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ThunderHawk3

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Welcome to Power to the People, a Vic2 IAAR and the latest installment in a long series of Vic2 IAARs, including such great names as The Presidents, Federation of "Equals", Shadow of the Andes, Edge of Europe, Sonderweg oder Anderweg?, Blood and Iron, and many more. For all you who have never participated in an IAAR before, I say again - welcome! And to all you returning veterans, welcome back!

Power to the People (PttP for short) will follow Sardinia-Piedmont from 1836-1936, as it evolves from a buffer state of the post-Napoleonic order to a bulwark of the new Italian state. PttP differs from my other IAARs, like EoE and SotA, insofar as we will be using a weighted voted system that aims to bring Vic2's famous IG-game PoP mechanics into the thread. Every player will pick a class, loosely corresponding to an in-game pop-type, that will determine your Political Power (PP) - or how much your vote counts. Your actions and the course of the nation will affect how much political power each class has. Will Sardinia-Piedmont stay dominated by the aristocrats? Or will it be ruled by the proletariat?

Note that a lot of chatter around PttP goes on in IRC. You can join the official PttP IRC channel by going to http://www.coldfront.net/tiramisu/ and joining the #PttP_Main channel by typing "/join #PttP_Main".

The Rules and details of this AAR, which follow in the post below, must be strictly adhered to at all times. Other than these, stay friendly and have fun. It's your game.


It is never too late to join!




This Interactive AAR was approved by Mr. Capiatlist, on October 27th, 2014.
 

ThunderHawk3

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Table of Contents

Thread Essentials


Timeline

Giuseppe-Maria Montiglio 1831-1836
1836 Parties
1836 General Election
Pes 1836-1838
Pes 1839-1840
1841 Parties
1841 General Election
Cordero 1841-1843
The 1843 General Strike
Cordero 1844-1845
1846 Parties
1846 General Election
Bonaretti 1846-1848
Bonaretti 1848
Bonaretti 1848-1851
1851 Parties
1851 General Election
Bonaretti 1851-1853
Bonaretti 1854-1855
1856 Parties
1856 General Election
Amat 1856-1858, Part 1
Amat 1856-1858, Part 2
Amat 1859-1860
1861 Pre-Election
1861 Parties
1861 General Election
Amat 1861-1863
1864 Revolutions, Part 1
1864 Revolutions, Part 2
1864 Revolutions, Part 3
1864 Revolutions, Part 4
1864 Revolutions, Part 5
1864 Revolutions, Part 6
Corsini 1864-1866
Corsini 1866-1867
1867 Parties
1867 General Election
Alighieri 1867-1869, Part 1
Alighieri 1867-1869, Part 2

No Prime Minister 1869
1870 Parties
1870 General Election

Uleri 1870
Uleri 1871-1872, Part 1
Uleri 1871-1872, Part 2
1872 Parties
1872 General Election
Pes 1872-1874
Pes 1874-1877
1877 Parties
1877 General Election
Bonaretti 1877-1878
Bonaretti 1879-1880
Bonaretti 1880-1882
1882 Parties
1882 General Elections
1882 Labor Arrests
Bonaretti 1882-1884
1884 Revolution
1884 General Election
Montezemolo 1884-1885
1886 Parties
1886 General Election
Di Antico 1886
Anarchy 1887-1890
Alliata 1891-1893
Alliata 1894-1896
Alliata 1897-1898
1899 Overthrow
Balbo 1899-1901
Balbo 1902-1903
Balbo 1904-1906
Cirelli 1907-1908
Anarchy 1908-1910
Amat 1911-1913
1914 Parties
1914 General Election
 
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ThunderHawk3

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Rules of the AAR

The Golden Rule: Civility


"Members of the Chamber of Deputies should always conduct themselves in a manner becoming representatives of the nation."

Before I go any further, I want to impress upon you the importance of keeping a friendly and civil tone OOC in this AAR. Returning players from Edge of Europe may recall that I had censure several players for racially charged remarks. Veterans of Shadow of the Andes probably remember that I had to close OOC posting towards the end of the AAR because it got out of hand. I'd like to avoid that this time, so please avoid arguing OOC, stay on topic, and stay civil even in character. Insulting another player out of character is never acceptable and will draw my displeasure. This thread exists for people to have fun and build a story, nothing else.

I've said it before, and I'll say it again: always keep in mind that you must always adhere to the forum rules.

There is probably going to be some hard realpolitik in this thread, possibly even backstabbing or personal betrayal. I am asking you all, as players, to rise above this. If you don't or can't, don't participate in this AAR. I won't tolerate the Golden Rule being broken.

So what's new? A quick guide to changes for returning players.​

Power to the People is a very ambitious IAAR. It aims to bring us closer to Vic2's in game mechanics, increase player stakes in the performance of the nation as a whole and the advancement of their particular interests, and increase player engagement even when they're out of office.

The biggest change to Power to the People over my previous IAARs is the introduction of the class system. One man, one vote is a thing of the past, as is the party-weighted voting system we experimented with in EoE. Instead, every player will now have a class, and this class determines your political power (PP) which determines how much your vote counts. There are six player-classes - Aristocrat, Industrialist, Militarist, Labor Leader, Demagogue, and Politician. Each class has its own interests and share a certain amount of political power. Each class also has certain abilities it can exercise - for example, Industrialists can build IG factories, and Militarists can lead in-game armies. Choose your class wisely, as you can only change your class once every twenty in-game years (or with my approval in extreme circumstances).

Returning players from my previous IAARs will know that SoTA and EoE were fraught with political strife and military coups. PttP has also abolished the coup system. It has been replaced with the revolution system, which allows one political class to force a change in the form of government if it grows too powerful.

Party creation is more heavily restricted than it was before.

PttP also has a lot more bookkeeping, as will become pretty obvious pretty fast. As such I'm trying to recruit some assistants to compile the thread's relevant lists (the table of contents, list of all held aristocratic titles, who owns what, etc.) to mitigate the workload for me.

I'll also be posting more screenshots in PttP, which you may know were previously anathema to me. It's just a sign of the changing times.

Otherwise, things are pretty much the same. You'll vote on things - its just that some people's votes will count more than others.

Chapter 1: Classes and Political Power​

So who are you in Sardinia-Piedmont? That depends on your class. You will be someone influential in Piedmontese society, someone who can sway opinions and votes in the legislature. While we're on the subject, the legislature of Sardinia-Piedmont's lower chamber is called the Chamber of Deputies. You may decide you sit in this legislative body if you wish, but it is not required or expected. You don't need a seat in the Chamber when you have political power! Your political power (PP) represents your ability to sway votes in this Chamber, the senate, and more broadly to sway the hearts and minds - or at least the votes - of the people. Some will do this wealth, others through rabble-rousing, and still others through l'ancien regime.

Whenever you vote on pretty much anything (unless we're holding an OOC vote), your vote is weighted by your political power. That means the more PP you have, the more your vote counts. How much PP you have determined is by your class (plus maybe some personal bonuses or penalties). Each class' political power is linked to in-game statistics, so your PP therefore indirectly depends on the state of the nation. Note that classes that don't defend their interests effectively may quickly lose PP, but you never have less than 1 PP unless you are specifically disenfranchised (in which case you have 0).

So what are these classes I keep going on about? There are six: Aristocrat, Industrialist, Militarist, Labor Leader, Demagogue and Politician. Each has an Individual Power (which any member of the class may exercise on his or her own) and Collective Power (which must exercised by more than one member of the class in coordination, or possibly by collective agreement of the entire class).

Most classes collectively split a pool of political power. For example, if the nation has an industrial score of 30 and there is one industrialist, he will get all 30 PP. Two industrialists will get 15 PP each. Three will get 10 each, and so on. I will re-evaluate political power at the start of each electoral cycle (before the election).

See Appendix A: Classes for detailed descriptions of each class (there's too much information to put in one big post). Choose your class carefully because you may not change your class for twenty years once chosen without my explicit permission. This means that even if your character dies within this interval, your next character must be the same class.

Character creation can be done as follows:

Name: Giovanni Doe
Born: 1794
Class: Demagogue
Background: Born to a well-to-do Italian-speaking family in Nice, Giovanni served with distinction in the French army during the Napoleonic Wars. Though the wars may be over and the Emperor defeated, Giovanni has returned to his home country to continue the spread of liberalism.

Remember that every character must have a class. Aristocrats also must have a home province to exercise their individual ability, "Ancestral Lands."

I have placed three additional restrictions on character creation. 1) You may not have multiple characters. This is to prevent unfair voting practices and other abuses. 2) You may not play as any member of the clergy. I have been forced to institute this rule because in my past IAARs, clerical players have engaged in oneupsmanship within the Catholic hierarchy, attempted to excommunicate their enemies, and asked to me mediate thorny theological disputes that I felt jeopardized the AAR. 3) You may not play as any person who holds an obvious position of power in a foreign country, IE: the President of the United States or King of England. This is to stop people from trying to submit orders for other countries.

Many prominent historical figures in Sardinia-Piedmont and Italy, such as the King and the Royal Family, Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, and Giuseppe Garibaldi are reserved. Please do not try to play as any of them without asking me first.

Chapter 2: Voting and Elections​

To vote, simply follow my voting instructions at a given election. I will give more detailed instructions as the situation warrants, but generally speaking, an item of legislation passes if it gets majority-political power support.

EDIT: To make absolutely clear, please DO NOT edit your original ballot post if you want to change your ballot. If you do this, I won't count your vote at all. To change a vote, make a new post with the relevant parts of your old ballot and new ballot clearly stated. This is so I can efficiently update the running tally. I don't want to have to go hunting back through the thread to figure out what your old vote was.

Elections occur every five years, though Parliament may be dissolved earlier by the King (or more likely, the King's privy council). How the PM is chosen depends on election law, but it will most likely be the leader of the party to receive the most votes under First Past the Post and by governing coalition under more proportional systems.

Chapter 3: The Prime Minister and the Government​

In past IAARs, I've written long pieces on what the government can and can't do - for this IAAR I'll just say that the government can do all the things that you would normally expect the government to be able to do. The Prime Minister, once appointed by the King, can appoint such ministers of state as he deems appropriate. The National Ministry is politically answerable to the PM and the Parliament (and at least initially the King).

The government will be able to propose a budget, set tax policy and tariffs, manage industry in accordance with the national policy, raise military units, set national foci, decide who to sphere, - and - for the first time ever - choose what to research. All those powers not reserved for the crown or a specific class can be exercised by the government. They also decide what to do in in-game events.

In the beginning of the game, the King wields considerable power and the government cannot exercise certain powers - for example, the power to declare war. He will also initially have the power to prorogue Parliament, dismiss the Prime Minister, and call new elections, so tread lightly...

Note that while the government is composed of players, the Chamber of Deputies is not - and may sometimes do things that contradict the will of Sardinia-Piedmont’s political elite. But that's life.

Chapter 4: The Revolution System​

The old coup system was clunky and didn't work very well, particularly in Europe. It created a lot of confusion and hurt feelings when people lost characters. In Power to the People, it will be replaced with the Revolution System.

A class can declare a revolution if it obtains more political power than the national revolution threshold. The national revolution threshold is 75%-militancy*consciousness or 50% of all political power, whichever is smaller. (Militancy and Consciousness will always be rounded down to the nearest whole number.) This means that if mil is 1 and con is 1, the national revolution threshold is 50%. If mil is 5 and con is 10, then the threshold is 25%.

Enough people in one (and only one!) class have to agree to a revolution such that their percentage of the total national political power meets the revolution threshold. So, if industrialists wielded 50% of all political power and there were six industrialists, all six would have to agree to declare a revolution. If they instead wielded 60% of all political power, they would instead need just five industrialists to agree.


National Revolution Threshold now changes over time. If a class has enough PP to overcome the national revolution threshold, any member can initiate a revolution, which opens a revolution vote. See [post=18686254]this post[/post] for more details.

A class that declares a revolution can change the type of government to one of those associated with their class as specified in Appendix A. This new form of government will likely favor them over their enemies. A class cannot declare a revolution without my express permission if it is already in a favorable government type. No matter what kind of government you create, there will always be some sort of election system that depends on political power - you'll never be able to create unshakable autocracy.

Demagogues can declare a special revolution called a Reign of Terror, which inflicts severe penalties on a single other class.

If two or more classes meet the national revolution threshold and one tries to declare a revolution, a civil war will ensue. If the national revolution threshold ever reaches zero, we will descend into anarchy. (Reaching anarchy is very unlikely, because the demagogues will probably take over before we reach that point).

Chapter 5: Election Cycles​

New electoral cycles start every five years or when the relevant authority dissolves Parliament.

I've done away with primaries. Parties will now replace their leadership at their own leisure. The electoral cycle now goes:

During a normal government, the update cycle goes U1 (State of the Union) -> Candidates declare -> U2 (Election) -> Election vote -> U3 (Declaration of Victor) -> General appointments/policy introductions -> U1 again

I do reserve the right to reinstitute primaries if this abbreviated cycle leads to unforeseen difficulties.

Chapter 6: Addendums​

"Dark voting" - ie: voting outside the thread - is now banned.

Mark a post with ((secret)) or ((private)) if you want it to be considered private, or for the eyes of a few players only. Otherwise it will be assumed to be public.

Taxation now directly effects corporate and industrialist profits and the union warchest. Taxes on the rich now reduce Industrialists' profits from their factories and investments, while taxes on the less wealthy affect unions' ability to stockpile PP.

The following are changes to the reform rules:

1) Limitations on Reform: Previously, our reform/counterreform effects were very simple. Reform dropped militancy and counterreform raised it. This is perhaps a little unfair to counterreformers and also turns out to have some problems. We will now use a new system. Reform or counterreform that could be passed IG (ie: with the support of the IG upper house) will lower mil and con as normal.

However, if you pass a reform or counterreform that could NOT be passed IG (ie: does not have the support of the IG upper house), then it is a "forced" reform. Forced reforms will raise CON, lower the national revolution threshold, and have a chance of triggering Wildcat General Strikes (see below) and other negative events. The amounts of these penalties depend on the margin by which it would have failed to pass the IG upper house, but will always be noticeable and significant.

This should make it easier to counterreform while at the same limiting the amount of reform a government can enact in a single term. Because reform lowers mil and makes the UH more conservative in in-game terms, it should not be possible to pass many consecutive reforms. I will issue a clarifying statement with respect to the upper-house turnover (the fact that a new UH is elected in-game ever year) in the near future.

2) Wildcat General Strikes and other CON 10 effects: Wildcat general strikes (general strikes not called by the labor movement) and other generally negative events resulting from high CON will be introduced into the game. These events have a change to be triggered by forced reform and a wildcat general strike or equivalent event will automatically fire if consciousness reaches 10, over very close to it (9.9, let's say). This event will cause nothing good for whoever tried to force the counterreform or drove up consciousness so high.

3) Grandfather Clause: Three reforms (two counterreforms and one reform) are currently on the table. These three reforms will be considered under the old rules - counterreforms raising mil and reform lowering it - even if they are dropped and then reintroduced later.

Chapter 7: Miscellaneous​

“Godmoding” or “making stuff happen” is against the rules in PttP. You cannot declare something to have happened and expect it to occur in-game - for example, you cannot say there are riots in Piedmont and expect there to be riots in Piedmont. As a general rule, you cannot make anything happen that would ordinarily be outside of your character’s ability to make occur - so an industrialist can build a factory but not start a campaign of terror.

You also can’t appropriate anyone else’s character without their consent. You may not kill a character that is not your own, though I explicitly reserve the right to kill any character for any reason.

No campaigning outside this thread.

I also reserve right of veto.

Remember to bold your votes!

 
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Appendix A: Classes

There are several classes to choose from in Power to the People. You should pick one on character creation.

Remember that you can only change classes at least twenty years after having picked

Note that PP is calculated (base political power+constant bonuses-constant penalties) * (1-sum of all % penalties) * (1+sum of all % bonuses)

A. Aristocrats

Aristocrats are individuals holding landed titles and wielding ancient privileges and rights that give them great institutional power. They will start with enormous power in Power to the People, but their influence will diminish as the nation reforms. Note that at the beginning of the game there are no Dukes in Sardinia-Piedmont outside the royal family and aristocrats are at most a Count.

EDIT: I've decided marquessates (marquisats) are okay where historically appropriate but Marquises won't be treated any differently from counts.

Political Power: Aristocrats collectively split political power equal to # of in-game regions*# of unpassed political reforms

Ancestral Lands (Individual Ability): Aristocrats may choose an in-game province to be the site of their ancestral lands. (This is not necessarily the same as their titular noble title). They may collaborate with friendly members of other classes to make factory construction in this province 10% cheaper for industrialists or military recruitment 10% cheaper for militarists. (This is subject to change.)

Privy Council (Collective Ability): Aristocrats collectively make up the King's privy council and may exercise the King's vast powers by consensus. This includes the ability to declare war, prorogue Parliament, veto legislation, and appoint generals. However, uses of these powers - particularly without good reason - will drive up militancy in-game and may foment revolutionary change. All Aristocrats automatically sit on the privy council.

Penalties: For every political reform, the political power of aristocrats decreases as per the above formula. In Republics, Presidential, and Bourgeois Dictatorships, aristocrats are merely wealthy landowners and their political power diminishes 50%. In Proletarian Dictatorships, aristocrats are completely powerless and their PP diminishes 100% (they still have 1 PP each).

Revolution: Aristocrats can change the government type to Absolute or Limited Monarchy (Prussian Constitutionalism) via revolution.

B. Industrialists

Industrialists, or capitalists, are wealthy individuals who own big businesses, like factories and railroads. Locked in the neverending struggle for wealth, the industrialists will oppose the aristocrats bitterly in the beginning of the game but may find common cause with them against the rising tide of socialism later on. Their political power will fluctuate over the course of history and diminish with social reform.

Political Power: Industrialists collectively split political power equal to the nation’s industrial score.

Capitalism (Individual Ability): Industrialists start with 5000 in-game currency. They may build factories and railroads with this money (or partner with others to do so) and buy and sell factories, goods, railroads, and shares among themselves. They will occasionally be awarded money and possibly bonus PP for good investments. Note that while factories generate direct returns, railroads do not.

On the other hand, if a capitalist goes bankrupt due to bad investments (I’ll let you know), the player is disenfranchised for an electoral cycle.

Incorporation (Collective Ability): Industrialists may band together to form corporations, pool their resources, and achieve things they couldn't do alone or else that is in their common interest. A corporation acts like a capitalist, but passes through dividends to its shareholders. For the sake of the simplicity, I suggest (but don't insist) that every corporation act like an equal partnership between all investors (IE: no stock) and have a single CEO, President, General Manager or some other individual who says what the corporation is doing at any point in time. Every participating Industrialist is a board member and can elect or dismiss this CEO by a majority vote (or a majority of shares if you absolutely insist on using shares.) Some activities, like the corporate colonialism, will require a corporation.

Penalties: For every social reform, the political power of industrialists decreases 10%, to a minimum of 50%. In Proletarian Dictatorships, industrialists are powerless and their PP diminishes 100% (they still have 1 PP).

Revolution: Industrialists can change the government type to Republic, Presidential Dictatorship, or Bourgeois Dictatorship by revolution.

C. Militarists

Militarists are military leaders, generally (no pun intended) detached from political struggles in favor of fighting of a more bloody variety. The political power of generals is tied to that of the military, and will fluctuate depending on the size and disposition of the armed forces.

Political Power: Generals collectively split political power equal to the nation’s military score.

Military Commission (Individual Ability): Militarists may become in-game generals or admirals and lead armies or fleets in-game. They will gain a % bonus to their PP based on prestige they accumulate through their victories, but may incur a penalty through repeated defeats. EDIT: The passage of the Expanded Play for Militarists allows militarists without commands to claim command of a vacant army. Note that militarists cannot hold a rank higher than Colonel (ie: a general's rank) until they hold a command.

Planned Invasion (Collective Ability): Militarists have the sole power to fabricate causus belli (CBs) in PttP. The majority of militarists must agree to fabricate a CB for the nation to start fabricating a CB in game.

Penalties: For every point of war exhaustion, the political power of generals decreases 5%, to a minimum of 0. In the unlikely event the nation is cut down to size or is forced to disarm in the aftermath of a Great War, the political power of generals diminishes 50%.

Revolutions: Militarists can change the government type to Presidential or Fascist Dictatorship by revolution.

D. Labor Leaders (or Labour Leaders, if you prefer)

Labor Leaders are unionists, tradesmen, and prominent members of the working-class community. They will wield little to no power early game but their power will increase with social reforms and the legalization of unions. They will be forever butting heads with Industrialists (whose political power they diminish and who despise them) and Aristocrats (who view them as a threat to the supply and good order of RGO laborers and farmers and force for reform generally).

Political Power: Labor Leaders collectively split part of the nation’s industrial power equal to 10 % * # of social reforms, to a maximum of 100%. (This does mean that labor leaders+industrialists can be greater than the total industrial score.)

Strike (Individual Ability): Labor Leaders may create unions and attach themselves to factories. These unions can then go on strikes, closing the relevant factories in-game. More details on unions and strikes can be found in Appendix B: Player Organizations and Actions.

General Strike (Collective Ability): A majority of Labor Leaders may collectively declare a general strike. A general strike is very different from a regular strike and has the possibility to force a reform. More details on general strikes can be found in Appendix B: Player Organizations and Actions.

Penalties and Bonuses: If unions are illegal, labor leaders get -75% political power. If they’re state-controlled, labor leaders get -50%, and if they’re non-socialist only, they get -25% PP. Only if socialist unions are allowed do labor leaders wield the full potential of their political power. In a bourgeois or fascist dictatorship, labor leaders are relentlessly hunted down and wield -100% political power (labor leaders still have 1 PP). They get a bonus for the national unionization % (+ that %).


Revolutions: Labor Leaders can change the government type to Republic or Proletarian Dictatorship by revolution.

E. Demagogues

Demagogues are rabble-rousers, charismatic revolutionaries, and agitating populists. Their fortunes are entirely tied to national militancy and they leech political power from all other classes. They can be of any ideology and can make powerful, albeit fleeting, allies when the national attitude is rebellious, but are powerless when all is well.

Political Power: Demagogues collectively leech and split political power equal to the total political in the nation*(the national militancy score/10). This is to say that they inflict a PP penalty on all other classes. It also means that if national militancy exceeds five, Demagogues will wield the majority of political power in the nation regardless of the power of other institutions, and if it reaches 10, they will wield all power in the nation.

Agitation (Individual Ability): Demagogues can rabble-rouse, driving up militancy and consciousness in-game (similar to agitation in games like Shadow of the Andes and Edge of Europe). EDIT: Passage of expanded play for demagogues allows demagogues to take various actions instead of agitating. See Appendix B for more details.

Reign of Terror (Collective Ability): Demagogues can declare a special revolution if they possess the majority of political power. They can change the type of government to any they choose and inflict a 100% penalty on and disenfranchise an entire other class of their choosing for one electoral cycle. This class will slowly regenerate political power at a rate of 5% per year for the next 20 years until it has regained 100% political power.

Penalties: None. Demagogues, however, have only 1 PP if militancy is below 1.

Revolutions: Demagogues can declare a revolution as per Reign of Terror rules and change the government to any type.

F. Politicians

Lawyers, doctors, and other pillars of the community who don’t fall into the above categories are politicians. They wield fixed political power throughout the whole game and can pursue their own agendas.

Political Power: Each politician gets 1 political power.

Abilities: Politicians can play politics to drum up popular support for positions and make them more mainstream and acceptable, providing a +10% bonus (additive, not multiplicative) to the total PP wielded by everyone who votes with them, themselves included. This bonus increases with multiple politicians. Because this is a percentage bonus, this makes politicians with lots of supporters more powerful.

Partisanship (Collective Ability): Politicians have the sole power to found parties in Power to the People. A politician can partner any other player or players (including politicians) to create a party. However, the politician requires at least one ally to form the party. Either the politician or one of his partners will be the party's initial leader.

Penalties: Politicians are unnecessary under authoritarian forms of government. Their ability bonus (see below) diminishes to 5% in any Dictatorship or under Absolute Monarchy.

Revolutions: It is functionally impossible for politicians to declare a revolution. If this happens somehow, they can declare a Presidential Dictatorship or a Republic and it will additionally trigger a special event (TBD).
 
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Appendix B: Player Organizations and Actions

This is the list of actions players can perform and organizations they can form.

The Privy Council

The Privy Council is the group of aristocrats who advise the King - but the crown is very susceptible to the influence of these canny advisors. Most of the time, the Privy Council acts for the King outright. They do not strictly vote but instead operate with a consensus decision-system; the will of the majority is likely to be followed but a forceful dissent may sway the King's opinion. (In the absence of other information, assume the King follows the general consensus. Only if there's ) At the beginning of the game, Sardinia-Piedmont's crown - and therefore the Council - has numerous powers, including to:

-Declare war*
-Veto legislation*
-Prorogue or dissolve Parliament*
-Appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister
-Appoint and dismiss national ministers
-Promote senators*
-Grant titles of nobility or promote nobles*
-Appoint generals, governors, and viceroys*
-Grant clemency, mercy, etc.*
-Break up strikes
-Dissolve unions
-Open, close, and subsidize factories

*-Indicates that this is the sole power of the Crown

The Privy Council appoints the Prime Minister after every electoral cycle. The Privy Council may only exercise economic powers (related to factories) in accordance with government policy; ie: if the government policy is Laissez-Faire, then they cannot subsidize factories.

Though they wield great power, the Privy Council cannot simply exercise the King's power ad infinitum. The Privy Council may always veto pending legislation, appoint a PM if there isn't one already, appoint generals in wartime if there aren't any, and dissolve Parliament at its own request or that of the government. They may also issue a national honors list, provided this honors list does not bestow any PP bonuses. Otherwise the Privy Council is limited to three (3) exercises of the King's powers per term of Parliament. This number may get alarmingly smaller with political reform. The above exceptions don't count towards this limit.

Vetoing legislation will incur a militancy penalty; the more popular the legislation, the greater the penalty. The same is true of breaking up strikes, dissolving unions, closing factories, and dissolving the Parliament without cause. Appointing a Prime Minister who lacks the confidence of the chamber is also likely to cause a severe spike in militancy.

More troublesome still, sometimes his righteous Majesty will sadly make up his mind on his own and act without - or even against - the wise advice of his council. Such is life.

Without a monarchy, there is no privy council, though something like it may develop in certain forms of dictatorship.

The Privy Council can eventually lose all of these powers with political reform - just one more reason that reform is the archenemy of the aristocracy. On the other hand, if the Privy Council refuses to reform completely, it may bring the bolsheviks to their doorstep...

EDIT: I have authorized the Privy Council to name a Lord President of the Privy Council from among their own number to act a speaker for the council. The Lord President proposes exercises of the King's powers for the council to deliberate. He is answerable to the council, not the King, and will be replaced if he loses their confidence.

Promoting Senators and Dukes

The Privy Council can bestow lots of honorary or titular titles that don't affect PP. However, they can also bestow two special titles that carry PP bonuses: Senator and Duke.

Senators serve in Sardinia-Piedmont's upper house. A player-character who has been named a senator carries more clout and has access to the country's political elite and therefore gets a +25% bonus to his political power (except for politicians, who will instead have their bonus ability increased to +12.5% instead of 10%). The Privy Council can appoint any numbers of senators, but their appointment requires an exercise of the King's powers. Senators sit for life and are privileged from arrest (as are Deputies). Senatorships are not inherited.

Dukes are the highest tier of nobility in Sardinia-Piedmont below the King himself. At the beginning of the game, there are no dukes outside the royal family, but His Majesty can be convinced it is in the national interest to create a new ducal title and grant it to one prominent aristocrat... not that the members of the privy council could ever be accused of acting in their own interest. A Duke gets +100% political power and the Ducal title can be inherited by subsequent aristocratic members of the dynasty. The privy council would do well choose their one and only Duke carefully though, because the title, once granted, is not easily revoked...

More Ducal titles may become available as the nation gains territory.

Capitalism and Corporatism

In brief, capitalists and corporations can do anything you can usually do with money in game - purchase goods, build factories, railroads, make foreign investments, etc. Government policy affects the cost of doing business - state capitalism is more expensive than laissez-faire. Capitalists can't do much of anything in a planned economy, but they still draw PP from the national industrial score.

Every electoral cycle, I will issue dividends to the various capitalists and corporations, essentially telling them how much money they made. These will probably be round numbers that don't precisely match in-game realities because Vic2 doesn't really keep track of how much money a factory makes in a year. Similarity, you can have losses from unsuccessful factory.

A capitalist goes bankrupt if all his factories close and doesn't have a meaningful amount of money left. If a capitalist is bankrupted, he is disenfranchised for a term but comes back one electoral cycle with his pockets full of new, more gullible investors money and he gets to try again. Of course, the government can step in to bail you out with subsidies...

Railroads don't cause any direct profits. They just help existing factories. The government (as per interventionist or state capitalist policies) can offer to contribute some money to their construction.

There will be no IG capitalists in PttP. That means factories can ONLY be built by the government or the players.

When a capitalist dies, his industry is inherited by his successor. If his player switches classes, the industry will instead be auctioned off to other capitalists. If no one is willing to buy, then the business is considered to have been nationalized and will be owned by the government.

Capitalists should feel free to make corporations and finance as complicated as they like (stock, buybacks, issuances, bonds, etc.) with the understanding that I won't do any of the bookkeeping. They have to manage their own contracts.

Colonialism

To be announced...

Unions

Unions are the basic organization of organized labor. They don't have money like corporations do, but instead track one stat: their PP warchest. The warchest represents not just money, but also political clout and good standing in their communities that they can use to advance union interests. The warchest is drained by strikes and expended to expand the union. It can also be used (to a point) to promote reform in votes in the Chamber.

Every electoral cycle, a labor leader can choose to disenfranchise himself to generate political power for the union. If he does, his PP for every year of disenfranchisement instead goes to the union's warchest. This may not very much at first as labor leaders don't start with much PP.

Unions exist attached to factories; without factories there are no unions (we don't have RGO unions in this game). Every labor leader gets to form a union and attach it to its first factory for free. Subsequent expansion of the union requires an expenditure of PP from the warchest. It is cheapest to expand unions into factories of the same type or in the same region. Aristocrats can reduce the cost of union expansion into their ancestral holdings... but such an alliance seems unlikely. The more workers a factory has, the more expensive it is to unionize.

If Unions are illegal or state controlled, they can be broken up by government action (by either the national ministry or the privy council's order), though this action incurs a national militancy penalty. This penalty is reduced if unions are illegal. A factory that is closed then later re-opened will remain unionized. If a Labor Leader does not control any factory unions, then he is disenfranchised for an electoral cycle. At the expiry of this term, he can open a new union for free.

Each factory may have only one union attached to it.

Strikes

A Labor Leader can declare a strike. If he does, all factories belonging to that union will close, reducing the national industrial score and reducing the political power of all labor leaders and all industrialists due to the reduced industrialist score. The longer a strike goes on, the more PP it costs the union from its warchest. The union will lose a random amount of PP every month (equal to the # of tens of thousands of workers involved in the strike*a random factor from 0-9*(1-.1*national CON). IE: The PP drained by the strike increases the larger the strike is and decreases with national CON, representing public sympathy for the strikers. The strike can end in a few different ways.

-The strikers run out of warchest PP and the strike is called off.
-Management and the strikers reach a settlement
-Scabs are brought in and cross the picket line
-The military breaks up the strike
-Management hires strikebreakers (thugs) to break up the strike

Management can agree to the striker's demand. A settlement can take one of two forms: 1) the factory owner can agree to reduce his own profits in exchange for increased PP to the labor leader or 2) the factory owner can agree to support a certain reform the next time it comes up for a vote. He cannot renege on this promise. Industrialists can also 3) allow his other factories to unionize, in which case they join the labor leader's union for free.

Scabs can be brought in if unemployment is high in a given area when the workers are striking. This action does not raise militancy but costs the capitalist money. On the other hand, it also breaks up the union. This action can be partially successful if a strike covers multiple factories, working in some regions but not in others.

The military can break up a strike on orders from the government or privy council, but this actions incurs a militancy penalty. This penalty is reduced if freedom of assembly has been outlawed.

More controversially, management can hire thugs to break up a strike. This costs the industrialist money and is not guaranteed to succeed and has a chance of sharply raising militancy. This action can be outlawed by act of Parliament, in which case it is no longer available to the industrialists.

General Strike

A General Strike differs from a regular strike insofar as it is an extremely large collection of workers demanding nationwide or systemic change, rather than a symptom of a specific dispute between a union and management. General Strikes can be wide-ranging and sometimes shattering affairs. They have the potential to force the passage of a reform.

A majority of labor leaders must vote to declare a general strike in favor of a specific, stated reform. If they vote in favor, a general strike begins.

General strikes do not cost any union PP from their warchests. Instead, they drain national consciousness at a rate of one point per day. The General Strike automatically ends when the nation is out of consciousness. Since national CON score can never go above 10, this means a General Strike lasts at most for 10 days.

During a general strike, all factories in the nation are closed and there is no national RGO production. Every day, a General Strike has a chance to force the reform it was declared in favor of. This chance is equal to national CON+mil+% of the population in a movement advocating the specific reform. For example, if national militancy was 3, consciousness was 5, and 1% of the population supported a specific reform, the general strike would have a 3+5+1=9% chance of forcing the reform that day. The next day, the General Strike would only have an 8% chance of forcing the reform, because national con would have dropped to 4.

A General Strike ends when the reform is forced or when the nation runs out of consciousness. They are therefore more likely to succeed when the national has a higher consciousness score. General Strikes can be broken up by the army but this action carries a chance of failure and a massive militancy penalty. However, if a General Strike is broken up by force, consciousness is diminished and another General Strike cannot be declared for two electoral cycles.

If some regions of the nation do not have any unions at all, the general strike's chance of success is lessened.

Political Parties

Political parties work as in EoE and SoTA except that they can only be founded by politicians in cooperation with at least one other player. There are no longer primaries in PttP - parties now sack their leaders whenever the party members start to demand it, rather than voting on the matter once per electoral cycle. The party leader determines the party's in-game platform. Changes in party ideology must be voted on by the members.

If political parties are illegal, they can be broken up by the government in exchange for a militancy penalty. In a nation with no parties, the King (or privy council) can appoint whoever they like as Prime Minister without fear of repercussions.

EDIT: Political parties now have a regionalism score while under the First Past the Post voting system. Higher regionalism means they are competing for fewer constituencies.

Demagogue Actions

Expanded Play for Demagogues allows Demagogues to do things other than agitation, such as sabotage a factory or throw a bomb, but doing so carries a significant change of failure - a failure that may lower national militancy in a backlash against the demagogue - or arrest. A demagogue may choose to do any of the following things instead of agitating for a given electoral cycle. I will role a die to determine whether the actions succeeds and whether the demagogue is imprisoned.

Note that I have nerfed agitation slightly. It now carries a slight arrest chance while the press is censored or state-run.

A demagogue may try to do one of these things every cycle instead of agitating:

-Sabotage a factory. Closes the factory for a variable period of time and forces the owner to pay to reopen it. Medium chance of failure, medium arrest chance. Higher success chance with covert cooperation of a labor leader.
-Throw a bomb. Sows chaos, fear, and dissent by throwing a bomb in a crowded, public place, driving up national consciousness. Low chance of failure, high chance of arrest.
-Start a riot. The demagogue sows discontent by trying to cause a riot in a specific province. Drives up militancy and imposes tax and RGO penalties on the province it's conducted in. High chance of failure, low chance of arrest.
-Start a militia. The demagogue attempts to organize an armed militia. Greatly increases national militancy; works better if militancy is already high. High chance of failure, high chance of arrest.
-Assassinate an NPC. The demagogue assassinates an NPC, inflicting a temporary political power penalty on a specific other class. High chance of failure, high chance of arrest.

Demagogues may additionally try to:
-Leak secrets. The demagogue attempts to gain access to secret information and spread it to the public. This lets the Demagogue make a conversation marked private in the thread public. Low chance of failure, low arrest chance. Increased chance of failure and arrest chance is the press is censored or state-run.

Leak secrets is unique insofar as it doesn't have to be the only thing Demagogues do during an electoral cycle. They may attempt to leak secrets multiple times, but they incur the failure and arrest chances every time.

Militarist Actions

If the privy council fails to appoint a general to head and army or navy (which will be often), then any militarist without a command will be able to claim command of the army, signifying that he has been promoted to the position without the Council's intervention. Sardinia-Piedmont will be divided up into military districts (IG regions). For the government to break up a strike or do anything else that requires military intervention, they will require the cooperation of at least one general in the military district. The military will also be able to enforce martial law (like EU IV harsh treatment), lowering local militancy at the cost of raising national consciousness. Arrest chance for a demagogue will also be higher in a region under martial law.

Militarists can refuse to cooperate with the government but still must obey orders from the King and Privy Council, and can be fired and replaced in a single action by the same. A militarist who has been fired by the privy council cannot claim a new command for at least one electoral cycle.

Further expanded play for militarists elaborates on the idea of military districts and limits the power of the Chief of the Army. Militarists also have traits and can have their forces adopt postures. Read more about it [post=18595391]here[/post].
 
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ThunderHawk3

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Appendix C: Political Reform Effects



Upper House:
Upper House affects how the Privy Council can appoint senators.

Ruling Party Only - Only members of the ruling party can become senators.

Appointed - The Privy Council can appoint anyone to the senate.

Two Per State - The number of total appointments is limited to two per region.

Based on Population - The Privy Council can no longer appoint senators.

Franchise:
The Franchise determines who can vote.

Landed Only - Only landed people can vote. Industrialists and Aristocrats get a +40% PP bonus during the General election only.

Weighted Wealth - There is a wealth barrier to voting and the richer you are, the more your vote counts. Industrialists and Aristocrats get a +30% PP bonus during the General election only.

Weighted Wealth - There is a wealth barrier to voting. Industrialists and Aristocrats get a +20% PP bonus during the General election only.

Weighted Universal - Everyone can vote, but the richer you are the more your vote counts. Industrialists and Aristocrats get a +10% PP bonus during the General election only.

Universal - Everyone can vote and their votes are equal. No effect.

Public Meetings:

Not Allowed - Strikes can be broken up at reduced cost if public meetings are not allowed.

Allowed - Breaking up strikes incurs full militancy.

Press Rights:

State Press - Demagogue's agitation is half as effective as usual.

Censored Press - Agitation is three-quarters effective

Free Press - Agitation is fully effective.

Subject to change to include an effect on other actions

Voting System:
Voting System impacts how seats in the legislature are calculated.

First Past the Post - Under First Past the Post, the candidate that gets the most vote in a constituency wins. Seat allocations are calculated [post=18474084]in this way[/post]. Independents are allowed.

Jefferson/D’hondt Method - Under the Jefferson Method, seating the Parliament will be calculated using the Jefferson Method. No independents are allowed.

Proportional Representation - Under Proportional Representation, seats are allotted to each party in proportion to the number of votes they received in the general election. Independents are generally not allowed.

Trade Unions:

Illegal - Unions can be broken up by the government at reduced cost and labor leaders have 25% political power.

State Controlled - Unions can be broken up by the government, and labor leaders have 50% political power, and if a union attempts to expand without government permission it can be broken up at reduced cost (as if it were illegal).

Non-Socialist - Labor leaders have 75% political power.

All Allowed - Labor leaders have 100% political power and can spend PP from their warchest to support political reform.

Voting Rights:
Voting rights will have no effect in-thread unless an OOC vote enables it. If it does, here's what will happen.

No Parties Allowed - Opposition parties have been banned. The Party of Power receives a +40% PP bonus.

Harassment - Opposition parties are harassed by pro-government militias and police officers. Leaders are arrested or detained, and laws are passed to restrict opposition activities. The Party of Power receives a +30% PP bonus.

Gerrymandering - The government has drawn political district borders to maximize their victories in the legislature. The Party of Power receives a +20% PP bonus.

Non-Secret Ballots - Ballots are not secret, allowing people to inform on others who don’t vote the party line, and enabling systemic retribution against opposition voters by the party machine. The Party of Power receives a +10% PP bonus.

Secret Ballots - Elections are free and fair. No party receives a PP bonus.
 
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((Reserved for Appendix D))
 

Dadarian

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Name: Giuseppe di Antico
Date of Birth: 8th April 1803 - 4th December 1870 (67)
Place of Birth: Genoa, Ligurian Republic
Class: Labour Leader
Position: Leader and co-founder of the Confraternita di genovesi Artigiani (Tr: Brotherhood of Genoese Craftsmen)

Bio:

Born to a poor family of ship builders in Genoa's old harbour (of which the di Antico name is taken), Giuseppe was always a headstrong boy. During his youth he often fought with other boys from the area, most notably the boys of the Bakery District. Through cooperation with his friend Antonio Piccola he managed a gang, which committed minor crimes throughout the city on behalf of Il Porto Ragazzi (Tr: The Harbour Boys). However his father, a bull of a man, found out and beat him nearly to death. After Giuseppe recovered his father sent him off to work at his uncle's as an apprentice as a cobbler. Bringing his flair for (slightly illegal) gathering of men, he fought his way into creating the Confraternita di genovesi apprendisti (Tr: Brotherhood of Genoese Apprentices), again with his friend Antonio. Frequently fighting with his boss, only his hard work ethic kept him in his position, as he could produce shoes twice as quickly as any other apprentice.

As he grew older and eventually took over the craft from his master, he brought together the old brotherhood to be reborn, this time of Craftsmen instead of simple apprentices. By 1836 Giuseppe had established himself as the de facto head of craftsmen work in the city, beating the beleaguered guilds into submission once and for all. With no specific ideal in mind beside the advancement of the Brotherhood and defending the ideals of the craftsmen, Giuseppe is bound to make an impact on the ever changing society of Sardinia.

His earliest impact was becoming the vanguard of the Year of Pamphlets in 1836, using illegal presses in Genoa to print (highly biased) news against the Praetorians and the Traditionalists. He also worked with a close confidant (and fellow Genoan) Alberto Pazzini to form the La Sinistra party, arguably the first real worker's rights party. However following a notably libelous pamphlet released in 1839 condemning the then Prime Minister Pes and accusing him of Calvinism, di Antico was sentenced to 5 years in prison for "crimes against the state". Turning control of his guild to his friend Giovanni Ferrero, he served his time, being released in 1844. However during his imprisonment his friend Pazzini retired, and the party elected di Antico in abstenia to serve as leader for the party.

He served ably and stubbornly as head of the La Sinistra until 1846, which turned into the La Lega Costituzionale until 1864, which then became the Partito Operaio Italiano where he held control until his death in 1870. He was known throughout these years for being uncooperative, both in politics and with the law. He served another prison sentence from 1845 - 1855 for libel and illegal printing, which noticeably calmed him down when it came to radical politics. Instead he turned his creative will (which were blocked in the political and legal worlds) to writing, which he engaged prolifically from 1845 through to 1861, writing some 8 books that satirised the then Sardinian political climate.

However, his biggest political move following his second arrest came during the 1864 Romagogue Revolution, whereas he and the union movement supported the Balboist regime in establishing itself in the mainland. The only reason why the Revolution failed was due to the appointment of Victor Emanuel II as the King of Italy, who then led a united Italian army back to Sardinia-Piedmont to crush the rebellion. di Antico only lived due convincing the leader of the Romagogue Government to surrender in order to gain amnesty.

Following the failed revolution, di Antico kept his head down, only raising it to lead the successful 1869 General Strike for token minimum wage, which was the largest of it's time at 4 million men walking out. Officially he was the Leader of the Opposition from 1867 until 1870, however due to his party's small size (some 10 seats) it was de facto an honourary title only.

With the adoption of proportional representation, the 1870 elections were the greatest for the long hard done by worker's party that di Antico had led in various forms since 1841, taking some 44 seats. He was even appointed Minister of Labour, however a particularly nasty case of pneumonia meant that the aged di Antico could not live to see the results of such success. He died surrounded by his son, daughter, wife and padre on December 4th, 1870 at the age of 67. His son Orazio di Antico took over the family business following his father's death.

Pamphlets and Publications:
The State of Politics:


I - 1836
II - 1836
III - 1836
IV - 1836
V - 1839​


The State of Affairs:


I - 1836
II - 1839
III - 1839​


Declaration of the CgA:


I - 1839
II - 1846
III - 1863​


Books and Other Publications:


The Trial and Tribulations of Agostino di Falco - 1845 (Published in Britain)
Benito Pagliaccio; A Tragedy of the Common - 1846 (Published in France; 1848)
The English Mouse - 1848 (Published in RSL)
If One Walks [Printed in the death homage to King Charles Albert by the RSL] - 1853
Freedom of Discourse; An Essay on an Artist in Sardinia - 1855 (Published in RSL)
A Splitting of Hares - 1858 (Published in RSL)
A Tale of Two Brothers - 1861 (Published in RSL)
Good King Francis - 1861 (Published in New York, USA)​

Titles:
Leader of the Porto Ragazzi - 1817 ~ 1821
Leader of the Confraternita di genovesi apprendisti - 1822 ~ 1830
Leader of the Confraternita di genovesi Artigiani - 1830 ~ 1839, 1845 ~ 1870
Leader of La Sinistra - 1841 ~ 1846
Member of the Royal Literary Society - 1845 ~ present
Leader of the La Lega Costituzionale - 1846 ~ 1864
Leader of the Metalmeccanici Uniti d'Piemonte - 1848 ~ 1870
Leader of the Gilda dei commercianti torinesi - 1850 ~ 1870
Councillor of Labour (Roman Administration) - 1864
Leader of the Partito Operaio Italiano - 1864 ~ 1870
Leader of the Opposition - 1867 ~ 1870
Minister of Labour (Italy) - 1870

Crimes and Sentencing:
Crime Against the State / Illegal Printing: 5 years imprisonment (1839 ~ 1844), held without trial (1845 ~ 1848), 5 years imprisonment (1850 ~ 1855)
Libel: Dropped due to prior sentencing (1839), held without trial (1845 ~ 1848), 5 years imprisonment (1845 ~ 1850)
High Treason: Dropped due to amnesty (1864)
 
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TJDS

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Name: Raffaele Guglielmo Niccolò Vittorio Maria Alighieri
Place and Date of Birth: 7 October Anno Domini 1804 Palazzo de Sant'Uberto, Genoa, Ligurian Republic (32)
Place and Date of Death: 5 December Anno Domini 1864 Turin, Kingdom of Italy (60)
Class: Militarist
Position: Colonel of the Royal Artillery Corps
Bio:

Raffaele's family, the Alighieris, were one of the strongest families of Republic of Genoa, where they served as Generals and Admirals. Raffaele's father, Viscount Umberto VII Alighieri, was one of the few Genoan Leaders who wanted to fight Napoleon. When Genoa fell to the French Revolutionaries, the elite - including the Alighieri family -, which had ruled Genoa for nearly 800 years, was overthrown and the Ligurian Republic was created. The Ligurian Republic was weak and its leaders, the Directors, were nothing more than puppets of Napoleon and his Revolutionary Army. When Raffaele was born, Umberto raised him to be officer, for Raffaele would need to rebuild the Alighieri Glory and fight liberalism, thus Raffaele went to the Piedmontese Royal Military Academy in Turin, where he learned about the weakness of the Republic and Liberalism and about the dangers of the Revolution. He was one of the best students of the Academy, he finished his studies in 1826 and entered the Royal Artillery Corps, where he quickly became an important leader. He became Colonel of the Royal Arillery Corps in 1832 and made it the envy of the Italian States. He is a conservative, monarchist, Italian Pan-Nationalist and Imperialist.

Raffaele Alighieri would become Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Kingdom of Sardinia Piedmonte in 1844, after the failure of his predecessor Count Della Pac in the Carthago War (1841-1843) to achieve an easy victory. Alighieri was made Officer in the Colonial Order of the Star of Sardinia Piedmonte and Knight in the Order of the Saints Maurice and Lazarus for his work in Tunis. Alighieri would prove vital in the reinstatement of order and effectiveness in the Piedmontese Armed Forces after the removal of the corrupt Della Pac. In 1848, when the liberals (The Government, mostly Prime Minister Bonaretti, called them The Hydra) were at the brink of revolt, the Armed Forces protected the peace and order in large parts of the Kingdom. For his work Alighieri was made Viscount of Sant'Uberto, his family title that was declared defunct by the Napoleontic Forces and Commander in the Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus. Raffaele Alighieri would reluctantly lead the forces of Sardinia Piedmonte against the Egyptians and Ottomans in the so called Last Crusade (1856-1858) for its conquest of the Holy Land and Sanaï, for his work Alighieri was made Count of Jaffa-Ascalon and Knight Grand Cross in the Order of the Saints Maurice and Lazarus and Commander in the Military Order of Savoy. Raffaele Alighieri would eventually die in the Year of Revolutions, 1864, when he was retaking Turin for His Majesty, Victor Emmanuel II, he was shot by a traitarous adjudant with Imperial sympathies. His legacy is still widely disscused in Italy to this day, did he help the Italian Unification with the Conquest of Turin and the Holy Land, showing Sardinia Piedmonte's might or did he prevent it by supporting the Reactionary-Conservative Governments?

Styles:
Colonel Raffaele G. N. V. M. Alighieri of the Royal Artillery Corps CG CEE CJ KM MGC (1832-1836)
Tenente Generale Raffale G. N. V. M. Alighieri, Deputy Chief of Staff CG CEE CJ KM MGC (1836-1843)
Generale d'Ésercito Raffaele G. N. V. M. Alighieri, HM's Chief of Staff KML OSSP CG CEE CJ KM MGC (1843-1848)
Generale d'Ésercito Viscont Sant'Uberto, HM's Chief of Staff CML OSSP CG CEE CJ KM MGC (1848-1858)
Generale d'Ésercito Count Jaffa-Ascalon, Viscont of Sant'Uberto, HM's Chief of Staff KGCML OSSP CG CEE CJ KM MGC (1858-1864)









 
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Name: Marquis Carlo Asinari di San Marzano
Born: 24 January, 1801, Turin
Class: Aristocrat
Ancestral Lands: Alessandria
Bio:

Carlo was born in Turin to Filippo Asinari di San Marzano, one of the most distinguished figures of the Piedmontese nobility. During the French occupation of Piedmont, his father took quick advantage of the new land market and the lack of overseas competition from the continental system to greatly increase the family’s wealth. In addition, he worked to make himself invaluable to Napoleon, earning titles in the French Empire. In 1813, his father’s status allowed Carlo began attending the Special Military School of Saint-Cyr, in France. He stayed there though the restoration, while back in Piedmont his father was placed in charge of the provisional government prior to the return of the king and was the Savoy plenipotentiary at the Congress of Vienna.

Carlo returned to Turin in 1817 where he received a commission in the Royal Cavalry regiment. In 1819 Carlo relinquished his commission and was assigned to the embassy in Paris, thanks to his father’s position of Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Later he worked in the embassies of Berlin and Madrid, and then he took part as an assistant in the congresses of Aachen and Troppau. This experience earned Carlo title of ambassador in Paris in 1823. Three years later he returned to Turin where he soon found his way into the king’s Privy Council. In 1828, with the death of his father he gained the title of Marquis di San Marzano. During this time he also acquired a love for music and literature, going so far as to write his own opera about an Italian national identity which was performed at the Teatro Regio.

Due to the time he spent in France and the success his family had under Napoleon, Carlo is a self-proclaimed moderate. While he believes in the importance of the king and the nobility in society, he also feels that the traditional order of monarchical absolutism and noble privilege perished with the French Revolution. In his mind, the reactionary policies favored by some are actually harmful to the established social order as they increase the likelihood of future upheaval. In short, he advocates a program of gradual civic and political progress that avoids the extremes of reaction and revolution, eventually granting a limited constitutional monarchy in order to “give today what might be seized tomorrow”.
 
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Belgiumruler

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Name: Alberto Perrizini

Class: Politician

DoB: 11 November 1806 (30)

Bio: Entered politics at relatively young age, Alberto was always in favour of progressive reforms. He doesn’t believe in a policy of laissez faire, but supports interventionism instead. Further, he thinks the power of the aristocracy should be limited and basic reforms are needed.

Platform: Alberto usually favours Interventionism/Limited Citizenship/Pluralism/Free Trade/Anti-Military
 
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Name: Francesco Ludovico Costanzo Sforza, Conte di Trecate e Galliate
Date of Birth: 7 January, 1789
Date of Death: 19 May, 1867 (aged 78)
Place of Birth: Trecate, Kingdom of Sardinia
Class: Aristocrat
Ancestral Land: Novara

Descended from the prestigious Sforza family who ruled over Milan from 1450 to 1535, Francesco's direct descendants would be those who after the Spanish takeover of Milan would cross over into the Duchy of Savoy, settling into there lands in and around Galliate and then later also Trecate. Building ties and bonds with the Dukes of Savoy they would eventually be rewarded for this and have themselves elevated to Counts by Charles Emmanuel upon his ascension in 1730.

Born on the eve of the French Revolution in early 1789, Francesco was the eldest born of Gian, Conte di Trecate e Galliate and heir to the family's titles. His early childhood would mostly be spent in and around Trecate where the family had established its main residence, a modest palatial home. However at the age of nine his life would be drastically altered by the French forcing Charles Emmanuel IV to abdicate and then assimilating Piedmont into the French Republic. The Sforzas, being bitter opponents of Napoleon, would flee the country to neighboring where Francesco's father, Gian, would take up service in the Austrian Army, tragedy would later strike in 1800 at the Battle of Hohenlinden with his death at the hands of the French. In 1806, Francesco now seventeen and living in the Russian Empire would take up service in its army fighting for little over a year until peace was made with the French Empire. Frustrated and angered by the peace he would travel aimlessly for the next year but would eventually find himself in Spain by 1808, where he took part in the Spanish resistance to French influence and rule, serving there until 1812, whereupon he then traveled to the United Kingdom participating in their war effort against Napoleon notably serving under Wellington at the Battle of Waterloo in 1815.

After the war he would stay in the United Kingdom until 1821, having during that time completed studies at the University of Oxford. Returning home to the Kingdom of Sardinia in 1822 he would be commended by the King, Charles Felix, for his services against Napoleon throughout the various wars. Francesco would later return to his estates and for the next five years dedicated himself to repairing the damaged cities and settling affairs. Summoned back to the capital in 1827 he would serve as the King's Steward until his death in 1831.

He would return once again to his estates and has mainly remain there until 1836 where he involved himself in Privy matters once again. Later in the year he would be appointed as Lord President, serving until his deposition in 1839 over a dispute with the incumbent Prime Minister, Vincenzo Pes. He would return to the political scene two years later with the new Prime Minister appointing him to serve as Ambassador Extraordinary to the Holy See, whereupon he left for Rome, serving in the aforementioned capacity for four years before resigning and making his way back to Sardinia-Piedmont. The following year he was named Minister of Internal Affairs by the new Bonaretti government, a position he held without major event.

With the crushing victory of the Traditionalists in the 1851 Elections Bonaretti allocated Sforza's new portfolio as the Ministry of Education. It was during Bonaretti's second term that he was also named Associate Justice of the High Court of Honor to fill the vacancy and named by the Privy Council to serve as a Senator. His tenure as Associate Justice would be short however as in 1856 he was named the first President of the Tribunal of the Supreme Court: the de facto highest position in the Kingdom's Judicial System. Later in the year he was also named Praetor of Piedmonte, representing the pinnacle in his career in the country's politics. Contrary to his beliefs that he had indeed reached his final peak he was also named Minister of Justice after his predecessor's passing.

As the year 1860 dawned he would celebrate his diamond jubilee as a count, a rare feat amongst the nobility of the time. All three of his positions he would vacate the following year however to take up service as Governor-General of the Sinai, holding it steadfast in loyalty to the King even as revolutions broke out in Sardinia-Piedmont against him. Upon his return to the mainland however he would find to his dismay that he had been stripped of senatorship and his title, his only consolation being elected as Lord President of the Privy Council and Leader of I Partito Papale. His joy would not last long however as his defeat in the elections dismayed him to a point of no return; he would scathe the King openly in the Privy Council before traveling to Vienna where he would die a week later.

Positions, Titles and Styles

Positions

Lord Steward (1827 - 1831)
Lord President of the Privy Council (1836 - 1839; 1867)
Ambassador Extraordinary to the Holy See (1841 - 1845)
Minister of Internal Affairs (1846 - 1851)
Minister of Education (1851 - 1856)
Associate Justice of the High Court of Honor (1854 - 1856)
Senator (1854 - 1867)
President of the Tribunal of the Supreme Court (1856 - 1861)
Praetor of Piedmonte (1856 - 1861)
Minister of Justice (1858 - 1861)
Governor-General of Sinai (1861 - 1867)
Commander of the Colonial Order of the Star of Sardinia-Piedmont (1861 - 1864)
Deputy Leader of I Trad (1861 - 1863)
Leader of I Partito Papale (1867)

Styles

His Lordship the Conte di Trecate e Galliate (1800 - 1867)
 
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Carlo Agostino Uleri


Name: Don Carlo Agostino Buonaventura Uleri di Albenga
Born: Albenga, Liguria
Date of Birth: 2nd May 1784
Date of Death: 9th June 1864
Nationality: Piedmontese
Class: Politician
Biography:

Don Carlo Agostino Buonaventura Uleri di Albenga (May 2 1784 – June 9 1864), known as Don Carlo Agostino Uleri was a Piedmontese politician, diplomat and statesman. The founder of the Traditionalist Party, he served as Foreign Secretary for a total of 13 years during three seperate periods between 1836–1856. He was assassinated by Romanist revolutionaries in 1864.

He was born in Albenga in the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont as the fourth son of Carlo Vittorio Uleri, 3rd Marquess of Albenga (1746–1825). Never expected to inherit, he was instead educated privately and then groomed for a position within the Piedmontese military. Having been bought a commission by his father at the age of 21 in 1805, he entered the military at a time of upheaval across Europe, serving in the Napoleonic army – often with distinction, if little grandiosity. By the Peninsular War, he had been promoted to the rank of chef de bataillon under Masséna.

His career within the military, however, was soon cut short. Uleri suffered an injury to his left arm at the Battle of Fuentes de Oñoro in 1811 and had to be shipped back to Piedmont. He was decommissioned the following spring, at which point he returned to the family estates in Albenga.

Loth for one of his sons to be unemployed, Uleri's father arranged for him to take a post at a law firm in Turin, though he did not take to the work and, after his father's death in 1813, left to pursue other ambitions. In the summer of 1813, he took a job within the Piedmontese diplomatic corps. In 1814, he was present at the Congress of Vienna as a secretary to the Piedmontese delegation. In 1815, he first served as First Secretary to the Piedmontese mission to France, though resigned his posting two years later in order to take up a seat in the Chamber of Deputies, having been offered the chance to serve as the Deputy for Albenga – a seat whose interests were controlled largely by Uleri's father.

In 1817, Uleri married the prominent socialite Adelina Gagliardi, who was seven years his junior. Whilst initially not overly enamoured with each other, the couple grew deeply in love, and remained happily married until Uleri's assassination in 1864. Adelina was, upon Uleri's request, created Baroness Ciamberì in 1853 in recognition of both her husband's achievements and her own.

In the Chamber of Deputies, Uleri sat as a rightist, largely through an apathy towards defining himself politically than because of any real held beliefs. During this time, he became convinced of the need to defend against the tyranny and excessive upheaval brought about during the latter-day Bonapartist regime, and often spoke out against violent actions by the nascent liberal and Carbonatist faction within Sardinia, though never advocated their outright destruction.

During the Piedmontese insurrection of 1821, Uleri showed support for the constitution conceded by regent Charles Albert, recognising that a need for redress and the codification of the law was present. Despite this, he remained sceptical of the revolutionaries' actions, and was at times highly critical of their behaviour, condemning their lack of consideration for the established order. Nevertheless, his exposure to the effects of popular agitation and resentment of the established order convinced him that there was a case to be found in suggesting that moderate reform could be used a tool to the benefit of traditionalism, as opposed to to its detriment – as it had previously been perceived by the majority of the aristocratic and arch-conservative classes.

This attitude alarmed the conservative order of the day, who promptly ostracised Uleri and blocked his ascension to higher political office. Realising that continuing on within the political world was futile, he vacated his Parliamentary seat in 1822 and once again pursued a career in law at the insistence of his father, assuming a position as a barrister at a chambers in Alessandria. He took to the work more readily than he had during his previous flirtatious with law in his youth, though never could be said to have been an especially talented or enthusiastic in his job. As such, upon the death of his father in 1825, he left his chambers to take resume his work within the Piedmontese diplomatic mission to France, noting in a letter to his eldest brother Vittorio that his previous term as First Secretary had been the most stimulating work of his life.

He was appointed as Chargé d'Affaires en pied within the mission to France in 1825, and remained in the position until the ascension to the Sardinian throne of King Charles Albert. While in France, Uleri witnessed the events surrounding the implementation of the July Monarchy and the coronation of Louis Philippe as King of the French. This experience would lead him to soften his stance towards reformism somewhat, noting with interest the ill-effects of blatant reactionism upon a nation gripped by the lasting imprint of liberalism. Translating these ideas to the Sardinian political environment, still characterised by the conservative rule of King Charles Felix, Uleri realised that the authoritarian grip with held by the upper classes upon the country's political society was unsustainable, and so sought to limit the onset of what he perceived to be a damaging inevitable period of upheaval via whatever means possible.

To this end, upon Charles Albert's coronation, Uleri left the diplomatic corps and was elected to the newly-reformed Chamber of Deputies as the Member for Varazze in the aftermath of the concession of a constitution. In Parliament, he assumed membership of the traditionalist bloc, seeking to use his political position to assuage discord wherever possible – though did so on no notable occasions. His more benevolent brand of traditionalism rested on the idea that reconciliation between the upper and lower classes was more important to preserving the established order than the persecution of the lower classes by the aristocracy. Again, this more sympathetic stance earned him the scepticism of many more reactionary traditionalists, though he was able to maintain his standing within the Chamber.

By 1836, he had emerged as a leading figure during the inception of the Traditionalist movement, quickly assuming the leadership of the group within the Chamber of Deputies. As he became a more prominent political figure, his position within the Traditionalist faction became more controversial, with many of his colleagues publicly criticising his advocacy of more liberal economics and minor reform. Despite this, he was given a position within the subsequent Traditionalist Ministry under the Marquess of Villamarina as Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as official leadership of the Chamber of Deputies.

His term at the Foreign Office was largely uneventful, with the only event of real note being the failed negotiations with the French over the extradition of Guiseppe Mazzini, who had fled to South America before talks could reach a conclusion. At the same time, negotiations to form an alliance between France and Sardinia-Piedmont were similarly unsuccessful.

His moderate stance becoming an increasing point of contention between Uleri and the Traditionalist movement, he resigned from the Cabinet in 1839 and crossed the floor of the Chamber of Deputies to join the opposition following the increase in criticism of his professed ideas by his fellow government members. He sat as an independent for the rest of the Parliamentary session, becoming a staunch and noted opponent of the sitting government's apathy and antagonism towards the growing radical sentiment within the country. During this time, he first became associated with both Constantino Parassani, leader of the Praetorian faction within Parliament, and the Marquess of Montezemolo, a liberal member of the Privy Council. Alongside Parassani, especially, he was a main supporter of the legalisation of political parties and the implementation of limited reform to the press in 1839.

With the formation of a liberal-conservative Ministry under the Marquess of Montezemolo in 1841, Uleri was once again asked to serve on the Cabinet – this time as Minister for Internal Affairs. After the Marquess of Villamarina's refusal to assume his position within the Cabinet, however, Uleri was appointed to be his replacement as Minister of Foreign Affairs. As Foreign Minister, he resumed negotiations of an alliance with France, this time successfully. Further, in 1843, following the creation of the colony of Carthage, he oversaw the development of the Colonial Service in conjunction with the Prime Minister, as well as the formation of the first Sardinian diplomatic mission to Vienna.

While Lord Montezemolo's faction received a majority of seats in the Chamber after the general election of 1846, King Charles Albert, acting on the advice of the Privy Council, chose to kiss hands with the Count of Nice, who formed a government soon after. Uleri was offered the position of Ambassador to the Austrian Empire, though declined as he did not wish to leave Piedmont, nor did he wish to serve in a capacity other than that of Minister of State. He subsequently assumed the role of Shadow Minister of Foreign Affairs as a member of the Opposition.

Out of government, Uleri also developed his interest in social reform, drafting and proposing numerous bills to the Chamber. Notably, he took up a keen interest in education, authoring bills furthering the cause of the education of working children and providing for the establishment of state sponsored colleges and seminaries. These would be passed into law in 1848 as the Mills and Factories Act and the Establishment of Colleges Act, respectively, and signalled the first real developments in social reform in Sardinia-Piedmont, despite the fact that the bills themselves were not especially far-reaching. The two acts would prove pivotal in helping to diffuse tension within Sardinia-Piedmont during the so-called Springtime of Nations – the liberal revolutions throughout Europe in 1848.

Uleri's role in helping to assuage the agitation to have swept the country at the time would eventually be recognised by both contemporaries and modern historians, with one newspaper referring to him in 1851 as the 'Great Educator'. In the words of 20th century historian T. H. Trehawke:

"While other men [...] seized the glory for themselves, this man's role in preserving national order at the height of the Springtime of Nations will not be forgotten by the history books. By turning the nation's attention, and that of the ruling party, towards social reform - particularly the overhaul of the national education system, he arguably did as much as anyone to defuse national unrest. Just as important, he made the idea of educational reform an acceptable topic of discussion on both sides of the aisle, and for that we will remember him."

When the Count of Nice formed a second ministry in 1851, Uleri was approached by the Traditionalists who wished for him to serve as foreign secretary. A potent critic of the first Nice ministry from within the opposition, it was felt by the Traditionalists that it would be better to have Uleri as a colleague rather than an adversary. He accepted the offer, though on the condition that the government would soften its anti-reformist stance.

Uleri quickly came to dominate affairs within the Cabinet, much to the irritation of his colleagues. When the Marquess of Soleminis, then secretary of state for war, ordered the construction of forts within the Francophone border regions of Piedmont, Uleri fought against the proposal, accusing Soleminis of showing a worrying lack of faith in the Franco-Sardinian alliance in proposing the measure. When the treasury also objected on the grounds that the forts would be too costly to build, Soleminis was forced to back down.

During this period, Uleri continued his conducting of diplomacy in line with the concert of Europe, fostering cordial relations between Sardinia-Piedmont and its neighbours to ensure that peace would be maintained in Italy – the idea being that this peace would allow Sardinia to achieve domination of the Italian peninsula by continuing internal development unimpeded by threats of war. This policy involved pursuing no further treaties of alliance, something that brought Uleri into conflict with the prime minister, who wished to secure an alliance with the Kingdom of Sicily in the south of the peninsula. When Uleri discovered that the prime minister had sent a letter to Marco Moretti, then the Sardinian ambassador to Sicily, directing Moretti to engage in negotiations over a treaty of alliance between the two nations, he sent his own letter to Lord Nice in which he offered to resign unless the prime minster let his manage the affairs of his ministry without interference. The Count of Nice relented and no alliance was pursued, though the affair left some within the Traditionalist leadership concerned that Uleri was as great a threat within the cabinet as he was within the opposition. Uleri was vindicated when details of the affair reached the attention of the public, who viewed the statesman with a great deal of respect due to his staunch parliamentarianism and reformist record.

In 1853, Uleri was offered a barony by the prime minister, though declined the honour, citing a desire for his commitment to his duties in the Chamber of Deputies to remain free from other obligations. The title was later instead granted to Uleri's wife Adelina, who became the Baroness of Ciamberì in her own right.

Uleri turned his attention to the plight of the poor once again in 1854 when he framed and presented the Public Health Bill to the Chamber, providing for the creation of a body to oversee the improvement of sanitary conditions in all settled areas in the country to try and curb the spread of infectious diseases, which he saw as a damaging to both the working classes and the economy as a whole. While his efforts at reform were at first received mildly, with Claudio Gabriele, then Minister of the Treasury, deeming it to be "economically unviable". The bill's pre-empting of the Savoy tuberculosis epidemic in 1855 brought it renewed interest and support, with one diarist MP quipping that "the man [Uleri] either has God's wisdom or the devil's luck" due to his record of fortuitous timing. Ultimately, however, the Marquess of Soleminis' ministry, formed in the wake of the 1856 general election, would reject the bill on the grounds that funding it would hamper the prosecution of the Levantine War (1856-1860).

Out of government from 1856, Uleri rejoined the opposition front bench as the shadow secretary for foreign affairs. In this position, he took a strong stance against the government's foreign policy record, demanding an enquiry into the Levantine War in 1858, denouncing the profligacy of the prime minister's reaction to the Carthaginian Uprising of the same year and castigating then-foreign secretary Andrea Cignetti, Marquess of Alba over his insipid overtures towards Italian unity and his aggravation of the other Italian powers via his policies. In response to this, Uleri would send a letter to King Victor Emmanuel proposing that a conference on the future of Italy be convened, as opposed to Sardinia acting towards unification unilaterally, though this idea received little attention at the time.

Uleri remained in opposition throughout the final years of his life, though remained a devoted member of parliament and of the Opposition. His Public Health Bill would finally be passed into law in 1863 – nine years after it was first mooted – although this would be his final achievement in public life. He took to writing histories to fill his time our of office, and in 1861 published his debut work, A General History of the Italian Peninsula and its People. Fatefully, it was also to be his only published work; at the time of his assassination, his planned sophomore publication was unfinished. This volume, A Contemporary History of Italy, was later completed by a group of academics at the University of Turin and published posthumously in 1867.

Uleri was assassinated by supporters of the self-proclaimed Roman emperor, Lucius Vico Balbo, formerly the governor-general of Carthage, in 1864. His last words were supposedly "L'Italia è fatta; tutto è bene, e ho finito" ["Italy is made; all is well and I have finished"]. Ever a supporter of Italian unification, he would live to see his goal, as well as to see his proposed 'concert method' of achieving unification vindicated at the Congress of Florence in the year of his death. Having fathered no known children, he was survived by his wife. She would ultimately outlive him by only three years, dying in 1867 at the age of 76, at which point her titles became extinct.

Positions, Titles and Styles

Positions

Military:

Chef de Bataillon in the Grande Armée (–1812)

Diplomatic:

First Secretary within the Piedmontese diplomatic mission to France (1815–1817)
Chargé d'Affaires within the Piedmontese diplomatic mission to France (1825–1831)

Parliamentary:

Member of the Chamber of Deputies for Albenga (1817–1822)
Member of the Chamber of Deputies for Varazze (1831–1864)

Political:

Leader of the Chamber of Deputies (1836–1839)
Minister for Foreign Affairs (1836–1839)
Minister for Internal Affairs (1841)
Minister for Foreign Affairs (1841–1846)
Minister for Foreign Affairs (1851-1856)

Styles

The Hon. Don Carlo Agostino Uleri (1784–1817; 1822–1831)
The Hon. Don Carlo Agostino Uleri, M.P. (1817–1822; 1831–1836)
The Rt. Hon. Don Carlo Agostino Uleri, M.P. (1836–1864)

Notable Speeches, Letters and Writings

Regarding the duty of care to all citizens incumbent upon the government – 1836
The Varazze Manifesto (A letter to the people of the town of Varazze) – 1836
Regarding the necessity of moderate reform – 1839
Delivering notice to the Chamber of his resignation from the Villamarina Ministry – 1839
Reponse to Lord Villamarina's acceptance of his resignation – 1839
Clarification of voting, especially regarding proposed alterations to public assembly laws – 1840
A letter to the people of the town of Varazze – 1841
Public acceptance of his portfolio within the Montezemolo Ministry, etc. – 1841
A letter to the Marquess of Montezemolo regarding the establishment of seminaries, etc. – 1841
In response to the calls for a general strike in support of expanding the franchise – 1841
A letter to the Marquess of Montezemolo regarding the diplomatic situation in Italy, etc. – 1843
A letter to the Prime Minister, et al., regarding appointments within the Colonial Department – 1843
A letter to the Prime Minister regarding the formation of a diplomatic mission to Vienna – 1843
Clarification of voting, regarding alterations to the selection of prime ministers, etc. – 1843
Regarding the intentions of the Foreign Office – 1843
A letter to Lord Montezemolo concerning the appointment of diplomats, etc. – 1845
Clarification of voting, especially regarding policing, etc. – 1845
A letter to the Lord Montezemolo, esp. regarding the Establishment of Colleges Bill – 1846
Regarding the mistreatment of children in mills and factories – 1846
Proposal of the Establishment of Colleges Bill to the Chamber – 1848
In defence of various bills proposed to the Chamber – 1848
In response to the announcement of Sig. Parassani's retirement – 1850
Acceptance of his portfolio under within the Second Nice Ministry, etc. – 1851
Memorandum to the Cabinet regarding foreign affairs within Italy and France – 1851
Clarification of foreign policy aims with regard to Sicily and other nations – 1851
A letter to Lord Nice concerning foreign policy (The Moretti Letter) – 1851
A letter to Lord Nice concerning the Barony of Ciamberì – 1853
Address to the Chamber concerning public health and sanitation – 1853
Address to the Traditionalist Party (the Turin Manifesto) – 1855
Regarding levels of sanitation and the defence of the Public Health Bill – 1856
Address to the Chamber in response to various issues of the day – 1858
In response to statements by the foreign secretary, et al. – 1858
A letter to King Victor Emmanuel II, with regard to affairs within Italy – 1858
A General History of the Italian Peninsula and its People – 1861
A letter to Sig. Pedrotti on the development of the Sinai – 1861
Address to the Chamber upon its opening – 1861
 
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Terraferma

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Name: Enzio Ferrabino
Class: Capitalist
Date of Bith: August 4th, 1798 (38)
Bio: Born into a rising middle class family in Genoa that has since become affluent, Enzio Ferrabino founded his own company in Annecy, plunging into the mining business to much initial success in 1833. Known as Ferrabino Mining, Enzio was a firm nationalist and an ambitious man that wanted to see to what heights he could travel and accumulate as much power as possible with the aims of leaving behind a legacy for both his family and children. His views on others vary from a sense of respect for other businessmen, aristocrats and those that occupy the highest echelons of governmental authority to gleeful joy at a rising middle class. Though it was probably in part due to seeing them as a means to gain more profits. He shows little sympathy for the worker and laborer while showing outright disdain for those that seek to demonize the captains of industry, shamefully using the masses as a means to an end. Once his sister had passed away Enzio was left to take care of her son and two daughters, enrolling the son into the military shortly after the early rise of his business while arranging a marriage between one of the nieces to a young aristocrat needing some money. With his business in Savoy and powerbase in Genoa he sought to expand within his current funds.
 

Riccardo93

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Napoleone d’Auria
15 August 1814, Torino - 3 September 1884, Roma

Militarist

Kingdom of Sardinia
Capitano (1831-1834)
Maggior (1834-1836)
Maggior Generale (1836-1856)
Tenente Generale, Vice Capo di Stato Maggiore Generale (1856-1864)

Kingdom of Italy
Generale, Capo di Stato Maggiore Generale (1864-1884)
Maresciello d'Italia (1883-1884)


Title(s) and Award(s)
Visconte d'Acre (1860-1884)
Conte d'Ismailia (1883-1884)
Gran Croce Italia (1867)
Grande Ufficiale dell'Ordine di San Maurizio e Lazzaro ()
Cavaliere dell'Ordine della Santissima Ascuncation ()

Biography

Giacomo d’Auria was once a beggar on the streets of Turin who, after enlisting in the Grande Armée, rose to the rank of Colonel before losing his leg at Borodino; he retired shortly thereafter, married Maria Ferrabino, the daughter of a relatively well-off Genoese merchant, and fathered three children. On the fifteenth of August, 1814, his son was born and seeing he shared a birthday with Giacomo’s hero, it seemed only fitting that he’d share a name as well: Napoleone. Despite the Emperor’s defeat the following year, Giacomo remained a fervent Bonapartist (so much so that his second child, a girl, was named after Eugène de Beauharnais), and was ultimately arrested for insurrection; after serving in prison several months, he was released. In December, 1816, his third child was born, another girl (who he named Augusta after Beauharnais’ wife); Maria however quickly fell ill and died within a week of the birth. The death of his wife took a heavy toll on the already distraught and near-bankrupt Giacomo, who soon was reduced to begging once again, more often than not to find coin for more wine. On the ninth of March 1817, he committed suicide, and his three children were left in the care of their maternal uncle, Enzio, who was scarcely a decade older than them; despite his youth, he proved to be more a father-figure to the three than Giacomo had ever, and after the death his father in 1821 (and his subsequent taking over of his father’s business), Enzio was able to enrol Napoleone in a military academy, which the young lad took to immediately. He also had the good fortune to marry Augusta to a young aristocrat titled the Marquess of Monferatto in need of a fat dowry. In 1838, Eugenia married Ernesto Granelli, a prominent industrialist.

Napoleone graduated at the top of his class and joined the Sardinian Army in 1831, where he has risen through the ranks quickly, becoming a Captain in 1832 and a Major by 1834, with several of his superiors recommending another promotion to Lt Colonel already. He continued to rise through the ranks, becoming a Major General and commander of his own corps in 1836, the youngest of the senior officers; he retained this position (and became the only general to remain stationed in Piedmont during the various Sardinian wars of the 1840s and 50s) until 1858, when upon the retirement of Lieutenant General Collegno, d'Auria was named his successor and took command of the larger and more prestigious Second Corps (he was also named Collegno's replacement as Deputy Chief of Staff); with this, he left for Sardinia's latest acquisition in Egypt.

Throughout the 1830s and 40s, largely by virtue of his name, Napoleone d’Auria largely stagnated after his initial promotion to Maggior Generale in 1836 (being only 21 at the time, an astoundingly young age); he was however amongst the first officers to call for and train the new bersaglieri, a unit which would afterwards maintain a strong paternal feeling towards. Beyond that, he relegated himself to commanding his army (Corpo III), and eschewed the party politics of the time – and indeed, the lifestyle of the affluent of Sardinia.

During the Tunisian War of 1841-43, advocated voraciously by the Chief of the General Staff, Sebastiano Giovanni Pico delle Pes, d’Auria and his Third Corps would remain in Sardinia, whilst the II and IV Corps landed near Tunis in June; on the 6th of October, Generale d'Manin-Grimani’s Corpo IV was nearly wiped out, and following the battle of Kairouan was almost entirely defunct. This poor mishandling would lead to delle Pes’ sacking in late April of 1843.

During the intervening months, two major candidates emerged as delle Pes’ potential successor – Napoleone d’Auria and his colleague Alighieri. D’Auria was considered the favoured successor, though ultimately through the efforts of the Conte di Nizza, Alighieri was given the nod. D’Auria himself made little of the rejection, instead questioning some of the organisational suggestions of his new superior, notably his decision to dissolve the III Corps (which, in the wake of the Tunisian War, was the only army in Piedmont, and one of only two not horribly mauled by battle). This proved crucial during the following strikes that plagued Sardinia throughout 1843 to 1846.

During the Springtime of Nations, Sardinia proved surprisingly peaceful – as would the remaining years of Carlo Alberto’s reign. Following the retirement of Alessandro Niccolo Gonzaga di Collegno, the Deputy Chief of Staff in 1856, d’Auria was promoted both to Tenente Generale and Deputy Chief of Staff (he was also moved from Corpo III to Corpo II). Later in the year, he would serve in the field during the Sinai War of 1856-57 (also known as the Last Crusade). Unlike several of his colleagues, Generale d’Auria was not ennobled or rewarded for his conduct.

In 1859, the Ottoman Empire, wary of rising Sardinian influence in the Levant, declared war. In May, the Ottoman 4th Army attacked d’Auria’s Corpo IV; though he lost half his men, he fended off the more numerous enemies – he would then fall to Acre whilst Generale Alighieri relieved pressure by attacking into Syria. This ploy would however prove to be ineffective, as 33,000 Turks and Wallchians attacked Acre and d’Auria’s battered corps in June. Alighieri beat a hasty withdrawal from Syria and reinforced d’Auria in time to force the Ottomans to cede the field. All the same, the two commanders agreed that, rather be surrounded (a new Ottoman army had just been spotted near Jerusalem, they would instead fall back to the Sinai Peninsula.

Due to French involvement in a Balkan conflict, Ottoman efforts after August became diminished, particularly their naval commitments (thus allowing the beleaguered Alighieri and d’Auria to be resupplied). Better supplied, d’Auria rused an Ottoman army into attacking Corpo III near Al-Arish; despite taking significant losses, the Ottoman 5th army was destroyed. The two Sardinian generals then advanced upon Al-Arish and delivered the Turks a crushing blow in early January. Peace was declared in March of 1860. For his conduct in the campaign, d’Auria was ennobled as the Visconti d’Acre, and made an Officer of the Order of Saint Maurice and Lazarus. Both commanders were declared national heroes.

The next three years under the Amat government were quiet ones for d’Auria.

Napoleone d’Auria would enter into the annals of Italian history for his brilliant generalship and steadfast loyalty in the wake of Romanisti Rebellion of 1864.

The Revolution broke out in late January of that year, and d’Auria, staunchly loyal to Vittorio Emmanuelle and constitutional government, first moved against the absolutist counter-revolution, compelling the so-called Chambery government to surrender. Following the death of Generale Alighieri at Torino defending the crown, d’Auria became the un-official Chief of the General Staff, and quickly began organising a resistance to Lucio Balbo, leader of the Romanisti Revolution. By late February, only d’Auria’s forces were actively resisting the regime.

When Vittorio Emmanuelle began his counter-offensive in March, the last White leader Stephano Bonaretti surrendered to d’Auria; immediately afterwards, he and his remnant joined with the King’s army, assisting in the capture of Alessandria, and leading the storming of Torino. Following that, he led the reconquest of Sardinia from the Romanisti.

During the newly installed Corsini government, d’Auria organised and led the invasion of Austria in June, 1864. After a sudden surprise from a Bavarian contingent, which with some effort he was able to repulse from Modena. By December, Milan was occupied, and Venice by early the next year. By mid-1865, d’Auria was approaching Vienna, despite a British blockade. However, a British army arrived in Nice via France, which compelled d’Auria to fall back from the foothills of Vienna to fend of the attack, which he did in December of 1865 (despite the British numbering over 100,000). Peace was brokered in Paris, in which Lombardy was ceded to Italy. The War of Italian Independence, waged from 1864 to 1866, was over. Austria was left neutered, and German Dualism ended shortly thereafter. D’Auria’s acclaim, in the meantime, reached new heights; it was shortly after the war ended that, on the 29th of May, Napoleone d’Auria married Annabella, daughter of the late Prime Minister Cesare Luigi Amat, Marchese di Soleminis e St Philippe. His first children, twins Cesare Giacomo and Maria Caterina were born only a year later. He was also the first man awarded the Grand Cross of Italy (established in 1867).

The Roman Question emerged following this war, and the Corsini government’s inability to resolve the matter to the King’s satisfaction led to its collapse in 1867. The new Alighieri government, even with the collapse of Napoleon III’s government in 1869 (and the rise of Louis-Philippe, Count of Paris to a restored Kingdom), failed to address it properly, and it too fell after two years. The new Uleri government (elected in 1870), and after great reluctance (and pressure from the King), war was declared in July of 1871.

D’Auria’s initial war-plan went swimmingly, Generale Valperga moved swiftly to occupy all but Rome, which after a brutal siege fell on the 21st of September. However, the defensive line that d’Auria had organised from Annecy to Nice proved to be for naught, as the French coerced the Swiss into granting them military access, and attacked into Milan; he quickly counter-attacked and drove the French out of Italy, and quickly set about establishing a new defensive line along the Swiss border. The French then opted to negotiate with the Austrians to enter into their lands to flank d’Auria, which was granted – the French high command then utilised the force sent there to divert d’Auria’s army from the Franco-Italian border, and attacked with 200,000. The Nizza offensive lasted throughout April of 1872, which d’Auria won following the loss of over 100,000 on either side. The offensive collapsed, as did the Orleanist Regime, and peace was made on the 6th of May; Roma was annexed into the Kingdom and made the new capital.

During the government of Achille Giovanni delle Pes, who was known for his almost obsessive hawkishness (he was rumoured to have plotted invasions of virtually every neighbour of Italy), d’Auria advocated a drastic expansion of the navy, a position he would maintain until the end of his life. The anarchist uprising of January 1873 was quickly put down, with unfortunately heavy losses. Towards the end of the year, several junior officers, and many political allies of delle Pes began clamouring for war against Egypt; d’Auria himself remained for all intents and purposes neutral to such a conflict, and merely made the preparations as required of him, all the while reminding the government that the navy was in dire need of expansion to effectively transport and supply the army. Duly noted and ignored, the war was declared on the 24th November, 1874, and after a quick campaign by Generale di Susa, was over by October the following year (d’Auria noted the war could have ended much quicker had the navy been expanded per his directives).

All the same, the large acquisitions in Egypt seemed only to encourage delle Pes’ hawkishness; first he weighed an invasion of Abyssinia, then opted instead to focus on a war with Austria to claim Venice; delays due to the lack of naval transports and a second anarchist uprising broke out, only to be crushed by May of 1877. Germany, once very willing to wage war with Austria, had since grown more trepidatious (largely due to a new treaty being signed between Austria in Britain in the intervening months). However, the Rovne Crisis, a Polish-Ukrainian nationalist movement that broke out on the 11th of July; Germany, eager to weaken Poland, sided with the Ukrainians, whilst Britain did the obverse – Austria and Italy were quick to join their respective allies – France then declared for the Austrians. Europe hung on the precipice of a great and terrible war, and d’Auria frantically began preparing for a two front conflict (which he repeatedly advised delle Pes not to enter into). Rumours that Russia was inclined to side with Poland however encouraged Germany to seek out peace, ending any possibility of a war.

Delle Pes was elected out of office in 1877, d’Auria’s brother-in-law Stephano Bonaretti being elected Prime Minister. However, delle Pes was installed as Minister of War; he and d’Auria quickly clashed over the structure of the army (d’Auria agreed that reorganisation was needed, as it was largely still functioning on the hodge-podge, ad hoc system arrayed in the wake of the Risorgimento some years previously) – the two posed very separate models of command, and by virtue of d’Auria’s position and experience his more streamlined model was accepted(it was however stalled by yet another anarchist uprising in May of 1877). One of the few key reforms he made during this period was the introduction of machine guns into the Italian Army, which would prove pivotal in the coming months. However to the chagrin of both d’Auria and the increasingly sickly Vittorio Emmanuelle, delle Pes and Bonaretti began considering war against Spain, with a date of 1878 being tossed around; d’Auria therefore threw all his efforts into reorganising the army.

In late September of 1877 however, a series of wars were declared that engulfed Europe. First, the Austrians and their Dutch allies declared war on Poland, with the intention of retaking Austrian Galician claims. Britain, which had some years before guaranteed Polish independence and sovereignty, immediately broke its alliance with Austria and declared war on Franz-Joseph. Seizing the moment (very much over the objections of Chancellor Bismarck), the Germans declared war against the UK over the Heligoland territories.

Third, France declared war on Germany on the 23rd of October, demanding the return of Alsace-Lorraine; Germany called upon Italian aid.

Following Bonaretti’s honouring of the alliance, Italy was then at war with the UK and all their allies (including Poland, Greece, and Albania), but declined to declare war on France (to d’Auria’s relief). However on the 3rd of December, Bonaretti and delle Pes succeeded in convincing Vittorio Emmanuelle to consent to a war with Austria, which was declared that day. Thus the Year of Fours Wars began.

Throughout 1878, d’Auria placed his main focus upon taking control of Venezia (again); well aware of the Italian naval deficit, he resigned the sea to British domination (instructing Admirale Galanti to only attack the British fleet if necessity demanded it or immense opportunity presented itself). A daring Austrian assault, mimicking the earlier French offensive from Switzerland nearly a decade before was crushed by virtue of two things; d’Auria’s increased experience in fighting an Alpine War, and the newly introduced machine guns, which ended the assault almost at once.

D’Auria then turned his focus on taking complete control of the Tirolia and Venezia, which he did with his usual efficiency; however, by mid-April neither the Austrians nor the Italians could achieve breakthrough, despite numerous efforts by both parties. Peace was brokered on the 10th of July, 1878, with Tirol and Venezia both conceded to Italy.

However, in the backdrop of this, the Father of the Fatherland, Vittorio Emmanuelle II, died (the 9th of January, 1878, never living to see Italy united); an excerpt from d’Auria’s diary, published in part a part of the biography his son Cesare published in 1914, noted the day with great sadness. D’Auria was long held to have been a close friend of the King.

For his efforts, Prime Minister Bonaretti was named the Duca di Venezia. D’Auria’s “rival” delle Pes (who considered d’Auria to be a threat to his political career; d’Auria himself regarded the former Prime Minister as little more than a nuisance), himself expected d’Auria to be similarly awarded; no such award was forthcoming.

With Italy unified, d’Auria seemed content with spending these next few months continuing his army reforms and petitioning the government for more ships; indeed his army reform was the grandest and most sweeping in over a generation – the homeland’s command was consolidated into the North and Southern Districts (with a third Colonial District handling the regional sub-districts of Tunisia, Egypt, Sinai and Palestine, and Somaliland), composed of seven corps; royal interference by the new King, Umberto, however stymied some efforts, particularly in effectively supplying corps II through VII with enough cavalry.

Any complaints within the General Staff died out when the fourth, and most severe, anarchist uprising broke out in September, 1878. The 200,000 rebels were, with some effort put down; d’Auria himself led the effort in the old lands of Sardinia-Piemonte. By November, most all the rebels had been quashed, as the rebel forts of Messina and Torino at last fell, the latter to d’Auria personally. The Visconti d’Acre immediately refocussed his efforts back to his reforms.

He was soon disappointed that the Bonaretti government was, only months after one brutal war (and a major rebellion), was planning another; yet again, against Spain. Even with delle Pes and his party-members leaving the coalition (and attempting to bring down the government), by 1879, the war seemed imminent. D’Auria continuously advised against such a measure, noting the alliance between Spain and Russia, the half-reformed Army (still bloodied from the rebellion), and a laughably small navy; his concerns were ignored, Bonaretti himself convinced the Germany would enter and Russia would not, and war was declared on the 11th of November; Germany sent its declination two days later, whilst a week after that, the Russians declared war.

According to the historian Andrea Stanecci:

D'Auria tried to make the best of a bad situation, taking most of his Corps to Africa. He quickly landed in Sinai. The dramatically superior Spanish fleet would pull into Cape Bon on December 8th, keeping D'Auria from executing the rest of his plan to ship several corps to Africa.[2][D'Auria had asked that the navy be expanded to more than 90 modern ships just months prior. Most in government had regarded it as an impossibly expensive goal at the time, though it enjoyed the "unfaltering support" of Admiral Giuliano Galanti. Perspectives began to change after the appearance of the Spanish fleet.] Meanwhile, the Russians' Ottoman allies and the Emperor Franz-Joseph both granted the Russians the right to march through their territory.

While D'Auria quickly marched into Dongola with a handful of auxiliary and colonial forces (intervening in spreading civil violence in Egypt on the way, triggered by the outset of war), the situation quickly became black for him. In February, 141,000 Russian troops, a full army group, marched into Acre. D'Auria had only about 30,000 men with him. After Dongola was captured, he quickly fled south. Much of Palestine, including Jerusalem, as well as Italian Egypt, would fall in the coming months.

In the meantime, the brutal battle of Udine was fought, often considered one of the bloodiest battles on European soil; modern trench warfare is also said to have started here.

It was only the sudden outbreak of several wars which Russia was drawn into that led a quick end to the war in early November; the war, despite Bonaretti’s best efforts to say otherwise, was regarded as an immense failure, and not on the part of the military, which when considered in the position it was placed, disorganised from months of unfinished reforms, the complete lack of naval power, and a general disregard for the General Staff, proved immensely effective.

Nonetheless, Bonaretti’s government survived elections. After coaxing from the Prime Minister and the King, d’Auria placed much of the nation under martial law, though the recurring plague of anarchist uprisings seemed to cease because of it. D’Auria also noted glumly how the murder of several Italian soldiers by Germans in Africa was covered up by the government; d’Auria himself may have been threatened into public silence, it proved increasingly to be the modus operandi of the Bonaretti government – several opponents and critics were jailed in the early 1880s, most notably in 1882. Nathan Fabron and Orazio d'Antico, prominent labour leaders and malcontents, were imprisoned by Umberto di Susa, Marchese di Susa and Interior Minister (and a cousin of d’Auria’s wife) helming the perscutions. Even the prominent radical nobleman Giovanni del Idra was arrested and later hanged. In reaction, Alessandro "Libertà" Zecchini travelled to Roma, entered into the Parliament building (unchecked), and threw a bomb at the conservative section (earning the moniker Il Bombarolo).

D’Auria was formally installed as Conte d’Ismailia in early 1883, and awarded the title Maresciello d'Italia for his long service to the Kingdom of Sardinia and Italy (52 years by that point). D’Auria opted to celebrate, by heading on a brief vacation in late April to Greece.

On the first of May, 1883, Umberto di Susa took control of the army and ordered them to fire upon protesters, killing thousands. His Deputy (Lorenzo Accorsi, who would die a week later at the age of 67) informed of the events that transpired, and D’Auria returned to Roma immediately, arriving there on the seventh.

All the same, d’Auria moved swiftly to try and contain the incident, though martial law seem to do little more than incur more wrath; nearing seventy, d’Auria then went to Napoli to recuperate at the suggestion of his family doctor, Amato Durante, where he spent the majority of his time complaining about the state of the shipyard there. He returned to Rome, where in May of 1884, he suffered a heart attack, right as the revolutionary fervour reached a fever pitch, when thousands of rebels emerged from all corners of Italy.

Some historians have claimed that d’Auria’s inaction regarding illegal unions in the 1880s, which on at least two occasions he was requested by S. Bonaretti to forcibly shut down, allowed them to grow in power and size, that the fault of the Massacre ultimately belongs to him. When first posited, by Prime Minister Bonaretti himself, it was controversial; and so it remains today.

Despite his heart attack, d’Auria immediately (within days) returned to command and began drafting a battle plan, all the while confined to a wheel chair (or at best completely dependent upon a cane). On the third of September, several days before the offensive he planned was to commence, he was murdered by a lieutenant with revolutionary sympathies; the army collapsed following the news, and many trace the seeds of the Anarchy that would overtake the nation to this.

Over the course of his 53 year career, Napoleone d’Auria served or fought in nine wars, three major rebellions, and countless other uprisings; he reformed the army, encouraged naval expansion, and was the organiser of some of the greatest battles in Italian history (personally for his efforts during the Nice Offensive in 1867, the Milan Offensive in 1878, and for his logistical skills for the Battle of Udine in 1879). He was the first Marshall of Italy, and highly regarded both before and after his death.

Some have theorised that, had d’Auria not been assassinated in 1884 that the Anarchy, and the subsequent rise of the Alliata and Balbo dictatorships, and the communist state, would have been prevented; however, whilst d’Auria was indeed a capable commander (considered to be, barring Napoleon I of France, to be the greatest Italian general in generations), he was seventy by the time of his death and records from his personal physician Dr Durante have led many historians to believe that even had he survived, he was in no state to keep the nation united; indeed, many believe he would have passed within two years, so fragile was his health. Furthermore, d’Auria’s political talents are virtually unknown, and whilst skill on the battlefield can establish a government, one can only go so far with the support of the army, as both Alliata and Balbo found out later.
 
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((PttP has a lot of additional bookkeeping. I need people to sign up for various record-keeping duties to mitigate my workload. I'll have these on a first come, first serve basis for people who want to help. Those who sign up for these need to make a thread to keep these records and I'll link to them from the Table of Contents.


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Almanacco della Nobilità
da Giovanni Berti

[hr][/hr]

Nota bene: all titles have been Anglicised

[hr][/hr]

Dukedoms in the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont

TitleDate of CreationSurnameAncestral SeatPlayerNotes
Duke of Provence1850ContravariusProvenceContravariusAttainted 1864
[tr]

Marquessates in the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont

TitleDate of CreationSurnameAncestral SeatPlayer
Marquess of Albenga1726UleriN/AN/A
Marquess of Victory1853BonarettiNiceAndre Massena
Marquess of VillamarinaPesNovaraMarschalk
Marquess of San MarzanoAsinariAlessandriaPlutonium95
Marquess of Susadi SusaSusaLatinKaiser
Marquess of MonferattoGonzagaGenoajeeshadow
Marquess of MontezemoloCorderoTurinm.equitum
Marquess of AlbaCignettiTurinLyonessian
Marquess of SoleminisAmatSavoyMarschalk
Marquess of St. PhilipAmatSavoyMarschalk
[tr]

Countships in the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont

TitleDate of CreationSurnameAncestral SeatPlayer
Count of Nice1532BonarettiNiceAndre Massena
Count of Lonate Pozzolo–1563Visconti di ModroneMilanMathrim
Count of Cagliari1720d'AmbrosioCagliarinaxhi24
Count of Trecate and Galliate1730SforzaNovaraMaxwell500
Count of Annecy1817von Habsburg-LorraineAnnecyMikkel Glahder
Count of Santa-Maria di LeucaPecJako473
Count of Arboreadi ArboreaImperator1993
Count of LiguriaLozac'hA Landu
Count of IvreaVienta di NumanciaKaisersohaib
Count of SienaOlivaresSienaFingon888

Viscountcies in the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont

TitleDate of CreationSurnameAncestral SeatPlayer
Viscount of Sant'Umbert1853AlighieriLiguriaTJDS
Viscount of CollegnoGonzagaSpectre17

Baronies in the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont

TitleDate of CreationSurnameAncestral SeatPlayerNotes
Baron of Ciamberì1853GagliardiChamberyN/AExtinct 1867
Baron of Settimo1853CavalieriTurinOtto of England
Baron of RubiconContravariusAnnencyContravarius
Baron of SorsoAmatSavoyMarschalk
Baron of Quartu Sant'ElenaPalmaCagliarinaxhi24

[HR][/HR]

Orders of Knighthood in the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont

[HR][/HR]

Nota bene: where awards entitle the recipient to the use post-nominals, such post-nominals should in the correct style, as the name suggests, directly succeed the recipient's name, preceding any offices the recipient may hold. For example, General Raffaele Alighieri, the former chief of staff, would be correctly styled General Raffaele Alighieri, CML, HM's Chief of Staff in any written correspondence as a Commander of the Military Order of Sts. Maurice and Lazarus. In the case of peers, post-nominals succeed titles but preceded held offices should the recipient's name also be used in correspondence. For example, the former prime minister the Marquess of Villamarina would be correctly styled The Most Honourable Vincenzo Pes, Marquess of Villamarina, OFS, HM's Prime Minister in any written correspondence as a Knight of the Order of St. Francis de Sales. Alternatively, where titles are used on their own, post-nominals should not be used.

[Hr][/Hr]

Members of the Order of the Most Holy Annunciation


NameDate of AppointmentRank
Cesare Luis Amat1861Knight Grand Collar
Giacomo Bonaretti1851Knight


Members of the Order of St. Francis de Sales


NameDate of AppointmentRank
Don Amadeus Contravarius-Parma1850Knight Second Class
Cesare Luis Amat1850Knight Second Class
Alessandro Vacarello1850Knight Second Class
Mario del Funghi1850Knight Second Class
Don Claudio Ferrero Gabriele1850Knight Second Class
Andrea Cignetti d'Alba1850Knight Second Class
Vincenzo Roberto Pes1841Knight First Class

Nota bene: the order was declared dormant in 1861.


Members of the Order of Sts. Maurice and Lazarus


NameDate of AppointmentRankNotes
General Raffaele Alighieri1860Knight Grand CrossCommander, 1850; Officer, 1841; Knight, 1839
General Napoleone d'Auria1860Commander
Colonel Giovanni d'Ambrosio1860Officer
Colonel Antonio d'Ossi1860Officer
Admiral Joaquim Inàci1860Officer
Giacomo Bonaretti1851Knight Grand Cross
General Honoré Sebastiano Pec1839Commander


Members of the Military Order of Savoy


NameDate of AppointmentRankNotes
General Raffaele Alighieri1853Commander
Major-General Marco Bernardo Vitali1851CommanderPosthumous

Members of the Colonial Order of the Star of Savoy


NameDate of AppointmentRankNotes
Francesco Sforza1861Commander
General Raffaele Alighieri1853Officer
General Luciano di Manin-Grimani1853Officer
General Sebastian della Pec1853Officer
Major-General Marco Bernardo Vitali1853CommanderPosthumous
 
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ThunderHawk3

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((Alright. Note that a lot of people have taken interest in that job for some reason, though... so there are other claimants to the title[-keeping duty]))
 

Maxwell500

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Dadarian

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A History of the Labour Movement in the 18th and early 19th centuries
By: Andrea Papa, PhD in History; Early Italian Labour Movements

Monarchist Era (1831~1887)

Confraternita di genovesi Artigiani [tr: Brotherhood of Genoese Craftsmen]

History: Created by Giuseppe di Antico in 1830 as the evolution of his earlier organisation Confraternita di genovesi apprendisti, which was formed in 1822. The CgA is mainly focused on the plight of the worker in the state of Genoa. It was expanded to include the new wine factory and it's workers in 1839. It would become the largest union by the year 1887, however it was destroyed in the anarchy of the late 1880s and the death of the last di Antico.

Leaders: Giuseppe di Antico (Dadarian): 1830 ~ 1839
Giovanni Ferrero (etranger01): 1839 ~ 1845
Giuseppe di Antico (Dadarian): 1845 ~ 1870
Orazio di Antico (Dadarian): 1870 ~ 1887

Recorded Strikes: 1843 General Strike
1846 General Strike
1869 General Strike

Gilda dei commercianti torinesi (Guild of Turinese Tradesmen)

History: Originally founded by Bertrando de Fiore, his disapperance in 1850 led to the assumption of power by Giuseppe di Antico, who then passed it on to his son Orazio. It would become the one of the larger unions in the nation by the year 1887, however it was destroyed in the anarchy of the late 1880s and the death of the last di Antico.

Leaders: Bertrando de Fiore (Harpsichord): 1836 ~ 1850
Giuseppe di Antico: 1850 ~ 1870
Orazio di Antico: 1870 ~ 1887

Recorded Strikes: 1843 General Stike
1846 General Strike
1869 General Strike

Metalmeccanici Uniti d'Piemonte (United Steelworkers of Piedmonte)

History: Founded by Ascanio Sobrero, his disappearance in 1848 resulted in Giuseppe di Antico seizing control. He would rule it, then passed it down to his son in 1870. Though one of the larger unions in Italy, Orazio's death in 1887 and the anarchy afterword led to the dissolution of the union by 1890.

Leaders: Ascanio Sobrero (Jack LEagle): 1839 ~ 1848
Giuseppe di Antico: 1848 ~ 1870
Orazio di Antico: 1870 ~ 1887

Recorded Strikes: 1843 General Strike
1846 General Strike
1869 General Strike

Associazione di Savoiardi Operai (Association of Savoyard Workers)

History: The fourth of the First Four unions in the Kingdom of Sardinia, it was formed around the semi-legendary Giovanni Ferrero, unionist advocate and MP for Savoie. Forming the Associazione di Savoiardi Operai around the cement factory that was built in 1839. Under the guide of Ferrero, the union led the 1843 General Strike. However between the disappearance of its leader and the closure of the unprofitable factory in 1845, the union was dissolved just prior to the 1846 General Strike. However it reopened with the sale of the factory to the Societa Hermes in 1848. It would be one of the smaller unions in Italy by the death of Orazio di Antico, and was destroyed in the anarchy of the late 1880s.

Leaders: Giovanni Ferrero (etranger01): 1839 ~ 1846
Giuseppe di Antico: 1848 ~ 1870
Orazio di Antico: 1870 ~ 1887

Recorded Strikes: 1843 General Strike
1869 General Strike

Federazione di Distillatori Sardi (Federation of Sardinian Distillers)

History: Created by Luigi Andrea del Fungi in 1856, it was passed to his confidant Alessandro Cuomo after the death of del Fungi in the Romagogue Revolution. Alessandro proceeded to ignore it, leaving it as the smallest union of the Monarchist Period by the time of his death in 1887. It would be destroyed in the anarchy of the late 1880s.

Leaders: Luigi Andrea del Fungi (Scrapknight): 1856 ~ 1864
Alessandro Cuomo (Scrapknight): 1864 ~ 1887

Recorded Strikes: 1869 General Strike

Gilda dei Vetrai Savoiardi (Guild of Savoyard Glaisers)

History: Created by Luigi Andrea del Fungi in 1861 as a sister chapter to the Federazione di Distillatori Sardi. It was passed to his confidant Alessandro Cuomo after the death of del Fungi in the Romagogue Revolution. Alessandro proceeded to ignore it, leaving it as the second smallest union of the Monarchist Period by the time of his death in 1887. It would be annexed into France during the anarchy of the late 1880s.

Leaders: Luigi Andrea del Fungi (Scrapknight): 1861 ~ 1864
Alessandro Cuomo (Scrapknight): 1864 ~ 1887

Recorded Strikes: 1869 General Strike

Federazione Italiana del Lavoro (Italian Federation of Labour)

History: Created by Nathan Fabron in 1877 in Lazio. It would be expanded dramatically just prior to the May Massacre, one of the main contributors to the decision to arrest the union men in the first place that began the entire process. During the anarchy following the death of di Antico and the nationalisation of near every factory in Italy, Fabron would flee to Switzerland. This combined with the chaos and the invasion by Russia and Austria, led to half of the union being subsumed into the new Kingdom of Venice and the other half broken up in the fighting.

Leaders: Nathan Fabron (Naxhi): 1877 ~ 1889

Recorded Strikes:


Dictatorial Era (1890 - Present)

Federazione Italiana dei Lavoratori (Italian Federation of Workers)

History: Created by Samuele di Cervo in 1903 in Piedmonte, it was distinguished by being the only union of note during the Dictatorial Era. While it began legitimised during the Communist Era, it would be forced into hiding again the fall of the Communist Regime. From there it would expand to become the largest union since the di Antico conglomerates.

Leaders: Samuele di Cervo (TDJS): 1903 - Present

Warchest: 46

Factories:

Campania Weapons Factory
Campania Rich Clothes Factory
Campania Artillery Factory
Emilia Ammunition Factory
Emilia Timber Factory
Istria Liquor Factory
Istria Common Furniture Factory
Sicilian Artillery Factory
Sicilian Explosives Factory
Lazio Ammunition Factory
Lazio Artillery Factory
Lazio Rich Clothes Factory
Piedmonte Wine Factory
Piedmonte Fertiliser Factory
Piedmonte Liquor Factory
Piedmonte Ammunition Factory
Piedmonte Canned Food Factory
Puglia Paper Factory
Puglia Ammunition Factory
Romagna Weapons Factory
Sardegna Ammunition Factory
Sardegna Glass Factory
Sardegna Cement Factory
Savoie Liquor Factory
South Tirol Weapons Factory
Toscana Weapons Factory
Toscana Wine Factory
Toscana Automotive Factory
Venetia Wine Factory



Recorded Strikes:

Unione del Proletariato Italiano (Union of the Italian Proletariat)


History: Created by Massimo Perniciaro in 1906 in Lucca.

Leaders: Massimo Perniciaro (Dadarian): 1906

Warchest: 140


Factories:
Emilia Ammunition Factory

Recorded Strikes:



General Strikes and Other Mass Actions
Monarchist Era (1831 ~ 1890)

1843 General Strike

History: Powered by the lack of reform in the aristocratic parliament and senate, 500,000 workers declared a general strike from all four unions (Confraternita di genovesi Artigiani, Gilda dei commercianti torinesi, Metalmeccanici Uniti d'Piemonte & Associazione di Savoiardi Operai) headed by Unionist Giovanni Ferrero. The Strike, after an agreement between Ferrero and PM Montezemolo, was conducted without repression following a deal.

Leaders: Giovanni Ferrero
Ascanio Sobrero
Bertrando de Fiore
Giuseppe di Antico - imprisoned

Length: 1 Day (28th of May, 1843)

Focus: The removal of the land requirement from the franchise.

Result: Success of the Strike, removal of the land requirement from the franchise, a union-government agreement to delay any future strikes until 1858 (broken by di Antico in 1846)

1846 General Strike

History: Powered by the disappearance of Giovanni Ferrero and the rise of Giuseppe di Antico to the rather decentralised leadership of the labour movement, the pact brokered between Ferrero and Montezemolo was broke as the four unions headed by Giuseppe di Antico led the 50,000 workers of Piedmont to the streets. Once again, a panicked parliament gave in after a single day of striking. Ended with moderate trade union legislation passed.

Leaders: Giuseppe di Antico - imprisoned
Ascanio Sobrero
Bertrando de Fiore

Length: 1 Day (4th of June, 1846)

Focus: The legalisation of state-approved labour unions.

Result: Success of the Strike, government approval to allow some state-backed labour unions (repealed 1848), imprisonment of di Antico

1869 General Strike

History: 23 years after the last general strike along with the end of the threat that the Tradizionalisti political machine held over the union movement, the unions of the newly formed Kingdom of Italy decided to act. Led by the Grandfather of Italian Unionism, Maestro Giuseppe di Antico, the nation's union leaders took hold of the nation's desire for minimum wage, leading some 4,000,000 into the streets, shutting down the nation. The government broke down on the first day, which led to a no-confidence vote and the collapse of the government.

Leaders: Giuseppe di Antico
Alessandro Cuomo
Aldo Occhetto

Length: 1 Day (19th of December, 1869)

Focus: The implementation of token minimum wage.

Result: Success of the Strike, implementation of token minimum wage, the collapse of the Alighieri administration

Dictatorial Era (1890 - 1913)

1913 General Strike

History: 45 years after the last general strike, the return of an Amat to government gave hope to the working class of the return of democracy. When Amat refused to do so, the workers gathered and did what they did best, refused to work until their demands were met. Desiring Electoral Reform like bygone days of the 1840s, millions of workers strode into the streets. After 9 days of concessions by the government, the workers, happy with their victory, returned to work.

Leaders: None (Wildcat Strike)

Length: 9 Days (31st of July, 1913 - 9th of August, 1913)

Focus: The return of democracy.
Result: Success of the Strike, implementation of landed voting the first day, legal opposition parties and "weighted wealth" voting the second day, wealth required voting the third day, end of political harassment the fourth day, end of political gerrymandering the fifth day. The return of Democracy and the end point of the Era of Dictators.



Work By Samuele Genitore on Italian Propaganda seen here.
 
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