps after Eilif had seen the realm prosper (some years off yet), England was not tempting. Because it was a Norse Germanic realm (it was in fact really the renamed Jorvik, ruled for many decades by the Hvitserk dynasty), the only claims available to Eilif were all for the nondescript county of Orknö on behalf of three different claimants in his court.

ZHBTU5.jpg

Vassalisation would probably be rejected if demanded, but the question couldn’t even be posed at that time given King Hrafn was fighting a couple of different wars.

At some point recently, West Francia had formally changed its name to France. The previous hapless King Louis V had died, unnoticed by Russia, of scurvy a year before. He had been succeeded by his son King Valeran ‘the Wise’, but under a new dynastic name. He was engaged in two losing wars at present, one against a large invading host, the other against the English King Hrafn, defending Essex.

5IzUTb.jpg

Eilif had in mind a Great Holy War, preferably for France, which would add a large slab of very rich land to the Russian holdings bordering Brabant; if it could be won. But that would probably be some years off yet. However, he did despatch an aide to France from the siege camp outside Thouars to investigate the precise cause behind the change in French dynasty name.

The siege of Thouars ended with its surrender on 23 April. It provided a modest amount of loot, but did see three prisoners taken: the local Count’s wife and child plus another female courtier. Young Emma de Thouars and then Countess Mahaut fetched some nice ransoms and amusing insults, but the Count was not interested in Valence, who would remain in Eilif’s dungeon.

Ce3URq.jpg

In mid May, the few extra available ships called out from the Black Sea ports arrived off Thouars, bringing the fleet to 113 longboats – enough now to lift the entire raiding force at once. Very useful for shifting localities quickly and vital in case it was ever threatened by an army large enough to take it on.

Eilif’s aide came back on 25 May with his detailed report on what had happened to the French ruling dynasty. As suspected, it had been the result of a matrilineal marriage Valeran’s father had made before he usurped the (then) West Francian throne. Something the Karling dynasty, which had ruled from Karl the Great in 768 AD, was no doubt very unhappy about. The blood line was unbroken, but the dynastic name was now Unruochinger, after Valeran’s mother.

dvonzi.jpg

Valeran had himself married a lowborn woman, so there had never been such a risk for him. Eilif hoped one day a Rurikid would do for Valeran what he had done to the Karling name – remove it from the rulership of France.

The raiders sacked La Rochelle (no loss, 77 gold) on 30 May and then Luçon in early July. Apart from the gold taken, the (literal) key to a very old Rurikid mystery was found: a strange key that Eilif instantly knew matched the lock on the chest that had been held in the Rurikid treasury since the early days …

nngMrS.jpg

Alas, the chest proved to be more interesting than its contents. But at least this great mystery had been solved.

The last holding in Thouars – the castle of Châtelaillon – was looted on 24 August (no loss, just 8.7 gold), but the loot it had protected (about another 12 gold) took until 26 September to be cleared out of the county, by which time the fleet was carrying 260 gold.

At that point, the army headed south towards Saintonge, where an Aquitanian army of just over a thousand men had been imprudent enough to be ‘on guard’, but not quick enough to get away when the Russians broke camp. With a fight on the cards and growing concerns about the Fylkir’s age and frailty, Eilif and his two lovers headed back for Russia. Olafr (a centre specialist) took charge, with Hakon and Einarr on either flank in a fairly evenly balanced three divisions of 3-4,000 men each.

The ensuing battle of Saitonge, from 6-17 October 985 AD, was more of a massacre: the entire Aquitanian army was wiped out for only a dozen Russian losses, who would soon be replaced.

6ytF8e.jpg

New Aquitanian forces (2,800 at first) began mustering south of Saintonge soon after – but they would very carefully skirt around the Russians as they headed north, via Périgord (by which time they numbered around 8,100) to Angouléme by the end of October. Then on to Lusignan, which they would reach a week later. They never moved against the Russians, who simply continued their siege: perhaps the Aquitanians had been badly frightened by the exemplary Slaughter of Saintonge.

By the end of November, the Aquitanian army had passed through Poitiers then across the Loire and were fighting a small group of raiders (around 600) from Bergslagen in Anjou. Once that was done, they headed back south again, the way they had come. Even as Saintes was sacked on 10 January 986 (no losses, 49 gold), the Aquitanian army of 8,260 men was passing by back through Angouléme to Périgord.

By the time Royan fell on 28 February (no losses, 93 gold), the locals were all the way south near the border with the Spanish and Umayyad realms at Dax. The last Saintonge holding of St Jean-d’Angély (no losses, 69 gold) fell on 18 April and the remaining booty scoured from the county by 30 May. By that time, other raiders were already despoiling Bordeaux and the main Aquitanian army was south of that: it was time to head back to the ships and look for a new area to plunder. The Russians would all be back aboard ship by 10 June and ready for the next leg of their ‘working holiday’.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

2. Cadiz – June to December 986

The raiders started sailing for Cadiz on 10 June. The ultimate liege of the Umayyad realm, Sultan Yahaff, could muster a powerful army, though he was currently engaged in a couple of wars which might distract him for a while. Olafr and Hakon would need to remain vigilant and be ready to make for the ships if real trouble brewed.

0RFUTT.jpg

They were anchored off Cadiz by 20 July and fully disembarked a week later. There were around 2,400 hostile troops nearby, but they were engaged against a small raiding group of around 400 men to the south of Cadiz. Cadiz itself boasted two castles (Wilayahs), two mosques and a city.

The main Wilayah of Cadiz took until 19 October to reduce, but when it fell a great swag of prisoners – all women and girls – were ‘dragged out of their hiding holes’. In coming weeks, all but two were ransomed off, with the poet in Eilif well pleased with the fresh insults, though the standard fell off as young Sheikh Amr lost the edge a little. Umayyad troop levels continued to gradually build up, with 3,800 in the vicinity by 24 November.

S8GONx.jpg

In early December, scouts reported that a large Umayyad army was besieging rebels at Aracena, just to the north. Jeréz fell a couple of days later, bringing two more ransoms and one fresh insult, but the neighbourhood was getting a little crowded.

cgkm4J.jpg

By 19 December, Sultan Yahaff had almost defeated the widespread revolt against his alleged tyranny and was ahead in his separate war against Asturias. He decided to concentrate his own and other vassal armies in the area and attack Cadiz from three different directions with a total of around 13,000 troops. This was more than the raiders were willing to face and they made for the boats, evading the attack by a week.

Rjvxuh.jpg

Cadiz had turned out to be a short stop on the continuing Viking tour, which on 30 December would head off next to the Mediterranean, with 677 gold in the treasure chests (out of a capacity of 1,120).

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

4. Domestic Affairs – March 985 to July 986

Following the just completed Þing, Eilif reviewed Russian research progress and found breakthroughs were possible in all three areas of investigation. He opted to make advances in shipbuilding, construction and majesty.

N31EBS.jpg

Interested in views as to whether for Russia in this period, the level of advancement seems slower, quicker or about on par compared to the ‘usual’ for this kind of originally tribal realm.

A fight against raiders in Danzig, begun the previous month, was won with a minimum of fuss on 7 April 985 by an army under Einarr’s command at the Battle of Bytöw (Russia 3/1,745; Raiders 232/506 killed). They would not be bothering Russian lands again, so Einarr’s levies were promptly sent home.

Crown Prince Styrbjörn, still in a prison cell in Sarkel, was doing his best to bring his recently assigned brother Helgi into his confidence, appointing him Chancellor on 19 April [now just -4 opinion of Styrbjörn, -18 of his father Eilif]. It was all good practice for the heir apparent while he cooled his heels in jail. And perhaps it was having an effect, as on 9 May Helgi announced that he wanted to become a ‘Paragon of Virtue’!

Things suddenly got ‘interesting’ for Eilif on 26 May, when on the same day that his stewardship skills improved, he developed a bad headache. Not waiting to see what this might develop into, the Emperor called on his dark powers to rid himself of this unwelcome symptom. As he waited for the effects of this to take hold, two days later Court Physician Hrörekr diagnosed a case of the Great Pox!

FJzEna.jpg

Later that day, the dark healing took hold, removing the headache and any incipient infection of the Pox, but also leaving the Fylkir exhausted and a little unclean, as it always did. But he was happy he had nipped it in the bud: Hrörekr marvelled at his liege’s powers of recovery, while the Dark Fylkir’s Infernal Journal recorded the true cause of this ‘miracle’ for modern historians to discover.

The plot to kill young Jarl Rögnvaldr of Sarkel was heavily subscribed by early June 985, with ten plotters giving it excellent prospects of success [281% plot power]. Eilif was anxious to get his son out of prison, though this was not the first time a Rurikid heir had spent some of his waiting period in the dungeons.

Neither Eilif nor Styrbjörn would have much longer to wait: the plans for Rögnvaldr’s death began to crystallise on 17 July. By 14 August the deed was done – and the old hunting accident ploy was not discovered by any meddling would-be detectives!

NdYpMy.jpg

Styrbjörn was released the same day as Eilif inherited the Jarldom. And the temporarily unhappy crown prince would soon be placated …

RetoAN.jpg

His son’s lands and love were soon completely restored.

But another of Eilif’s sons, Prince Alfr of Nyland, was becoming something of a pest by mid-August 985 [-39 opinion], though his father still held him in high regard [+62 opinion] and hoped he wouldn’t have to make another familial intervention.

Eilif’s continuing focus on improving the management of the Empire took a big step forward in mid-September 985, on the heels of a witchcraft trial. His conduct of the proceedings may have angered the locals in Vyazma, but meant he lost some traits that had been holding back his stewardship abilities. His previously weakest area was beginning to reach acceptable levels after some years of hard work and application.

1sHHKD.jpg

Generally interesting news was received in November 985 of a new discovery by Erik the Red (brother of the renowned scholar Wiki the Red), though its practical implications for Russia, if any, were not yet known.

Va3zXP.jpg

As the year ended, factional activity in Russia remained negligible, as it would for the foreseeable future [five factions, 2.8% to 11.2% strength].

The new year of 986 AD started quietly, but in February the dreaded ‘chamber business’ claimed Linda, one of Eilif’s concubines and mother of the four-year-old Princess Hafrid. Naturally, Eilif soon got himself a replacement, the best Germanic girl available, all the way from Foggia in Italia.

Fe954H.jpg

Though young Gloð did not seem too impressed: a frail, cruel, possessed drunkard and known murderer? What is there not to like, thought Eilif wryly to himself.

Even without a recent treasure fleet, prior savings, tax income and ransoms meant that there was plenty in the treasury to fund another round of building projects in late February 986. With a [Level II] castle town already being upgraded in Chudovo that would be completed on 29 April that year, these would focus on building the already formidable military capacity of the Imperial demesne. Something Eilif wanted backing his successor when the time inevitably came. One reason for these choices was the relative lack of archers in the Russian army of the time, which had been noticed in a number of battles of late.

M7QKKv.jpg

On 1 June, Prince Karl was the next of Eilif’s sons to come of age. He already had an eye for the women and was also keen to get married, which his father was happy to arrange. Young Sigrid, a Germanic girl from the Lower Don, was the best available of a suitable age. The arrangements were all completed by mid-July. Karl was a promising plotter and could one day make an effective spymaster, should a vacancy arise.

1ynaXw.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

5. Geirr’s Host – July to August 986

An interlude with some unforeseen consequences played out over a short period that summer. On 8 July, a good sized raiding host appeared in the important Imperial demesne county of Ladoga. This was not to be tolerated and Eilif, back at court by then after returning from the raid in Aquitaine, summoned the ‘old crew’ to head up a levy army drawn solely from the capital county of Holmgarðr, plus the two newest Retinue companies that had returned from the west some months previously. They set out for Ladoga the next day.

cLV8lE.jpg

By 30 July, Eilif’s army was just two days out from Ladoga, while other vassal forces were on their way from Belo Ozero: Geirr’s host would not escape their reckoning. Eilif led the attack on 1 August with a strong central division, his lovers on either flank well enough positioned against their opponents.

KYQ3m1.jpg

By 16 August, the vassal reinforcements had arrived, the enemy was in full flight and being pursued from the field. But Eilif looked across to his left and saw that Malmfrið (his cousin, lover, concubine and Sister in Hel), while fighting on seemed not be herself [martial down from 16 to 14]. He sent a rider across to see what had happened.

With the victory soon afterwards – a thorough smashing of the raiding host – came news that Malmfrið has been severely wounded, having taken an axe-blow to the face while leading her heavy infantry in a bold charge that had broken the enemy’s right some days before. Few perhaps could love the now masked face, but Eilif remained one of those few. Their mutual love, a constant of the Dark Fylkir’s later years, remained complete and unshaken.

pXsCTE.jpg

The levies were dismissed as Eilif returned to Nygarðr with his lovers – perhaps having taken them on one adventure too many, but still happy they all still lived.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

6. Domestic Affairs – July 986 to October 987

Back at court, Eilif’s niece Ulfhildr Hrafnsdottir, 30 and unwed, was keen to be married. A proposal was made to England that she marry the 16 year-old Prince Sæmundr Hvitserk, Jarl of Mercia (but not heir to the English throne, though he of course had a claim on it) and it was quickly accepted.

Prince Alfr’s next ‘trick’ was to join the faction advocating elective succession in Finland at the end of July. Hardly a surprise for a younger son, but not something that endeared him to his father. Prince Karl’s relationship with his father was far better and in mid-August he said he now wanted to join the Imperial Council, for which (as mentioned earlier) he had a meritorious case as a spymaster. But Eilif took no action in either case, for now.

Eilif’s skills as a judge were again called upon for a murder case in October 986. Eilif’s professional and personal interests intersected and he quickly ordered the accused man put to the wrack. The guilty party died during the interrogation after admitting his crime and Eilif enjoyed himself. A win-win situation!

UEj4Vv.jpg

News came on the first day of 987 that the Duchy of Volhynia had been excised from the de jure (but unformed) Kingdom of Konugarðr due to Polish rule over the last century. A little disappointing, perhaps, but something a future holy war might one day rectify!

78X6qH.jpg

The commercial development of Tana continued in January 987.

gBadfj.jpg

While the militia training ground was completed in Starya Russa (Toropets) on the 18th and the upgraded keep in Nygarðr on the 25th.

With an increasing eye on financial advancement, a travelling merchant was welcomed to Nygarðr in the same month. Other than tales of far Hindustan, no new trade deals were done, but a young eunuch was gifted to Eilif – a Mandé man but of the True Germanic Faith – who had reasonable potential as a future steward.

1Szo7S.jpg

Another constant of Eilif’s life had become the periodic entreaties from his half-sister Vigdis, in Denmark, to join her long but futile plot to kill Empress Björg. Another request was made and rejected on 5 February 987.

“Who will rid me of this troublesome sister?” exclaimed a frustrated Emperor to his court on receiving the latest letter. It seemed to be a rhetorical question.

By late February, Eilif was almost two years into the five year period set aside for seeing the realm prosper, due to end on 26 March 990. More raiding and building it would be for now.

The infant King of Sviþjod, the now three year-old King Snorri (Eilif’s nephew and grandson), seemed in need of guidance. To bring him closer, Eilif proposed he become Snorri’s guardian, which came into force on 1 April 987.

At this time, with a decent reserve of gold usually held in the treasury, Eilif remained open to most suggestions for improvements to infrastructure and prosperity. Spymaster Tolir proposed one such project for Roslavl in mid-May 987, which the Emperor duly approved. The same day, suspicion about Eilif’s dark doings once again dissipated.

gk2lug.jpg

On 29 May, news came that Prince Alfr was off raiding in France: it was good news and Eilif hoped Alfr may be the better – and less bothersome to his father – for it. More amusing was news in mid-June that fellow-drunkard, the carousing Jarl Klas of Vladimir, had become known as ‘the Fat’.

The militia training ground upgrade was completed in Yamsky Gorodok (Torzhok) on 14 July, while in Roslavl and Vyazma the construction of specialist Druzhina (heavy infantry) training grounds required stage two castle walls to be completed and they in turn required improved keeps (level two) technology, which neither county had attained. And the one Imperial shipyard, in Moon (Ösel), could not be upgraded (to level two) until shipbuilding technology had developed there (to level two). For now, the remaining money in the treasury (307 gold) was set aside for future projects.

On 6 October 987, the Emperor finally got sick of monitoring and deciding which plots to be ordered stopped or allowed to proceed. For some time, he had been stopping virtually all of them anyway and there were so many that he gave standing orders to Spymaster Tolir to automatically issue stop orders to all of them (claims fabrications, murders etc) it was possible to.

The domestic scene was relatively quiet from then until the end of January 988.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

7. Odin and Hel – April 985 to October 987

Odin’s earthly realm of the Germanic faith expanded a little more during this period, with conversions coming in Vologda (April 985) and Norfolk (February 987).

But it was a rather frantic and dangerous period for many devotees of Hel, mainly for lower level members of the Fellowship. There were burnings in Nordgau (September 985), Sviþjod (March 986, December 986 and September 987) and Radstofa (a Hellish Godi, in October 987).

Three more Fellowship members were detained, but one by the name of Arngrimr was lucky enough to be detained by the Seer of a close personal friend, Þordr, the leader of the 2nd Bulgarian Revolt against Eilif’s friend Jarl Bersi (see later in the chapter), and was only imprisoned in November 985. Eilif then tried to recruit Þordr into the Fellowship, to see if he could secure Argrimr’s release and prevail on Þordr to cease the rebellion – but the revolt leader was not interested.

Another member in good (bad?) Fellowship standing was Mayor Falki of Växjö, who was captured on 14 May 986 but released by Jarl Rikulfr of Smáland’s dungeons a few weeks later, after the payment of a ransom. It probably helped to be landed and rich enough to afford it, as well as having friends in high places.

Leader Þordr arrested another low-born member, Gorm, in February 987, for whom no further record exists.

During this time, Eilif had once more resisted all recurring impulses to torture prisoners (preferring to keep them for future ransoms or the next Great Blot), but did indulge in a bit of deathly music again in December 986 …

I1euaV.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

8. Vassal Wars and Successions – April 985 to January 988

Eilif’s ambitious vassals were even more active than usual during this period of top level realm peace. And the unfortunate Khan Papaçyz of Khazaria was the target of much of this attention. Chief Nuyaksha of Korsun was the one who succeeded in securing neighbouring Oleshye in mid-April 985. The very same day, High Chieftess Þordis of Lithuania suffered the double blow of having her own casus belli for Oleshye lapse and seeing her husband Jarl Sörkver die in battle. All for nothing.

l3zgkl.jpg

This gain to the Empire now conveniently linked the previously isolated provinces of Olvia and Belgorod with the rest of southern Russia. Less convenient was the apparent resulting increase in Eilif’s threat to others that followed (up to 10.4%). He had not been expecting the actions of his vassals to have this impact on him, given he had not been directly involved in the war.

Ch138 Q1: Threat. I had thought vassal actions would not impact on Eilif’s own threat level, but (see some later apparent examples as well) that seems to be happening. Is that a thing? Is there something about feudal or imperial mechanics (or some other aspect) that causes this to happen?

The ambitious Eskild of Tmut very quickly seized on the opportunity to give Khan Papaçyz a kick while he was down by declaring a Tmutarakian conquest of Lukomorie on 24 April, followed by Sif of Olvia on 3 May with a Holy War for Moldau. Both conflicts would still be in progress by January 988.

TFopgl.jpg

The long-running Connachtian conquest of Dubhlinn, begun by Chief Arnbjorn in February 983 was won by his successor Bertil in May 985. [Apparently increasing Eilif’s threat again, back up to 11.1%.]

8UgEDl.jpg

Next came Jarl Bersi’s major triumph in the invasion of Cumania, which old Jarl Gorm had declared back in September 978 and was now over, six and a half years later. It added four new counties to Bersi’s – and thus Russia’s – domain. And invalidated the causes of two other foreign realms. [Threat again kicked up, to 14.8% following this. Eilif had been making no conquests of his own throughout this time, just raiding.]

BIZIwJ.jpg

Through this period, a trickle of Eilif’s vassals converted from tribal to feudal governance, increasing the holdings and wealth of their counties as they did so, often seeing temples and cities added straight away. One such was the ambitious Chief Nuyaksha, with those new additions made to both Korsun and Oleshye in July 985.

Khan Papaçyz was in for more grief on 20 August 985, with Chief Iltäbär of Sarkel launching a bid to conquer Crimea; which like the others had not been concluded by January 988.

On 16 September 985, Jarl Buðli II of Belo Ozero announced a very ambitious intention to invade the lands of King Árpád Radislav II of Bulgaria, to begin two years later – which it would, without conclusion by January 988.

This hectic few months of activity continued with a revolt by Þordr (referred to earlier under religious affairs) against the recently victorious Jarl Bersi of Bolghar in a bid to increase council power in the Jarldom. This would be a serious and quite evenly balanced fight that would also still be in progress in January 988.

IEBkri.jpg


ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

As a swathe of these vassal conflicts continued, no new declarations were made for some months afterwards. In March 986 Denmark’s revolt, which had started in December 983, ground on with no end in sight. King Leopold ‘the Silent’ was only marginally winning (3% warscore), while he was marginally losing (-6%) his defence against a Holy War by Anhalt for Brandenburg, while a powerful raiding host was defeating 400 of his troops who had been ambushed in his capital of Sjælland.

There was good news with the death of High Chief Ahma ‘the Brute’ of Karelia on 27 April 986, voiding the truce that had existed after the last war for Savolax. But his successor Hintas II was a member of the pagan pact, so was off limits for now, even if Eilif had felt inclined to break his prosperity ambition for the realm.

On 21 June 986, an internal war broke out in Sweden, with Jarl Hrörekr of Sviþjod declaring the 2nd Swedish Claim on Hälsingland War against Jarl Eirikr II. Hrörekr looked to have the more powerful starting position. And so it eventually proved, with Eirikr captured on 22 November 987 and capitulating to Hrörekr a few weeks later, on 11 December 987, becoming an unhappy vassal.

The list of wars against Khazaria was added to on 24 June 986 when Jarl Hroðolfr of Ryazan declared a conquest of Theodosia (on the Crimean peninsula). This was followed less than a month later by Jarl Froði of Pereyaslavl declaring a conquest of Lukomorie (adding to that of Eskild of Tmut) on 15 July. Both these new bids were still unresolved in January 988.

Khazaria was yet again the target of this Russian vassal feeding frenzy when Jarl Klas ‘the Fat’ began the prepared Vladimiran invasion of Khazaria on 19 August. This made for a total of two resolved and six more continuing wars against Khazaria during this period alone!

In a change of location, Prince Karl of Letgallen declared a rather bold West Dvinian Holy War for Polotsk against King Maslaw ‘the Black’ of Poland (also confusingly referred to on maps as Galindia at this time) on 5 December 986. To complicate the issue, though perhaps also for mutual reinforcement, Tolir of Minsk (a vassal of High Chieftess Þordis) called his own Minskian Holy War for Polotsk less than two weeks later on 18 December. Neither had ended by the time this period was over.

King Hjalmar of Sviþjod made his own bid for glory with a Holy War for Franconia declared against Duke Manfred on 13 March 987, still going in early 988.

By 12 October 987, Eilif threat perception had reduced considerably (down to 6.6% again with no recent vassal acquisitions). The state of these many continuing wars (or as much as is now known about them) is summarised below.

Wigtc6.jpg

NB: I only thought of using the ledger for this after the session was completed, so pieced in some more of them from screenshot records to make it as at January 988.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

9. Tunis –January 987 to January 988

After departing Cadiz in late 986, the Russian raiders at first made for Rome, but in late January 987 decided to make first for the riches (116 gold tax income) of Tunis instead. Tunis was then part of the Kingdom of Sardinia and Corsica, but King Ascanio only had a personal army of around 2,000 and was unlikely to intervene anyway, leaving it to the Duke of Tunis to cope with. Which he should be completely incapable of doing.

The raiders were ashore in Tunis by 2 March 987, facing no initial opposition. Tunis held three castles, two cities and a temple so should make for rich pickings. By 23 March the local levies had been mustered throughout Tunis by Duke Adalberto II ‘the Usurper’ – who already faced a war against the neighbouring Tulunid Sultanate. The Tunisian army looked to have no more than about 2,800 troops between the five forces they had mustered: most of Adalberto’s troop strength was probably cooped up in the various holdings now cut off in Tunis (the county).

Tunis was looted on 5 June (561 casualties, 57 gold), followed by the richer city of Sousse (no casualties, 89 gold) on 12 July. The advantage of having troops who could replenish their numbers in foreign lands was again borne out, with the raiders back to full strength again by early August. Ariana (no casualties, 55 gold) was sacked on 18 August. By then, the fleet had 938 gold in its holds.

On 1 September 987, a long-term female prisoner, Käpy Savolainen, was ransomed to the new Chief Uoti of Savolax (a reluctant Suomenusko vassal of Eilif’s who had recently inherited his title and must have had a soft spot for Käpy) for 10 gold. The Emperor was glad he hadn’t tortured her to death years ago!

In a report hearkening back to ancient times - 'Carthago delenda est' - the Barony of Carthage was sacked on 30 October 987 (no casualties, 40 gold). This left a city and another castle for the raiders to invest as the fleet began to near capacity (around 1,000 gold/1,120). By mid-November, two Tulunid armies numbering over 11,500 between them basically had free reign in Tunis as the Russians went about their work.

The city of Zaghouan (no casualties, 89 gold) fell on 6 December and the last loot from that was being scraped up (from 1 January), when a Sardinian army blundered into the Russians in Tunis. The ‘Battle’ of Sousse was no such thing, the enemy having no morale to start with and being wiped out in five days. The looting was all done by 14 January, the fleet getting as close to full as it needed to be as the troops boarded for the voyage home with an enormous treasure trove.

p47rrT.jpg

At this time, Eilif was 56 years old, still in reasonable health, at the height of his military power and as prestigious as any of his predecessors. Eight of his ten children remained alive, as did his wife, two lovers and two other current concubines. The Crown Prince was free and the Imperial Rurikid succession had been as strongly secured as he could hope for, legally and militarily. And a great treasure fleet would soon be on its way back to Belgorod on the Russian Black Sea coast. Eilif may be a frail, Hel-worshipping drunk, possessed and stressed … but it was still good to be the Dark Fylkir!

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Question

As alluded to above, this is the first instalment recording the first half of the latest play session, so there’s just the one question. But as always, answers to questions I should have asked, additional observations, advice and comments would be warmly welcomed.

Ch138 Q1: Threat. I had thought vassal actions would not impact on Eilif’s own threat level, but (see some later apparent examples as well) that seems to be happening. Is that a thing? Is there something about feudal or imperial mechanics (or some other aspect) that causes this to happen?
 
  • 2Love
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Vassalisation would probably be rejected if demanded, but the question couldn’t even be posed at that time given King Hrafn was fighting a couple of different wars.
It's both same religion and a neighbour, if it was also a duchy and not a kingdom they'd accept

Interested in views as to whether for Russia in this period, the level of advancement seems slower, quicker or about on par compared to the ‘usual’ for this kind of originally tribal realm.
Seems good to me regarding the area, but I've never played in this area

Ch138 Q1: Threat. I had thought vassal actions would not impact on Eilif’s own threat level, but (see some later apparent examples as well) that seems to be happening. Is that a thing? Is there something about feudal or imperial mechanics (or some other aspect) that causes this to happen?
This is strange, vassals doing stuff shouldn't increase your threat level. There needs to be some interesting detail that's causing this but I have no idea at the moment

Next came Jarl Bersi’s major triumph in the invasion of Cumania, which old Jarl Gorm had declared back in September 978 and was now over, six and a half years later. It added four new counties to Bersi’s – and thus Russia’s – domain
He got Balkash too, we officially have a border to lake Baikal!!!

At this time, Eilif was 56 years old, still in reasonable health, at the height of his military power and as prestigious as any of his predecessors. Eight of his ten children remained alive, as did his wife, two lovers and two other current concubines. The Crown Prince was free and the Imperial Rurikid succession had been as strongly secured as he could hope for, legally and militarily. And a great treasure fleet would soon be on its way back to Belgorod on the Russian Black Sea coast. Eilif may be a frail, Hel-worshipping drunk, possessed and stressed … but it was still good to be the Dark Fylkir!
All episode I was waiting for some unexpected disaster to happen but no, all is good in the Norse Empire of Russia! Can't wait for the second half of the play session already :)
 
  • 1Love
  • 1Like
Reactions: