An open letter is written to the King of Italy and the remaining members of the intellectual elite within the old Kingdom of Sardinia
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Corsini 1866-1867: The Roman Question
While fighting was raging in Austria and Lombardy, the Italian Parliament was tasked with reforming the national laws to make them workable with the new and expanded country. One of their first acts was to repeal many of the statutes that the Romans had sought to undo, including the Chamber Gag Bill (III), the Dignity of Parliament Act, and the Representation Act. The Representation Act was replaced by a bill to allot seats in the Chamber of Deputies by population of the regions in question, forever putting an end to the national-level gerrymandering that had plagued the old Sardinian regime, and more importantly, granting seats to the rest of Italy. The Constitutional Principles Act was also repealed in recognition of the services rendered by Republicans, such as Garibaldi, to the Kingdom of Italy. The Anti-Mason tribunals and inquisitions were dismissed as hysterical and disbanded.
The King's requested report on the causes of the Roman revolution and recommendations for the prevention of a future, similar occurrence were compiled by Parliamentary inquiry. Far from advising the revocation of the Statuto Albertino, as the whites had done, they concluded that national frustrations had risen and been inflamed by the apparent use of Tradizionalisti machine politics to monopolize the political system, concerns that the Privy Council's conservative composition would prevent liberals from ever gaining power, gerrymandering, and selective enforcement of press laws and the granting of press licenses to tyrannically repress the citizenry.
1. The Statuto Albertino had theoretically guaranteed a free press, not respected in practice
Vittorio Emanuele agreed with most of the report and repealed his father's Decree Codifying Regulation of the Press, which was consequently supplemented by the Parliamentary Free Press Act to permanently disband the state censorship committees and make real in fact the press guarantees that had been laid out in the Statuto Albertino. Gerrymandering had already been done away with by the Parliament. The King accepted that the use of conservative patronage to monopolize the senate had become a problem, and revoked the senatorships of virtually every political appointee to the senate.[1] He disbanded his privy council - it wasn't hard to do, as most of the members were dead. The Privy Council was reformed in 1867 (after the end of the war), with nobles drawn from all across Italy on the body, but Emanuele swore he would no longer ask his council for recommendations for Prime Minister, instead granting the position to whoever held majority support in the chamber.[2] Most viewed this as a promise of a constitutional character, and a real step away from the hodge-podge system of Limited Monarchy Constitutionalism used before and towards Parliamentary Democracy.
However, not every recommendation of the report was acted on. The King refused to relinquish the power to grant senators after some consideration. Similarly, the chamber re-introduced the Universal Suffrage Reform Act but again failed to pass the bill, leaving the electorate at the wealthiest 10% or so of the Italian population. The reforms they had passed were more than sufficient to placate the population and encourage tremendous support for the war effort.
2. Post-revolution reforms would move the Kingdom of Italy closer to parliamentary democracy
With the Treaty of Paris (1866) ceding Lombardy to Italy, the Parliament also revoked the Government and Economy Act, returning the factories and railroads seized from Il Concord Sardo, I PMC, and Societa Hermes to their original owners.[3] However, the rest of the nation's factories - as well as a vast railroad network that had been constructed and improved during the war - remained in government hands, it mostly having been appropriated from the governments that preceded Italy. Thanks to a post-war economic boom, the Parliament also managed to overbalance the budget (despite maintaining 1861 tax levels), and increased spending while cutting taxes on the wealthy to 50%, the lowest they had ever been. Some of the excess money was poured into railroad investment after the war debt was paid off, fueling a new railroad boom with advanced techniques, imported locomotives, and new technology. The government also ended its focus on recruiting soldiers and instead began to push to put the returning soldiers back into factories, further fueling the boom and burst of economic development.
1866 was a good year domestically, though foreign affairs became ever stranger. A second Albanian Crisis threatened to break out in 1866, with Russia and France now allying against Britain and North Germany (emboldened by its previous successes) - the dispute was over influence won in the last Albanian War. Italy was, for the first time, invited to the conference summit but thankfully was not forced to take a side, as Russia (facing some internal turmoil and economic downturn) finally backed off and permitted an independent Albania under British protection. After this, the Italian government would officially pursue a policy of neutrality, seeking to influence no foreign nations during the Corisini government. This policy was challenged somewhat when Spain attacked Egypt later that year, seizing a vast and irregular swathe of territory from them.
However, the events that would finally end the Corsini government unfolded in 1867, with the outset of the Franco-Prussian War. With central Germany firmly in its grasp and the dream of unification looming large, Bismarck declared war against France. This war was theoretically over the German-speaking French territory of Alsace-Lorraine but realistically was being fought to force France to accept German unification. The French army performed exceptionally poorly in the first months of the conflict and by summer, Alsace-Lorraine was already under North German control.
3. French cavalry at a parlay with Bavarian soldiers in the Franco-Prussian War
The war did not directly affect Italy - French perfidy during the Italian War of Independence had broken the old alliance between Italy and France. However, it caused a massive debate at home, where advocates of the Risorgimento began to call for an invasion of the Papal State. The Papal State, which was under French protection and had militarized heavily since the Unification, was viewed as inherently Italian territory - and many said its capital, Rome, should be Italy's capital. (They were careful to make clear they were not Romans when they said this within earshot of the King.) With the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War and France otherwise occupied, unificationists argued that the time was right to seize the Papacy's territory. Others, including the large numbers of good Italian catholics, disagreed.
This issue, called "The Roman Question" in the newly free press, ultimately split the coalition that backed Corsini coalition. The King dissolved parliament and called for new elections, setting them for July, 1867. Don Neri Corsini himself announced he would not seek another term as Prime Minister, as he was getting on in age and had principally taken the job as a temporary measure. Few doubted that the Roman Question would be one of the principle issues in the 1867 elections, the first polls that would include all of Italy, and a spattering of new and untested political parties.
[1] This was probably not legal, but no one questioned it.
[2] He reserved the right to ask his council for recommendations in the case no one held a clear majority.
[3] Arguably, this was actually a net gain for these companies because the government had actually improved some of their factories.
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Player Actions Needed:
Okay, we're now in the declaration period. I'll extend this period (which is to hold party conventions, decide leaders, etc.) to four days to give everyone a chance to catch up here. Parties should clarify their regionalism. I'll explain what regions we have now (and how many seats they have) in a minute.
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((factory costs))
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((Reserved for other good stuff.))
Il Sardo
Piemonte Winery: 21000
Sardinia Ammunition Factory: 3000
Piemonte Furniture: 15000
Gross Profit: 39000
@ 50% taxes: -19500
Total Profit: 19500 ((this is how much money the company gets))
I PMC
Piemonte Clothes Factory: 4700
Sardinia Liquor Distillery: 2400
(Societa Hermes Cut): -200
Piemonte Fabric Factory: 10200
Sardinia Glass Factory: 6200
(Societa Hermes Cut): -500
Gross Profit: 22800
@ 50% taxes: -11400
Total Profit: 11400 ((this is how much money the company gets))
Societá Hermes
Savoyard Cement Factory: 2200
Nice Glass Factory: 2700
Railroads: 700
Gross Profit: 5600
@ 50% taxes: -2800
Total Profit: 2800 ((this is... you get the picture))
Il Sardo
Piemonte Winery: 21000
Sardinia Ammunition Factory: 3000
Piemonte Furniture: 15000
Gross Profit: 39000
@ 50% taxes: -19500
Total Profit: 19500 ((this is how much money the company gets))
I PMC
Piemonte Clothes Factory: 4700
Sardinia Liquor Distillery: 2400
(Societa Hermes Cut): -200
Piemonte Fabric Factory: 10200
Sardinia Glass Factory: 6200
(Societa Hermes Cut): -500
Gross Profit: 22800
@ 50% taxes: -11400
Total Profit: 11400 ((this is how much money the company gets))
Societá Hermes
Savoyard Cement Factory: 2200
Nice Glass Factory: 2700
Railroads: 700
Gross Profit: 5600
@ 50% taxes: -2800
Total Profit: 2800 ((this is... you get the picture))
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The Albenga Manifesto
Gentlemen,
Today, we stand and bear witness to the Italian triumph that has seen us ascend into the echelons of Europe's great powers. Italy has, thanks in no small part to the power of the concert system of diplomacy so long advocated by a great many of my colleagues, achieved her rightful and inherent position at the heart of European affairs. She has overcome the evils wrought upon the nation by avaricious men who would crown themselves emperors to unite as one people under one king.
And yet the apparent unity to have transfixed our society does not pervade as far as one might think. Whilst we are one nation upon first enquiry, there remains the danger that we will regress into two; one, the nation of the rich and powerful élite, the other, the nation of those members of the lower classes of society shunned by individualistic industrialists in search of lucre and looked down upon by incorrigible reactionaries with haughty distrust. This is a situation at odds with our new society – a society born of the benevolent concert of the Italian people; a society tempered by the cruel turmoil of proud and arrogant revolution. From this uncertain beginning has emerged an uncertain order, kept afloat by the spirit of cultural fraternity under the headship of His Majesty the King. But this remains fragile.
We have all witnessed the harsh realities of upheaval. Whilst this upheaval was fanned by opportunistic would-be kings in paper crowns, it was fostered in much less spontaneous circumstances. What led to such dire instances as those in which a nation as Sardinia-Piedmont, existing proudly as a bastion of constitutionalism against the tides of misguided reaction, was rent asunder by a group of guilty men? What was it that allowed turmoil and disunity to creep silent and unnoticed past overtures towards democracy and let them erupt at the heart of the nation? What profound grievances drove the people to such desperate measures as to place their hopes in the hands of men idolising the excesses of an ancient and inappropriate empire?
The radical cause of this is not some abstract or created enemy – one cannot help but remember with distaste the Bonarettite "Hydra". The problem is something much more inherent. Gentlemen, the problem is one of class. Our society is one where the classes exist separate and exclusive. People eye each other with distrust and contempt; with a view to antagonise and subdue. This inorganic state of affairs must cease. If society is to be free of revolution and upheaval, it must be one society. Those in power must accept their responsibilities of care for those in need, whilst the working men must similarly accept their obligations to those in power. The natural hierarchy of society must foster links between the people of the nation, not encourage further division.
It is with regard to this principle – the principle that we must exist as one nation – that I announce the formation of a new political association dedicated to fostering and upholding our organic society. Henceforth, the Conservatives shall be the champions of this ideal – the champions of the fundamental and inviolable responsibility a government has towards its people. Through a commitment to the principles of constitutionalism, sympathetic government and the reform of those outdated institutions that act merely as the source of grievances, we shall guide Italy from her uneasy birth to her inherent position amongst the great nations of Europe and the world. We appeal not to class, nor to obstructive partisan sympathies, but to one nation – to the people of Italy. In doing so, we break from the old order where the forces of conservatism sought to shield society from itself; we break from the society in which the ruling classes shunned their duties of care, and we welcome a new age whereby grave inequalities may be redressed and social stability restored to its august position as the fundament on which we base Italian greatness.
Ours is a party of munificence and honour. Ours is a party for every man who wishes to see the continuation of our hard-fought civil peace. Ours is a party for he who wishes to combat the indifference and complacency of uncaring government. Gentlemen, we have achieved that vaunted goal; we have forged one nation from the Italian peninsula. Now let us forge one nation from the Italian people.
The Hon. Don Cato Alessandro Uleri, M.P.
- – ~ • ~ – -
I Conservatori
The Conservatives
Interventionism/Free Trade/Pluralism/Pro-Military/Limited Citizenship
The Conservatives
Interventionism/Free Trade/Pluralism/Pro-Military/Limited Citizenship
The Conservatives are a political party dedicated to the maintenance of social stability and the fostering of an organic society in Italy via responsible and sympathetic governance. Nominally a centre-right party, the Conservatives accept that the conservation of Italy's established traditions and the protection of her people from rampant individualism mandates a degree of pragmatism. We support the careful redressal of profound grievances faced by the working classes, and accept social reform as an instrument of benevolent government. Further, the Conservatives recognise Italy's inherent position at the heart of European affairs, and will at all times work to ensure the creation of a society conducive to the promotion of Italian interests, and shall defend these interests whenever they may be questioned.
It is upon these principles that we appeal indiscriminately to the people of Italy.
Prominent Members:
Don Cato Alessandro Uleri
The Marquess of Susa
The Lord Ibelin
Alexander Mühlbach
Leaders of the Conservative Party:
1867–Present: Don Cato Alessandro Uleri
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((Wow, okay. Everyone stop bickering. I don't want OOC arguments like that in this thread.
The CPA has been repealed.
EDIT: My official stance on this is that you can by law ban ideologies, but it comes at a mil penalty, and if large ideologies or too many ideologies are banned then it's counterreform. Banned ideologies can be barred from sitting in the Parliament.))
The CPA has been repealed.
EDIT: My official stance on this is that you can by law ban ideologies, but it comes at a mil penalty, and if large ideologies or too many ideologies are banned then it's counterreform. Banned ideologies can be barred from sitting in the Parliament.))
I shall gladly join this new conservative party.
~ Colonel Carlo Federico di Susa, Marquess of Susa
~ Colonel Carlo Federico di Susa, Marquess of Susa
((Private - Don Uleri))
Dear Don Uleri,
Let it be known that the Ostrogoth, slayer of Emperors, does commit himself to the services and responsibilities of this recent organization. It is well that a tide of pragmatic solidarity confront the encroachments of revolutionary sentiment which intend to burn our noble prospects. Count myself among these fair ranks, Signor.
Don Antonio Bendetto Cairolli de Valperga, Baron of Ibelin, the Ostrogoth, Adjutant to His Majesty, the Bloody Baron, Grand Master of the St. Cyril's Society.
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To the Hon. Don Cato Alessandro Uleri,
Your document, the "Albenga Manifesto", having reached myself and me having perused it from interest, is quite the fascinating piece. The issue of the natural hierarchy, of the societal composition and structure of a state has always been of keen interest to myself, and your words of an organic society, bearing honorable qualities, is most intriguing. It has gotten me most interested in its resulting organization, I Conservatori, and I thusly seek to further understand the ideals you espouse.
Of paramount interest to myself, perhaps evident by my very surname, is the status of His Holiness and the integrity of the Papal States in relation to this new Italian State. Some men whisper plots of seizure and annexation, others defend our Pontiff and believe in more diplomatic integration, some even suggest we in fact do nothing and leave His Holiness his domains. If it is not too forward, might I inquire your stance on this oft-called "Roman Question"?
- Don Marcantonio Borghese
Your document, the "Albenga Manifesto", having reached myself and me having perused it from interest, is quite the fascinating piece. The issue of the natural hierarchy, of the societal composition and structure of a state has always been of keen interest to myself, and your words of an organic society, bearing honorable qualities, is most intriguing. It has gotten me most interested in its resulting organization, I Conservatori, and I thusly seek to further understand the ideals you espouse.
Of paramount interest to myself, perhaps evident by my very surname, is the status of His Holiness and the integrity of the Papal States in relation to this new Italian State. Some men whisper plots of seizure and annexation, others defend our Pontiff and believe in more diplomatic integration, some even suggest we in fact do nothing and leave His Holiness his domains. If it is not too forward, might I inquire your stance on this oft-called "Roman Question"?
- Don Marcantonio Borghese
((IPMC Private))
Signor Concorde
So good to hear from you. I had thought I was the only member of the Board to survive the recent cataclysm. I hope you don't mind but as the operator of the ledger and the most senior member of the board still extant to my then knowledge, I had been operating the factories in the absence of our poor colleagues who were swept up in that nasty Romanism.
I am presently finalising the updated books of account which I had almost completed before the recent blood letting. I will include the most recent information so that the Board may consider the opportunities which a united Italy offers to the IPMC.
Guiseppe Camilleri
((For the remaining IPMC members, I have the outstanding business to be included in the accounts as Leone's withdrawal of $900 to buy PP, purchasing a railway at $2,200, addition of Concorde and the leaving the partnership of Leone and Granelli by virtue of death. I have a suspicion there was a factory we may have upgraded but I am having difficulty finding that in all the recent debris so if anyone can help that would be appreciated. Also Societe Hermes requested a loan from us to clear its debts which I would be happy to talk about if it is still on the table. This may need confirmation from Societe Hermes that their proposal is still on the table.
Also just a reminder that some of us live in time zones other than Europe & the US. Making claims of being temp chairman whilst others are asleep IRL is not appreciated. That is why we have a 48 hour rule. (BTW I also voted on the revolution within the deadline as it existed when I went to bed only to wake to find it had changed).))
Signor Concorde
So good to hear from you. I had thought I was the only member of the Board to survive the recent cataclysm. I hope you don't mind but as the operator of the ledger and the most senior member of the board still extant to my then knowledge, I had been operating the factories in the absence of our poor colleagues who were swept up in that nasty Romanism.
I am presently finalising the updated books of account which I had almost completed before the recent blood letting. I will include the most recent information so that the Board may consider the opportunities which a united Italy offers to the IPMC.
Guiseppe Camilleri
((For the remaining IPMC members, I have the outstanding business to be included in the accounts as Leone's withdrawal of $900 to buy PP, purchasing a railway at $2,200, addition of Concorde and the leaving the partnership of Leone and Granelli by virtue of death. I have a suspicion there was a factory we may have upgraded but I am having difficulty finding that in all the recent debris so if anyone can help that would be appreciated. Also Societe Hermes requested a loan from us to clear its debts which I would be happy to talk about if it is still on the table. This may need confirmation from Societe Hermes that their proposal is still on the table.
Also just a reminder that some of us live in time zones other than Europe & the US. Making claims of being temp chairman whilst others are asleep IRL is not appreciated. That is why we have a 48 hour rule. (BTW I also voted on the revolution within the deadline as it existed when I went to bed only to wake to find it had changed).))
Name: Giovanni Marino - The Wolf
Birth: Born in Palermo on June 7th, 1833
Death: ????
Class: Demagogue
Giovanni's simple yet happy life was forever changed when, on his eighteenth birthday, him and his father came across a body floating along the coastal inlet where they had dipped their rods that afternoon. The man was dressed in the richest of finery, all outrageous colors, and his skin was frighteningly clean and hair lustrously black. At first sight, Giovanni had known that he was a blueblood, a member of Sicily's elite. Giovanni and his father had pulled him on board and sailed as fast as they could back to their tiny dockside home in Palermo. Their passenger, gravely ill from so much time in the water, slipped in and out of conscious, twitching and coughing up seawater periodically. When they finally reached Palermo, they sat him next to a blazing fire and fed him warm soup until he stopped shivering enough to make coherent sounds. Giovanni was his most careful attendant, fascinated by and the finely dressed man they'd found in the most peculiar of places. In between spoonfuls of soup Giovanni learned that the man was much younger than he'd thought, only four years older than himself. He also learned that his name was Vittorio, and that he was the heir to a barony in the rich vineyards south of the city. He had been on his yacht off the coast when a fierce storm had hit, and he'd been washed overboard.
Over a period of four days, Giovanni and his family (his father, mother, and two sisters) nursed Vittorio back to health. And over the course of those four days, the manners of their guest worsened. On the first day he had been weak and feeble, meek and grateful. However, as his strength was restored and he grew more aware of his surroundings, Vittorio turned cold and dismissive. He loudly decried the run-down state of Giovanni's family's home, the dirt on the floor and the cracks along the walls, the stench of raw fish that permeated everything. Gratitude turned to disgust, and it was not long before Vittorio declared that it has time for him to leave. Giovanni was glad to see him go: him and his father had saved Vittorio's life, and he had come to treat them like rats instead of rescuers.
Just before he left, however, Giovanni's elder sister Isabelle came to visit the Marino household. Isabelle was married to a tailor, and although she now had a young child and had not lived in the dockside house for many years she still made it a point to visit every week. Giovanni loved her like a second mother. She was kind, beautiful, and elegant, and from the look of her you would never have guessed she'd be the daughter of a poor fisherman. Evidently Vittorio thought so as well, for as soon as he saw her he demanded that she become his lady wife - and became enraged when she politely refused, explaining that she was already happily married. Vittorio claimed that she should jump at the chance to marry so far above her station, no matter the circumstances, and when she continued to refuse he became more and more aggressive, gripping her by the arm and threatening to take her by force if she refused. When Giovanni's father stepped in to protect his daughter, Vittorio whipped out a small, thin dagger and plunged into his chest like he was cutting cheese with a butter knife. Isabelle screamed, Giovanni's father pitched forward on the ground, lifeless, and all of a sudden Giovanni was sitting atop Vittorio's chest with the noble's dagger in hand, bringing it up and down into his heart over and over again, blood spurting crazily from the many wounds.
The next morning, Giovanni was arrested and sentenced to life in prison for the murder of a Sicilian aristocrat without trial. In prison Giovanni's bitter grief turned to an insatiable rage. He cursed Vittorio's name every waking moment, and every night he killed him again in his dreams. His anger grew stronger and spread like some foul disease within him, polluting his arteries and poisoning his mind. The aristocracy had killed his father. The aristocracy had jailed him for delivering justice deserved. And who was responsible for this? The King, of course. The King who granted so much power to the nobility, the King who let his people be trampled like insects beneath their expensive black boots. The hot flames of anger flared brightly in his heart, setting every vein alight - and then they slowly cooled. Giovanni retreated within himself. He no longer talked to the other prisoners. He ate little, he slept less. In his troubled mind, he began to see himself as a blade. A blade forged in the furnace of anguish and hardened by the hammers of hate. A blade to be plunged deep into the heart of nobility and twisted savagely. Giovanni is dead, he thought to himself. The poor fisherman's son died when his father did. He shed his former self like a man sheds his clothing, and in time he adopted a new name: Il Lupo. The Wolf.
In 1833, after six years of planning and twelve years in prison, the Wolf and several like-minded prisoners escaped from their long captivity and disappeared into the world. He traveled the entire peninsula, gathering people to his cause, preaching his rhetoric in seedy taverns and poor urban districts, in villages torn by war. His ambition: to create an organization that would span the length and breadth of Italy, and organization that's sworn mission was to destroy every vestige of nobility on the peninsula and reduce all the trappings of their order to ash. The common people would be given justice for the wrongs done to them by the powerful few.
The Wolf would see to it, even if he had to swim through an ocean of blood.
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Due to the loss of many high-ranking officers in the past two wars, I hereby claim command of the North-Central Military District.
~ Colonel Carlo Federico di Susa, Marquess of Susa
~ Colonel Carlo Federico di Susa, Marquess of Susa
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((Sorry, I jumped the gun on this a little. Let me explain the new districts:
There are now four districts:
1) Sardinian, consisting of the entire old Kingdom of Sardinian-Piedmont (This is already assigned to d'Auria)
2) North-Central, consisting of Lombardy and Emilia (former Parma, Lucca, Tuscany, and Modena)
3) Southern, consisting of former Two Sicilies
4) Colonial, which is right now just Tunis since Egypt doesn't have any soldiers
#3 is by far the largest.))
((Private - Giovanni Marino))
Signore,
I too am an admirer of the republican hero of Italian unification, Garibaldi. Hearing that a man such as yourself, who rode with Garibaldi in the Risorgimento, has maintained his ideals rather than compromise with the new monarchical order, I feel that we may have much in common.
A number of former Carbonari and myself, a humble lawyer of Italian descent from Switzerland, have formed an organization which we feel could be ready to enter into the oncoming parliamentary elections should we have another strong voice to add to our cause. Would you be interested in such a political organization?
- A Friend, Jean Hydra
Signore,
I too am an admirer of the republican hero of Italian unification, Garibaldi. Hearing that a man such as yourself, who rode with Garibaldi in the Risorgimento, has maintained his ideals rather than compromise with the new monarchical order, I feel that we may have much in common.
A number of former Carbonari and myself, a humble lawyer of Italian descent from Switzerland, have formed an organization which we feel could be ready to enter into the oncoming parliamentary elections should we have another strong voice to add to our cause. Would you be interested in such a political organization?
- A Friend, Jean Hydra
I would like to request command of the Southern Military District. While I am a young officer, we lack experinced and loyal officers, and due to the recent wars, I think I have shown both.
-Tiberio d'Auria
-Tiberio d'Auria
((I actually did count you for that reason, you'll be happy to know...))
I would extend my vocational request to the position of command of the Southern Military District. And hereby claim control of the aforementioned forces. I have participated with exceptional success in the recent conflicts, from the Revolution to the Risorgimento, and pledge my dedication to the Italian Crown.
Colonel Antonio Bendetto Cairolli de Valperga, Baron of Ibelin, the Ostrogoth, Military Adjutant to His Majesty, Grand Master of the St. Cyril's Society.
Colonel Antonio Bendetto Cairolli de Valperga, Baron of Ibelin, the Ostrogoth, Military Adjutant to His Majesty, Grand Master of the St. Cyril's Society.
((TH3 Can we do anything about the IG capitalists? To qoute Appendix B (Capitalism and Corporatism) "There will be no IG capitalists in PttP" ))
((Private))
The Wolf looked out at the bustling heart of southern Italy's greatest city: Naples. Everywhere, there were people. Poor peasants, proud businessmen, off-duty officers, well-dressed politicians, and ... the nobility, who walked down the street, noses upturned, with their retinues of servile followers trailing closely behind. They walked with the swagger of those who knew their position in life, and liked it.
They act like they own these streets, these people. They act like they own everything.
The Wolf drew the curtains back across the window of his room, and once again he was shrouded in darkness with only a faint light emanating from underneath the door. He pulled the chair out from beneath the desk and sat in it heavily. He let his body relax, his mind wander, his eyes close ... he let the darkness envelope him.
Any moment now, I'll hear it. I'll hear the explosion, and the screams. The Wolf had seen the children down there, playing in the street. The children, and the young men and women just going about their day. They did not kill my father, did they? They are innocent. They do not deserve this fate ...
Unbidden, a voice he had not heard for many years bubbled to the surface of his subconscious.
Look what you're doing! Look at what you've done! It's not too late, you can leave now and stop it!
The Wolf jerked upright in his seat, gripping the arms of the chair with a sudden, feverish fury. "Giovanni!" he growled, his face transformed into a sneer. "You always were weak willed. Don't you understand? This is necessary. The cause requires some blood to be spilled, even if that blood is innocent."
You truly have become like your ridiculous namesake, haven't you? The voice asked. You avenged Father's murder. Vittorio is dead. No more have to die!
The Wolf stood, grabbed his chair, and smashed it onto the desk. It broke apart in his hands, splinters and chunks of wood flying everywhere.
"Fool!" he screamed, his face a mask of rage. "Vittorio was only the beginning! There are hundreds like him, thousands, and I will not rest until they are dead! You hear me!? YOU HERE ME!?"
Silence descended upon the room once more. The Wolf stood in near-darkness, frozen in place. He waited for that damnable voice to speak again, to whisper lies to him so he would doubt his resolve. But it never came.
The Wolf grinned a wolfish grin. Once banished, the voice would not return for some time. Weeks, months even. Which meant that finally, finally, he could focus on the job at hand.
The Wolf, standing in the near-darkness, closed his eyes, clenched his fists, and waited for it to begin.
He waited for the explosion, and the screams.
And he laughed.
((I will attempt to bomb Naples))
The Wolf looked out at the bustling heart of southern Italy's greatest city: Naples. Everywhere, there were people. Poor peasants, proud businessmen, off-duty officers, well-dressed politicians, and ... the nobility, who walked down the street, noses upturned, with their retinues of servile followers trailing closely behind. They walked with the swagger of those who knew their position in life, and liked it.
They act like they own these streets, these people. They act like they own everything.
The Wolf drew the curtains back across the window of his room, and once again he was shrouded in darkness with only a faint light emanating from underneath the door. He pulled the chair out from beneath the desk and sat in it heavily. He let his body relax, his mind wander, his eyes close ... he let the darkness envelope him.
Any moment now, I'll hear it. I'll hear the explosion, and the screams. The Wolf had seen the children down there, playing in the street. The children, and the young men and women just going about their day. They did not kill my father, did they? They are innocent. They do not deserve this fate ...
Unbidden, a voice he had not heard for many years bubbled to the surface of his subconscious.
Look what you're doing! Look at what you've done! It's not too late, you can leave now and stop it!
The Wolf jerked upright in his seat, gripping the arms of the chair with a sudden, feverish fury. "Giovanni!" he growled, his face transformed into a sneer. "You always were weak willed. Don't you understand? This is necessary. The cause requires some blood to be spilled, even if that blood is innocent."
You truly have become like your ridiculous namesake, haven't you? The voice asked. You avenged Father's murder. Vittorio is dead. No more have to die!
The Wolf stood, grabbed his chair, and smashed it onto the desk. It broke apart in his hands, splinters and chunks of wood flying everywhere.
"Fool!" he screamed, his face a mask of rage. "Vittorio was only the beginning! There are hundreds like him, thousands, and I will not rest until they are dead! You hear me!? YOU HERE ME!?"
Silence descended upon the room once more. The Wolf stood in near-darkness, frozen in place. He waited for that damnable voice to speak again, to whisper lies to him so he would doubt his resolve. But it never came.
The Wolf grinned a wolfish grin. Once banished, the voice would not return for some time. Weeks, months even. Which meant that finally, finally, he could focus on the job at hand.
The Wolf, standing in the near-darkness, closed his eyes, clenched his fists, and waited for it to begin.
He waited for the explosion, and the screams.
And he laughed.
((I will attempt to bomb Naples))
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(([video=youtube;Gb4eZ7Z5yk8]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gb4eZ7Z5yk8[/video]))
After the disastrous Revolutions of 1864 the political scenario of the new Italian Nation was already in chaos. The entire political leadership of the Sardinian Kingdom was either dead or fleeing from a vengeful King.
It was then that Alessandro Zecchini decided to return to his Country. He thought that perhaps, now that the political power of the Aristocracy was shattered and many political reforms were passes, it could have been once again possible to lead the young Italian Nation into an era of Republicanism and even further Democratization. He arrived to the port of Naples anonymously, and quickly began to restore what was left of the Italian Jacobin organizations...