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A parliamentary secretary points out that the Confirmation of the Appointment Replacement Act does indeed require the approval of the Cortz according to Section IV, Clause B of the Inter-Parliamentary Relations Act, due to it altering the membership requirements of the Assembly. The Chamberlain is also required to approve the Cortz Election Act for a vote as designated by Section III of the Inter-Parliamentary Relations Act.
((@texasjoshua, you get to choose whether to approve the Cortz Election Act or not, otherwise it won't be put up for a vote.))
((@texasjoshua, you get to choose whether to approve the Cortz Election Act or not, otherwise it won't be put up for a vote.))
As you may know, armed persons claiming to be under your banner were found in Athens recently.
As Athens is part of Hispania and these armed men not permitted by is government, its sovereignty was violated by this act.
As such, an explanation for this violation of our borders would be expected. Why were there armed men under your banner in our country?
Empress Dowager Sophia de Trastamara nee Mandromenos, Duchess of Athens
As Athens is part of Hispania and these armed men not permitted by is government, its sovereignty was violated by this act.
As such, an explanation for this violation of our borders would be expected. Why were there armed men under your banner in our country?
Empress Dowager Sophia de Trastamara nee Mandromenos, Duchess of Athens
(( Oh sweet. Yea, Cortz Election Act will not be a vote. ))
*nods listening to the parliamentary secretary.*
"I recall that this was the ruling when this was discussed last session as well. Still, I understand the merit of the arguments in favor of the removal of the appointed representatives by some of the members of the assembly. Still, I will agree that our houses are far too separated in these dire times of the empire. I encourage any members of the Assembly to come speak to me so that we may discuss this matter among others. In recent years the two parts of the assembly have become ever more divided, I'm sure that we can find some common ground somewhere rather than handing down denouncements from our pews. The Cortz and assembly both represent the empire as a whole, if we cannot come together, how can we expect the empire to?"
Altair Spoleto, Count of Cremona
*nods listening to the parliamentary secretary.*
"I recall that this was the ruling when this was discussed last session as well. Still, I understand the merit of the arguments in favor of the removal of the appointed representatives by some of the members of the assembly. Still, I will agree that our houses are far too separated in these dire times of the empire. I encourage any members of the Assembly to come speak to me so that we may discuss this matter among others. In recent years the two parts of the assembly have become ever more divided, I'm sure that we can find some common ground somewhere rather than handing down denouncements from our pews. The Cortz and assembly both represent the empire as a whole, if we cannot come together, how can we expect the empire to?"
Altair Spoleto, Count of Cremona
((Reapperance! Had some trouble with classtests and an... unfair... teacher.)) Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos has passed in his bed.
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Name: Lluis Kardinal Martínez Siechta
DoB: 13.04.1751
Class: Clergy (Bishop) Religion: Catholic
House: Assembly
Faction: Edredon
Bio: Lluis was the youngest son of a merchant. His mother died early, when she gave birth to a sister that would soon follow her mother into death. He was weak, and illness made him suffer even more. Really early he knew that he wanted to become a priest. He admired their discipline. But Lluis only knew the monks who lived near the small town he grew up in. He never knew how... lustfull the other priest were. How greedy, how ambitious. But when he started his Theologian studies he did not even thought priests could be bad men, how naiv he was. With 16 he started his studies in Montepellierre, in France, continued them in Rome and ended them in Granada. In Montepellierre he met a corrupt priest and a lustfull bishop. In Rome he saw the decadance, and in Granada he heard of the intrigues. He tried to withstand these sins, and he thought these were sins, but soon all his resitance fall appart, and became on of these... "bad priests". With 27 he had ended his studies, with 30 he already lead a big church, and now, with 47 he's leading a bishopric and hopes for the title of a Archbishop of Sevilla.
((So if you would make me a Archbishop I would request Sevilla.
))
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Name: Lluis Kardinal Martínez Siechta
DoB: 13.04.1751
Class: Clergy (Bishop) Religion: Catholic
House: Assembly
Faction: Edredon
Bio: Lluis was the youngest son of a merchant. His mother died early, when she gave birth to a sister that would soon follow her mother into death. He was weak, and illness made him suffer even more. Really early he knew that he wanted to become a priest. He admired their discipline. But Lluis only knew the monks who lived near the small town he grew up in. He never knew how... lustfull the other priest were. How greedy, how ambitious. But when he started his Theologian studies he did not even thought priests could be bad men, how naiv he was. With 16 he started his studies in Montepellierre, in France, continued them in Rome and ended them in Granada. In Montepellierre he met a corrupt priest and a lustfull bishop. In Rome he saw the decadance, and in Granada he heard of the intrigues. He tried to withstand these sins, and he thought these were sins, but soon all his resitance fall appart, and became on of these... "bad priests". With 27 he had ended his studies, with 30 he already lead a big church, and now, with 47 he's leading a bishopric and hopes for the title of a Archbishop of Sevilla.
((So if you would make me a Archbishop I would request Sevilla.
))- 1
All of Greece is our home. Arbitrary borders do not define who is or is not Greek. Athens belongs to the Greeks as much as Constantinople does. As a Greek yourself, you should understand this, unless your time in Valencia has made you more Aragonese than Greek.
If you do not know why members of the Revolution were in Athens, then you lack the comprehension to understand our aims. You cannot be entirely faulted for this, for one born into wealth and power can never truly comprehend the plight of the common people. The Greek people are tired. Tired of serving a tyrant and his lackeys who puts their whims ahead of their own people. While we starve, while we fight his wars, and while we have our pitiful income plundered by the Crown, the Basileus and the nobles bathe in luxury. It is time he pays for his crimes and the sins of his ancestors before him. He shall be brought to justice, along with all members of the royal family and the nobility.
Seeing as you have found this means to contact us, perhaps this is an opportunity to overcome any differences and achieve a level of harmony for the future. Our goals are simple: we want justice for the crimes committed against the Greek people and a government that represents us. The Basileus will face trial, along with all the others deemed guilty. A new government will be formed, one representative of the people. We have no qualms with Hispania if you do not intend us harm. Your Parliament may well serve as a model for our future government, although do not expect the Basileus to play as important a role as your own Emperor. We only make this simple request: do not intervene in Greek affairs, now and forever more. The Greeks shall be deciding their own fates from now on, both at home and abroad. If your Emperor and his advisors find this satisfactory, we may well be allies in the future, but we will never be slaves, not to the Basileus or your Emperor. Never again.
If you do not know why members of the Revolution were in Athens, then you lack the comprehension to understand our aims. You cannot be entirely faulted for this, for one born into wealth and power can never truly comprehend the plight of the common people. The Greek people are tired. Tired of serving a tyrant and his lackeys who puts their whims ahead of their own people. While we starve, while we fight his wars, and while we have our pitiful income plundered by the Crown, the Basileus and the nobles bathe in luxury. It is time he pays for his crimes and the sins of his ancestors before him. He shall be brought to justice, along with all members of the royal family and the nobility.
Seeing as you have found this means to contact us, perhaps this is an opportunity to overcome any differences and achieve a level of harmony for the future. Our goals are simple: we want justice for the crimes committed against the Greek people and a government that represents us. The Basileus will face trial, along with all the others deemed guilty. A new government will be formed, one representative of the people. We have no qualms with Hispania if you do not intend us harm. Your Parliament may well serve as a model for our future government, although do not expect the Basileus to play as important a role as your own Emperor. We only make this simple request: do not intervene in Greek affairs, now and forever more. The Greeks shall be deciding their own fates from now on, both at home and abroad. If your Emperor and his advisors find this satisfactory, we may well be allies in the future, but we will never be slaves, not to the Basileus or your Emperor. Never again.
((Reapperance! Had some trouble with classtests and an... unfair... teacher.)) Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos has passed in his bed.
------
Name: Lluis Kardinal Martínez Siechta
DoB: 13.04.1751
Class: Clergy (Bishop) Religion: Catholic
House: Assembly
Faction: Edredon
Bio: Lluis was the youngest son of a merchant. His mother died early, when she gave birth to a sister that would soon follow her mother into death. He was weak, and illness made him suffer even more. Really early he knew that he wanted to become a priest. He admired their discipline. But Lluis only knew the monks who lived near the small town he grew up in. He never knew how... lustfull the other priest were. How greedy, how ambitious. But when he started his Theologian studies he did not even thought priests could be bad men, how naiv he was. With 16 he started his studies in Montepellierre, in France, continued them in Rome and ended them in Granada. In Montepellierre he met a corrupt priest and a lustfull bishop. In Rome he saw the decadance, and in Granada he heard of the intrigues. He tried to withstand these sins, and he thought these were sins, but soon all his resitance fall appart, and became on of these... "bad priests". With 27 he had ended his studies, with 30 he already lead a big church, and now, with 47 he's leading a bishopric and hopes for the title of a Archbishop of Sevilla.
((So if you would make me a Archbishop I would request Sevilla.
((Consider yourself an archbishop.
))
You would even condemn a newborn child, someone who cannot even speak let alone act to death? I know that is what you justice is. Death to all you see as guilty for things as simple as relation? Does the Lord and his Church teach that such things are sinful?
Truly, the people of Byzantium have legitimate grievances with the Basileus and the nobility, but executing all of them is not the answer. I propose a discussion between your leaders and the Basileus and his advisors, under the mediation of the Emperor of Hispania and his Cabinet so this affair can end peacefully on the island of Rhodes, under Hispanian jurisdiction. Hopefully this will result in an beneficial agreement to all.
Truly, the people of Byzantium have legitimate grievances with the Basileus and the nobility, but executing all of them is not the answer. I propose a discussion between your leaders and the Basileus and his advisors, under the mediation of the Emperor of Hispania and his Cabinet so this affair can end peacefully on the island of Rhodes, under Hispanian jurisdiction. Hopefully this will result in an beneficial agreement to all.
We do not condemn any child to die, nor even the Basileus. He shall face trial along with all the others considered guilty. The rest of the royal family, at least those of age, shall face trial as well. The fate of those condemned is to be decided by the Greek people they have so wronged.
If you believe we intend to murder them, then you are mistaken. The intent of our leadership is to put them all on trial. The murder of those who have not faced trial is condemned by us and are the acts of those acting of their own accord. Only those decided to be guilty by law shall face death, if the verdict demands it.
We refuse to meet the Basileus in any condition other than him in chains and in our custody. He no longer has any legitimacy or power over us. His word means nothing. We, however, are willing to speak with representatives of Hispania on the future relations of our two nations.
If you believe we intend to murder them, then you are mistaken. The intent of our leadership is to put them all on trial. The murder of those who have not faced trial is condemned by us and are the acts of those acting of their own accord. Only those decided to be guilty by law shall face death, if the verdict demands it.
We refuse to meet the Basileus in any condition other than him in chains and in our custody. He no longer has any legitimacy or power over us. His word means nothing. We, however, are willing to speak with representatives of Hispania on the future relations of our two nations.
The Empress Dowager decided to reveal the words of the leader of the rebellion to the Emperor to see what he thinks of this madness.
((Privately of course))
((Privately of course))
Fernando stands up again.
"After being reviewed several times by the senior members of the Reconquista Party and taking in the advice of many esteemed members of Parliament, we have decided to amend the Italian Autonomy Act as follows, taking inspiration from other proposals put forth by other members of Parliament. I apologize for any inconveniences in incorporating other proposals' ideas.
Again, please provide constructive criticism on this proposal so that we can determine its benefits and limitations and improve on it.
I yield the floor. Thank you for your patience."
"After being reviewed several times by the senior members of the Reconquista Party and taking in the advice of many esteemed members of Parliament, we have decided to amend the Italian Autonomy Act as follows, taking inspiration from other proposals put forth by other members of Parliament. I apologize for any inconveniences in incorporating other proposals' ideas.
Again, please provide constructive criticism on this proposal so that we can determine its benefits and limitations and improve on it.
I yield the floor. Thank you for your patience."
"Your Majesty," said Fernando, "I am concerned that we may have to use force to defeat the Greek revolutionaries. I do not want it to come to that. I believe it is time that we forced the Basileus and his government, or whatever is left of it, to accept Hispanian style reforms both to bring their state into the modern era and to end the rebel threat before more people get hurt. I propose a meeting between the rebel leaders and representatives from Constantinople to negotiate a reformed Greek government, with Hispanian mediation of course. Failing that, I am ready to lead an army into the Greek lands to eliminate the rebels and locate the Basileus and his family, but if it comes to that we must still force Constantinople to adopt reforms."
Do we have contacts within the territories of the Eastern Roman Empire? Can we use them to infiltrate the rebel cells and locate the Basileus? What should we say in public about the Greek problem?
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Lluis sat the small garden, a yard in the middle of the building. A patio, filled with water, some trees and flowers, and birds singing their songs.
He closed his eyes, his mind drove away. The bishobric was a good one. Wineyards all around him, small and nice villages, good looking girls. And in the middle of it all Almeria and his Summer "Palais". The dream he dreamed as a small child came through.
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The messenger was in hurry. He already was late, he couldn't come even more late, and so he hit his horse to ride faster. The sun burned down on him, and he asked himself where the Palace of this bishop was. A ... Lluis? Nah he would see.
Half an hour later he arrived in a small village. The houses were white, the roofs red and the trees green. In a small tavern he asked one of the guests where to find the bishops palace. Some of the guests who heard the question laughed.
"Just some minutes away. With a horse it should last 5 Minutes. Just ride along the road, then you'll see."
"Thank you", and the messanger gave the man a golden coin.
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Lluis sat still in his chair when a servant gave him the kings letter. He sat in this chair quite some time, the he grimmed.
"So it is Salamanca. Good, good. lets see..."
He closed his eyes, his mind drove away. The bishobric was a good one. Wineyards all around him, small and nice villages, good looking girls. And in the middle of it all Almeria and his Summer "Palais". The dream he dreamed as a small child came through.
------
The messenger was in hurry. He already was late, he couldn't come even more late, and so he hit his horse to ride faster. The sun burned down on him, and he asked himself where the Palace of this bishop was. A ... Lluis? Nah he would see.
Half an hour later he arrived in a small village. The houses were white, the roofs red and the trees green. In a small tavern he asked one of the guests where to find the bishops palace. Some of the guests who heard the question laughed.
"Just some minutes away. With a horse it should last 5 Minutes. Just ride along the road, then you'll see."
"Thank you", and the messanger gave the man a golden coin.
------
Lluis sat still in his chair when a servant gave him the kings letter. He sat in this chair quite some time, the he grimmed.
"So it is Salamanca. Good, good. lets see..."
((Private - Ministry of Justice))
*A memo is passed down from the Minister of Justice's Office to the Bureau of the National Police*
'It is a matter of immense importance that the Basilissa is placed under the custody of the National Police. Details are enclosed as to her whereabouts. Furthermore, an investigation into the precise nature of the Empress Dowager's use of office - particularly communiques - should be examined.'
~ Salcedo
_____________
((Private - Interrogation Room))
*The two thugs are sitting, tied to very austere wooden chairs. Numerous local police guard the somewhat makeshift prison cell from the outside, but the only ones accompanying the prisoners are two dark figures in plain clothing. Their distinctive tricorn hats had been long removed for fear of damage.*((Private - Interrogation Room))
"Now, pecadores, who shall be the first to speak as to the identities and whereabouts of your leaders?"
((Interrogate the thugs to find precise information about who is in charge.))
Prince Matthias eyed the memo that laid gently across his desk, presented to him by a simple page boy. He read the letter carefully and, having discerned it's meaning, began to draft a proclamation
To the National Police force of the Nation of Hispania
We, as Protector of the Greeks, have swore for many years now to protect the family and the people of Byzantium. As you may be aware, there have recently been demonstrations challenging the right of the house to govern Byzantium. Therefore, It is our duty, and now our intention, to offer protection to the Royal Household. I have word that the children are to come to Valencia shortly, so some of you will be assigned to guard them, but the matter of most importance is the guarding of the Basilissa. Once found, you are to guard her with your lives, and if at any point in your duty you as a collective feel that the Basilissa's life is at risk, beyond that of her environment, then you are to bring her to Hispanian soil, in particular the mainland, to be reunited with her children and to ensure her safety. God speed to all of you, and may you have good fortune,
Signed Prince Matthias de Soneta di Belmonte, Prefect of the Bureau of the National Police
To the National Police force of the Nation of Hispania
We, as Protector of the Greeks, have swore for many years now to protect the family and the people of Byzantium. As you may be aware, there have recently been demonstrations challenging the right of the house to govern Byzantium. Therefore, It is our duty, and now our intention, to offer protection to the Royal Household. I have word that the children are to come to Valencia shortly, so some of you will be assigned to guard them, but the matter of most importance is the guarding of the Basilissa. Once found, you are to guard her with your lives, and if at any point in your duty you as a collective feel that the Basilissa's life is at risk, beyond that of her environment, then you are to bring her to Hispanian soil, in particular the mainland, to be reunited with her children and to ensure her safety. God speed to all of you, and may you have good fortune,
Signed Prince Matthias de Soneta di Belmonte, Prefect of the Bureau of the National Police
((Private - Cabinet))
I wish to speak to you all of the pressing matters going on in Byzantium. The Empress Dowager has revealed to me her attempts to commence negotiations with these rebels. I commend her on being resourceful enough to find a means of communication with them, for now that opens up many more options to us. We still do not know exactly who we are dealing with, other than them claiming to represent the Greek people, but we now have a clearer image of their goal. It appears they wish to place the Basileus and the royal family on trial, although despite their claims I have my doubts that a trial is all they intend, or at least a fair one. I think it is safe to assume the Basileus's life is in danger. I believe his safety to be of great importance. We do not know what these rebels truly intend for him. They may well have a show trial in mind where they prance him around before lopping off his head. I cannot allow that to happen. Despite these claims that they mean him no harm, even these leaders admit that they cannot control their own men.
All of this does not take away from the claims of these rebels. Reform is clearly needed, and the leaders of this rebellion have expressed a desire for a new government, one modelled more closely on our own. I do not necessarily find this proposition unthinkable, and indeed it may be an opportunity to create goodwill with the Greeks if we assist in this effort. I am not certain what role the Basileus will play in this new government, but I feel compelled to plead his case and pray he is willing to embrace change as we have in Hispania. It also appears that these rebels seem to lack an appreciation for the laws of nations. Despite their claims that Athens is theirs due to the Greek population, it still remains part of Hispania. Their actions in the city is a violation of our sovereignty, and I find their willingness to so easily flout it disturbing. However, since we are considering a referendum regarding the fate of our Greek lands, perhaps it may be easier to bring these rebels to the negotiating table and get them to agree to respect the outcome of the referendum. If our Greek subjects want to remain with Hispania, then that decision must be respected.
There is also the matter of relations between us and Byzantium. The leaders of this rebellion do not seem entirely hostile to us, other than their attack on our sovereignty and my fellow monarch. If these rebels do manage to win, providing we cannot or do not stop them, we must consider how we will approach them in the future. We need not make an enemy if necessary. Of course they have made it quite clear they will no longer take orders from Valencia. I am not certain how to feel about this. The close bonds between our two empires has perhaps been taken for granted for too long that we don't appreciate what we would lose. Is it time to let them forge their own path?
Even with we are willing to attempt negotiations, we must consider that this rebellion may reach a point of no return. Violence will happen regardless of what the leaders want. Intervention may well be worth it to simply keep this situation from spiralling out of control and leading to untold deaths. A new or reformed government may well be put in place, only for the rebels to turn on each other and dismantle that one as well. It may be worth restoring order first and then forcing a settlement if negotiations fail. I wish to hear what you all think of the matter. I also believe attempts at negotiations should officially commence. If we can find the Basileus, then we can serve as mediators, but for now we may have to handle the rebels ourselves, either through diplomacy or by force.
- His Imperial Highness, Alfons IX de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, King of Transdacia, Duke of Bavaria, & Protector of the Greeks
((The Cabinet now knows the details of the letters sent by the Revolutionary Leaders to the Empress Dowager.))
((First, I need to point out creating Italy in-game would conflict with several points of your act. For one, doing that instantly makes it so all taxes go to them, not just local taxes, and they gain the ability to create their own army. They would also not be granted any representation in our Parliament because they technically would not be part of Hispania anymore. If you want them to be an actual in-game nation, it needs to be made clear they would be granted their own army. The condition about them gaining representation will need to be removed since we would no longer be able to directly influence any of those provinces represented. Now if the Italian Parliament is merely a regional one beneath our current one and Italy would simply be a kingdom in Hispania, it makes more sense for there not to be an in-game nation and just raise autonomy instead.
This is probably a good time to state that any player whose character has a seat in any province that joins another nation, even a subject nation, will lose their ability to vote in our Parliament. You will have to make a new character, or move to a region somewhere still in Hispania if you're in the Assembly, to be able to vote again.))
I agree that reforms will be needed if the Basileus is to be returned to power, although I do not wish to force them and hope the Basileus will see the light. For now though, I do not believe that mediating any negotiations will be possible. No one knows where the Basileus is and his ministers have scattered. There may be some minor government figures still around, or at least the generals, but I don't believe they would best represent the government. The old order is collapsing in Byzantium and I suspect that it will be replaced without intervention. We may have to consider stepping in, either to welcome in these newcomers or to reinstate the old order.
- His Imperial Highness, Alfons IX de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, King of Transdacia, Duke of Bavaria, & Protector of the Greeks
((Private - Firehound15))
The police in Athens know the Basilissa is residing in the Mandromenoi estate after her recent encounter on the streets of Athens, although attempts to take her into custody have failed. She refuses to leave the estate, claiming she is unfit to travel anywhere after giving birth to her new son. Even when told that she will merely be taken elsewhere in Athens in safety, she refuses to budge. She claims that only the Mandromenoi estate possesses the proper luxury she is accustomed to and she will not spend time loitering around in some dingy police station. When attempts were made to persuade her to move, she nearly took out a officer's eye with a thrown shoe. Despite her protests, she states she is willing to travel to Valencia once she recovers, but for now she wishes to be left alone.
It appears that an agent of the Empress Dowager managed to question the two thugs and find a way to communicate with the leaders of the Revolution. Little is known of what she wrote, for once the thugs shared their information, such letters were sent through other sources. Only the responses are known when the Emperor shared them with the Cabinet.
As for the thugs, they are quite forthcoming, although it appears they don't know as much as hoped. Once farmers in Morea, or rather serfs, they joined the Revolution to get back at their oppressive liege lord. They know little of the inner workings of the Revolution, not even knowing who is in charge, although they have revealed a way of passing on information to the leaders through intermediaries and dead-drops.
((Okay, I understand. I'm editing the bill to make it so that they just gain autonomy. Let me know if that brings up more issues.))
(( Private - Cabinet ))
*Nods his approval*
"I'm quite pleased that we are able to find a way to communicate with some of the leaders of the rebellion. It certainly provides us more options. We must remember however that we have no guarantees of how large a group these leaders actually represent, or if they do in fact represent the whole rebellion. I would be willing to support a trial, but certainly not what at least moderated by Hispania, on what grounds would the Basileus and the royal family be tried? A agree with your highness in that any form of a show trail would be unacceptable.
I raise perhaps again the idea of agreeing to meet some of the local leaders in the capital. The first step to negotiations will be to get them to the table, then at least we might be able to find a suitable compromise. I, at least, am willing to reconsider the relationship between Hispania and Byzantium. Our proximity and interests would make us close friends even if we are not in indirect control of their government. So far certainly the deaths are few and could be blamed on excess passion. The more time that passes the less likely I will believe it is prudent to negotiate. We should make these feelings clear to the rebel groups.
I believe straightforward honesty with them will aid them in understanding our stance and help convince them to come to the negotiating table. I do insist that the Basileus, or a member of the royal family must remain in some sort of position of authority, anything else would be unthinkable. If the negotiations fail, I see nothing else but for us to support the legitimate Byzantium government militarily, failure to do so would be a disaster. We could of course enforce some reforms as part of the cost of our assistance, but I see no other strong alternative.
In Conclusion, your highness, we should send a delegation immediately to open negotiations with rebellion leaders."
*Nods his approval*
"I'm quite pleased that we are able to find a way to communicate with some of the leaders of the rebellion. It certainly provides us more options. We must remember however that we have no guarantees of how large a group these leaders actually represent, or if they do in fact represent the whole rebellion. I would be willing to support a trial, but certainly not what at least moderated by Hispania, on what grounds would the Basileus and the royal family be tried? A agree with your highness in that any form of a show trail would be unacceptable.
I raise perhaps again the idea of agreeing to meet some of the local leaders in the capital. The first step to negotiations will be to get them to the table, then at least we might be able to find a suitable compromise. I, at least, am willing to reconsider the relationship between Hispania and Byzantium. Our proximity and interests would make us close friends even if we are not in indirect control of their government. So far certainly the deaths are few and could be blamed on excess passion. The more time that passes the less likely I will believe it is prudent to negotiate. We should make these feelings clear to the rebel groups.
I believe straightforward honesty with them will aid them in understanding our stance and help convince them to come to the negotiating table. I do insist that the Basileus, or a member of the royal family must remain in some sort of position of authority, anything else would be unthinkable. If the negotiations fail, I see nothing else but for us to support the legitimate Byzantium government militarily, failure to do so would be a disaster. We could of course enforce some reforms as part of the cost of our assistance, but I see no other strong alternative.
In Conclusion, your highness, we should send a delegation immediately to open negotiations with rebellion leaders."
"I am well aware of the law. An act that doesn't simply consist of Section IV, Clause B. There is also Section V, and Section IV, Clause A. Now why should there be V if IV is clear? Because IV gives examples, a guideline if you want. Section V unmistakenly gives the responsibility of deciding if a law affects only one house. There is a good reason why this section has been written into the act, to clear any dispute. And for my faction, the Appointment Replacement Act and therefore also its confirmation falls mainly under Clause A, or at least between the two Clauses, as the main point is to change the procedure: votes of appointed members are reduced to zero. Membership requirements stay the same. There is no word lost about how one attains membership, and I interprete it as a procedural action as stated in Clause A. Now I see that you do not share my opinion. But this is exactly why the Speaker and Chamberlain are given that responsibility. And if both of them are saying that the act only affects the Assembly and should be voted on by it - then it does.
Chamberlain Spoleto recognized the character of my proposed Cortz Election Act - it is ridiculous. The same is true for the appointment, and even some appointed themselves have shown their approval in the last vote! Now why should the Cortz be able to block that revocation, while the Assembly can't create a similar structure in the Cortz? Why can they block the revocation of something negative for the Assembly? While the Assembly itself cannot block the revocation of a deeply rooted injustice in the Cortz, for there is none? The character of this law has been made clear as one only concerning the Assembly. The Chamberlain, as well as our new Speaker will, sees this true character and acknowledges the competence for this law. There is hardly room for discussion, especially with this vile attempt to silence the majority of the Assembly for good!
As for Duke Leon, I respect his good intentions, but they will only cause trouble in this form of a kingdom of Italy. It seems to merely add another layer of complexity into the bureaucracy, and I fear it would only increase the bureaucracy, which is the same that I would say to the motion to organize a federation of Italian provinces. A one-timed articulation of the people's will doesn't seem enough to justify a further absolutist rule as well, as we know that opinions can change. The people would need to confirm their local ruler after a certain amount of time, be it a fixed time period or his death.
Then concerning all administrative reforms on such a scale, we have to keep in mind that there is a fairly young reform active: The Local Autonomy Amendment to the Imperial Governance Act of 1788. Instead of replacing and restructuring the entire system once again, we should leave this act intact. It could be specified more if there is need for that, but it has proven its worth over the last years. If there is a need for a greater regional administration, there can be a simple first step taken. Through incorporation, not only for Italy, but for all areas, leaving the degree of rights transferred to the region as a local decision, preventing any hostilities against Valencian-drawn borders:
As Minister of the Interior, I will continue to encourage greter production all across Hispania. ((keep manufacturing)) And to achieve that goal, I would like to gain the support of the CJC. Instead of focusing on war, something that we should aim to reduce to the past, the CJC shall encourage peace, prosperity, abolish existing limits, encourage the values of the empire and the CJC."
((Church Aspects: Revoke 'Saints Accept Prayers' and 'Holy Sacraments'. Institute 'Individual Creeds' and 'Allow Usury'.))
((Cabinet))
With the Dowager Empress involved in these letters, whose universal solution I have presented in the Parliament lately, I can only assume that this 'breach of sovereignty' has been two drunk revolutionaries who just happened to have a pitchfork in their hand and made one step into the county. Hardly an invasion. And with Byzantium's status, nothing could be further away from a breach of sovereignty than such a, I wouldn't dream of calling it that way, 'incident'. Byzantine troops and civilians can cross the border as they please, to reach the Peloponnese, to visit their family, whatever. For centuries. I am sure there have been drunk soldiers in Athens before, this is hardly new. If these poor drunken peasants are even to be considered soldiers, that is. If Athens sees things like the revolutionaries, they will have the referendum to prove it. That Byzantium claims lands it lost centuries ago is not new.
As far as I see it, the demands of the Greeks are reasonable. Centuries of oppression have left their marks, and it is not like the Basileus had no chance to change it, or didn't see it coming. He must answer for these mistakes, and if he found guilty, then so be it. Any fears of a show trial could be answered with a trial in front of a Hispanian court, in accordance to the Byzantine laws; the independence of our jurisdiction should guarantee a fair trial for both the revolutionaries and the Basileus.
Intervention causes only more death, resentment and an eventual backlash. The revolution should run its course. The government of Byzantium has lost its legitimacy in the eyes of the people, and if that is the case, there is nothing to salvage. Only a greatly modernizing reform can restore the legitimacy. Of course, negotiations are advisable, but I doubt that the Basileus, who has shown no willingness to negotiate before, will do it now when he stands to lose much. If he loses the trial, it may well be everything. And Hispania let this loss of legitmacy happen. Protection of the Greeks can also be achieved in a more loosely organized alliance.
((Then how is this anything but a more convoluted version of the bill I've proposed?))
It seems then that I must explain the purposes of the various clauses, seeing as I was the one to write them. While Section V does state that the Speaker or Chamberlain selects what impacts solely their house, Section IV still decides based on that decision who will vote on the law. Seeing as the proposed law would remove appointed positions, changing the membership of the Assembly, it thus requires the approval of both houses. Perhaps I placed them in the wrong order then, but that there is their purpose. Section V exists solely to clarify who decides what law only impacts a single house, but does not decide whether that law is then voted on by either one or both houses.
The difference between situations here is minute. The law regarding the Cortz was blocked because it was proposed by a member of the Assembly. If a member of the Cortz had proposed, then it would have to be considered. It would then face the same voting process as the laws regarding the Assembly's appointed position.
- His Imperial Highness, Alfons IX de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, King of Transdacia, Duke of Bavaria, & Protector of the Greeks
((Probably a good time to mention that we can't build anymore manufactories in Europe without raising development. We can build some elsewhere though. I believe part of North Africa is in range of the capital to make building them there worth it.
Only the Minister of Religious Affairs may change our church aspects. Usually we voted on them in the past, but that was because the Minister was always an NPC.))
((Private - Cabinet))
Perhaps the details were not made clear enough then. The Basileus and his wife were attacked in the streets of Athens. This is no drunken brawl. Admittedly, our relations with Byzantium has allowed free travel to occur between our two empires. Regardless, I do not take the attack on my cousin and another sovereign on our soil lightly.
There is also the matter of whether the Basileus should even be permitted to be placed on trial, or if this rebellion should be given any legitimacy at all, if we even have the power to dictate so. The Greeks have legitimate grievances, but allowing this all to happen could set a dangerous precedent. It may be better to use our influence to force a settlement between the two so the monarchy remains intact but in a shape better suited to fit the needs of the Greek people.
- His Imperial Highness, Alfons IX de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, King of Transdacia, Duke of Bavaria, & Protector of the Greeks
((Private - Cabinet))
Perhaps the details were not made clear enough then. The Basileus and his wife were attacked in the streets of Athens. This is no drunken brawl. Admittedly, our relations with Byzantium has allowed free travel to occur between our two empires. Regardless, I do not take the attack on my cousin and another sovereign on our soil lightly.
There is also the matter of whether the Basileus should even be permitted to be placed on trial, or if this rebellion should be given any legitimacy at all, if we even have the power to dictate so. The Greeks have legitimate grievances, but allowing this all to happen could set a dangerous precedent. It may be better to use our influence to force a settlement between the two so the monarchy remains intact but in a shape better suited to fit the needs of the Greek people.
- His Imperial Highness, Alfons IX de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, King of Transdacia, Duke of Bavaria, & Protector of the Greeks
((Private - Cabinet))
Indeed, that is the question. Is this rebellion deserving of acknowledgement and respect that we extend to the other nations, even if they are not guaranteed the same assurances as the Basileus's Byzantium as we have no treaty or other form of agreement as we do with him? Or are they like an tantruming toddler and thus deserving of the treatment of one?
If we wish to treat them as we would any other nation, we simply cannot ignore this breach of our borders. Even though Byzantium is allowed to have men pass freely, the Steward of Athens has the documents going back decades to show that Army officers have the decency to submit notification to him and his predecessors to inform him of when armed Byzantine soldiers would cross that border to go to and from Morea. There is also the fact that if this rebellion is to be legitimated, it doesn't get the privileges of Byzantium, including the right to open borders. Also, note that this rebellion is claiming that they consider Athens their territory. While a referendum may change its status, it is Hispanian territory at the moment. Calling another sovereign nation's territory theirs is a very aggressive action. I have seen declarations of war less direct. If we are to treat this rebellion seriously, we must treat all their actions seriously as well. "Oh", you might be saying. "Didn't they want to meet to speak terms with us? It was in one of your letters after all..." Their comments must be taken in context of the suggestion in my previous letter. Fortunately I have a copy of it here. As you can see, I have already done what many of you suggest, an mediated negotiation between the Basileus and the Rebellion, at a nearby defensible location on Hispanian soil no less. How was my suggestion received by them? Well you can read quite clearly that they rejected it in favor of their show trial. How would that make a sovereign nation appear in the eyes of others when they reject such a suggestion? Simple, it makes them appear to WANT war instead of a peaceful resolution. This rebellion is not ending by any other means. To those who claim that we should not participate in this war, however, I have one message.
We already are. We have been ever since the Basileus and his family stepped in the shadow of Athens. But remember, it was not the Basileus and his family that sent armed men into one of our cities. It is not the Basileus and his family that violated any treaty or sovereignty with Hispania. And it was not the Basileus that sent what can be taken as a declaration of war to us and then refused a mediated settlement to end the conflict before it progresses further.
Of course, we can always take the second option, treating this rebellion as a petulant child. Most of these revolters are farmers and planting season is in a few more months. Byzantium may have had food shortages in the past, but I would expect for the harvest of 1798 to be particularly grim if things keep going the way they are. If you were to see a child carrying around an knife, what would you do?
((Lays out my second letter, which is now common knowledge to the Cabinet.))
Sophia looked out the window to the harbor. The Symbasileus and his sister would be here within the day and she hoped to greet them as they got off the ship. She hoped that they would like there stay in Valencia and would not worry too much about their mother and father.
((Here is your chance to introduce them Mike))
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