1853, part 1: An eagle awakens
Of all the languages spoken in Germany, among the least familiar to the average citizen was Greek. In the past, the Byzantine Empire had been among the most deadly and persistent enemies of Germany, stretching back to the days of the County of Nürnberg. Yet, as the nineteenth century opened, the Byzantines had all but abandoned their European and Asian aspirations for dominance in the New World. As July 1852 began, most Germans continued to be blissfully unaware of the Byzantines. The latest foreign news was the formation of a new bloc of alliances between Germany, her economic associates, and the sovereign nation of Brittany.
The annexation of the tiny nation of Montenegro by the Byzantines a few hours later did not merit even second page attention; those newspapers that chose to carry it did so on the same page as the latest crop reports and well after the gossip of Ferdinand von Hohenzollern’s first steps. One of Ferdinand’s cousins, Fritz, was in the news too, as his railroad companies continue to grow and prosper as new science took hold.
The two main trunk lines of the Republic – from the capital to the port of Amsterdam, and from the capital to northern Denmark – were funded with grants from the government.
Rumors of further discovers, namely, government spending in the areas of cheap steel, spurred further growth, as even private corporations and individuals invested heavily in the German rail network. This new torrent of investment did not, however, reach the African colonies. Chancellor Bismarck and Finance Minister Fellman traded speeches over how much the German government ought to be involved in colonial affairs, with the Chancellor arguing for direct administration from Berlin and Dr. Fellman’s insistence on a level of autonomy. While both were skilled orators, the Conclave seemed to favor the Chancellor’s point of view. More importantly, a few more local elections for Stadtholders were decided in favor of the New Society.
If few Germans remembered the giant to their east, how many fewer knew of the insignificant kingdom of Pskov, in the Caucasus Mountains? Yet those very same mountains provided an excellent opportunity for Jacobins to win another victory, as native Pskovites took to the heights whenever the Royal Pskov Police chased after them. Thoroughly exhausted, the king abdicated, and one of the very first measures taken by the new President of Pskov was to seek the rehabilitation of their lands in Kars.
The Byzantine Empire, seizing the opportunity to expand its own influence in the region, immediately agreed to back the claims of Pskov. Ethiopia, who feared the presence of a revolution in her own country, supported Ak Koyunlu in the hopes of containing the rebellion. Germany, Transylvania, and Poland all declared interest in the crisis, and the fate of the tiny republic lay in their hands. Foreign Minister Unger’s leadership mobilized the Assembly effectively, selecting a team of highly trained foreign policy experts from every party, and the response was resounding support for Pskov. Transylvania took this as a sign, and began making their own overtures of support for Pskov.
Foreign Minister Unger’s plans did not meet with no opposition. His proposal to raise taxes and increase the readiness of German forces, while acceptable to the crisis negotiators, were particularly unpleasant to the newly named Deutsche Allianz. In a stirring speech, the Foreign Minister proclaimed, “All peoples have a right to be free, to enjoy the protection and friendship of their own people, and to discard the rule of unenlightened tyrants. Indeed, even the German Army and Navy will be committed to win the people of Pskov their freedom!”
This new policy caused immediate and drastic consequences; indeed, there were rumors that Byzantine troops had actually crossed the border into Ak Koyunlu, although they quickly withdrew and admitted it was simply “a difficulty with the road signs.” Road signs could not explain the sudden appearance of Byzantine arms and pounds in the arms of rebels, however. The government of Ak Koyunlu crumbled before the well-armed revolutionaries.
It almost threatened to dissolve the German government as well. The reaction to Foreign Minister Unger’s emergency tax, and in particular the Finance Minister’s expert testimony that funding an actual war against Ak Koynulu could result in a “23% increase” was swift and unpleasant. The newly-restyled Guglielmo d’Absburgo called for a vote of no-confidence, citing “incompetence, or even corruption.” In response, fellow member of the UAI and Minister of the Interior Altmark stood up to defend his party leader. He in particular criticized d’Absburgo for a slip of the tongue, when the Vienna native called Germany the “Germano-Italian Republic”, accusing him of treason. Altmark accused d’Absburgo of treason, postulating he or his family might be funding the Italian rebels which had plagued Germany ever since the Hohenzollern-Bern assassinations.
D’Absburgo was outraged, but the DDA leader (and Roman-born) Carlo Brunelli took it one step further: he challenged Altmark to a duel, right there, in the middle of the Conclave. Altmark snidely remarked that he had no wish to waste his good German bullets on an Italian separatist. [1] Dr. Fellman, trying to maintain some semblance of order, demanded Altmark apologize behind closed doors; when Altmark refused, Fellman expelled Altmark from the UAI, with the support of the other leading members. Altmark did not respond, simply crossing over to the Imperialist side of the Conclave.
While all of this was happening, the new government of Ak Koyunlu turned to their Ethiopian allies and requested their offices in negotiating a settlement with Pskov and the Byzantines. A deal was quickly arranged; the lands would be transferred to Pskov and the new Republic formally recognized, in exchange for recognition of Ak Koyunlu as a brother republic and the assistance of all parties involved in preventing further disturbances.
The Foreign Minister was about to formally repeal the emergency tax credits when a group of Jacobins seized six provinces in Italy and German Croatia. The Interior Minister called this attempt “laughable” and wasted no time in dispatching the Gendarmerie.
Although the provinces were overwhelmingly Italian, their leaders were German. One of them, Rudolf Schmitt, proclaimed that he would “march to Nürnberg and shoot the xenophobe Altmark himself, if he but could.” The leader of the moment was captured in Ljubljana.
When interrogated, “Edmund” simply refused to answer questions. The sergeant of the Gendarmerie asked, out of genuine curiosity, why so few Jacobins appeared. “Edmund” turned bright red and muttered only “I should have listened to Herr Marx… the time was not yet right.” As if in prophesy, only a few days after the ringleaders of the rebellion were arrested, a group of very well armed Lombards rose up in Venice. They wanted to see a “Republic of Lombardia” formed, with Milan as the capital, and were prepared to fight any and all comers to see that become a reality.
While the German government debated what to do, one final crisis erupted, this time in Spain. The Byzantine Empire’s successful meddling in international politics provoked reactions even there. A clandestine society of right wing mercenaries overthrew Grenada’s government and began menacing neighboring Castille.
Castille immediately sent a telegram to Foreign Minister Unger, requesting aid to defend Castille, should Grenada attack. They also formally requested that the Byzantines allow Castille the use of their base at Santander for repairs, should the need arise. The Byzantines laughed in the face of the Castilian ambassador. Castille, insulted, declared war on the Byzantines on the spot. After a hurried session of both houses of the German government, the overwhelming majority of Stadtholders and Assemblymen voted for war. Castille agreed to defer to German judgment in negotiating a peace.
The Byzantine Empire might have a small army and navy, but her potential resources were vast.
There were two major theaters for German involvement, as most strategists considered. Apart from Spain itself (and everybody knew Santander would not last long), the Balkans and Mediterranean offered ripe possibilities for attacking Byzantine influences without the danger of a cross-ocean invasion.
Regarding the Balkans, all of the German economic partners openly agreed to come to Germany’s aid, should she require it, and more significantly, Transylvania sought to repay the kindness of Germany in breaking Hungarian power. Of course, Transylvania also hoped any potential intervention on her part might lead to additional lands. The War Minister, Hals Gutfreund, had planning to do, as did the Foreign Minister, if they wished to enlist aid of Germany’s friends.
There was also an election, scheduled to begin in a mere 60 days.
[1] I hope you won’t mind me putting words in your mouth, Dadarian.
So, EtzelHoveri, it’s up to you if we call in allies or not. Even Brittany will accept the call, should we desire, as well as our sphere and Transylvania.
Jack LEagle, I did the best I could to get you province level maps; the Byzantines are just too big to give you more detail. The capital is in Montevideo, but I don’t think a cross-ocean invasion is necessary.