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Very much hoping to see that monstrous German state shattered into a thousand tiny republics after the coming war. When, that is, it finally comes.
 
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Very much hoping to see that monstrous German state shattered into a thousand tiny republics after the coming war. When, that is, it finally comes.

I'm already working on ideas for how to break up the various nations once the end of the eventual great war happens... There could be some cool developments no matter which combination of states win/lose, I think. Could make an interesting game of HoI4 if I can successfully convert it.
 
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1883 - 1885 AD
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The Third German Liberation of Sachsen
Germany's transition from the reign of Siegbert to his son Albrecht marked a significant turn for the German Empire in the late 19th century. Kaiser Albrecht, with his commanding presence and clear vision of his plans for German dominance of Europe, rallied German nationalism and used the foundation his father had built to push the German Empire even further to dominance. The annexation of Holland and the acquisition of Kanem Bornu expanded the borders of the empire significantly -- but even while Germany may have been smaller in terms of area occupied than some other Great Powers, its strength remained nearly unmatched. The German population in 1883 had grown to a massive 106.99 million -- more than double than its population of 51.33 million in 1836, making it the third most populated nation on the earth. Only Vijayanagar, which was slightly bigger, and China, which boasted a population of well over 400 million, were home to larger populations.

By comparison, the German Empire of 1883 had approximately 3 million more citizens than Estonia, almost twice the population of the United States, and more than triple the population of the Celtic Empire. And while some countries like Estonia, China, and the United States were beginning to catch up, the German industrial machine was unmatched in all the world. The German economy, fueled by this massive industrial capacity, helped to fuel the empire's rapid growth. The German national treasury held over £5 million in reserve, and the entirety of the European territory of the empire was linked by one of the world's most advanced and thorough railroad systems.

Against this backdrop of German prosperity, Albrecht called the German army to prepare for war. That Imperial Army, in 1883, was almost 900,000-strong, fielding 299 brigades of standing military personnel. Their target would once again be the Republic of Estonia, whose own army, nearing 650,000 men, had once been the largest in Europe. But while Germany was rising and developing its military, Estonia's had grown stagnant as President Mannik focused on economic and social reforms. Not only did Albrecht believe his army was massively superior to Estonia's, but he had the support of powerful European allies in Andalusia and the Celtic Empire to back his move.

As he would come to find out, however, only one of those allies was willing to stand with him.

When Albrecht sent out the call to arms, the newly-crowned King Felipe I of Andalusia was quick to answer. An aging and increasingly cautious Empress Ciara, however, was not so eager. The elder empress feared that she would soon have to face the United States in open war over her colonies in the western part of North America, and was reluctant to commit her men to fight in a European war and leave herself open to American aggression. In a shocking betrayal of her alliance, she refused to aid Albrecht. Estonia, meanwhile, had called a great network of allies -- the three daughter republics, the Persian Empire, and the republics of Italy, Arabia, and Finland all rallied at President Mannik's call. Albrecht and Felipe would be forced to fight almost all of the rest of Europe in the Kaiser's bid to succeed where his father had failed and reclaim Estonian Sachsen.

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The early phase of the war was not easy for Kaiser Albrecht, who was forced to deploy his army across three quarters of his empire's entire border to engage his enemies. To the north, German forces repeated the strategy of the prior wars by quickly advancing against Estonia's daughter republics, marching with particular aggression into the Guelder Republic. With Estonia still in the process of mobilization, the German army was able to occupy a large portion of the republic's southern territory, while the Elbe Republic proved to be more stout in its resistance, effectively holding the Germans at the border while Estonian reinforcements came. Along the German-Estonian border, little direct fighting took place as Finnish and Estonian troops instead dispersed to focus on the main front in the Guelder and Elbe Republics. To the south along the Black Sea, Arabian, Persian, and Estonian firces united to push back German border forces there, defeating small German incursions into Anatolia and moving against Constantinople and Bulgaria. On the southern end of the front, Italy buckled under German and Andalusian attack, its military still not fully recovered from the violent overturning of its government.

But in the midst of the fighting on all of these fronts, internal turmoil also rose up to complicate the Kaiser's war effort. Anti-Imperial agitators took the opportunity of the army being tied up without the support of one of its key allies to rise up in revolt against the government in several regions of the country. Several German regiments had to be diverted from fighting at the front to deal with these rebel elements, leading to the German army essentially fighting a four-front war throughout the remainder of 1883 and much of 1884.

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To the south, the war expanded into a second theater in Africa as King Felipe sent Andalusian troops marching into Arabian-controlled Africa, marching through Libya and Egypt. There, long-range battles over wide-open desert saw the extensive use of cavalry, with skilled Andalusian hussars helping to penetrate as far as Alexandria, where Arabian forces were able to establish a defensive line and protect against further incursion.

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Estonia and Arabia had both lost control of territory to the Germans and Andalusians, but no country in the alliance fared worse than Italy. Bordering both enemy powers, Italy was forced to try and repel an assault by German and Andalusian regiments without receiving any support from Estonia or Arabia, which were consumed with the battles each had to fight along its own border. As a result, the modest Italian army was quickly overrun, and hostile forces had penetrated past Modena by 1885, gradually advancing toward Rome with no sign of any meaningful resistance in their way.

Faced with an inability to defend his country, Italian President Emilio Antonietti brokered a white peace with the Kaiser, keeping his country's territory in exchange for withdrawing from the hostilities and offering no further support to Estonia for the duration of the war. The settlement was reached in April of 1885, and the removal of the Italian front allowed Albrecht to focus all of his military might outward toward Estonia. The final leg of the war could now begin.

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As Italy was folding, however, Estonia was beginning to turn the balance of power on the northern front around. Thanks to extensive conscription, Estonia had mobilized enough of its population to double the size of its army by 1885, and as the Guelder and Elbe Republics did the same, the sheer numerical superiority of Estonia and its allies began to take over. The Germans had the advantage of advanced steel breech-loaded artillery while the Estonian army was still using severely antiquated muzzle-loaded cannon, but the overwhelming tide of gun-toting civilians backed by the precision machine gun support of the professional infantry and Estonia's expanded cavalry were able to make up for the technology gap by overwhelming the Germans with more manpower and a wider front than they could match.

By the summer of 1885, the Guelder Republic had been fully liberated, and the attack to the south began.

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Estonian forces led the charge south into the northernmost regions of Germany, laying a lengthy string of sieges along the borders. The Elbe Republic, boasting its own impressively large army, held the center and made swift counterattacks against any German forces that attempted to recapture land the Estonians had claimed. Over the coming months, the German positions began to break as the benefit of numbers and attrition began to favor Estonia more heavily.

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At the same time, Estonian, Persian, and Finnish troops were successful in shattering the German defenses in the south, capturing Constantinople and beginning to lay siege to Rumelia and German Bulgaria. Every major front of the war had been turned decisively in favor of Estonia's alliance, and the war would quickly come to a close once this dominance was secured.

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Realizing that his grand German Imperial Army had been defeated, Albrecht was forced to make the humiliating concession of handing over the German-occupied portion of Sachsen to Estonia. Rather than reclaim the state for German dominance, Albrecht had not just failed to fulfill his goal but gave the Estonians precisely what he had boldly claimed belonged to Germany. This bitter humiliation would not be soon forgotten by Albrecht, and the end of the war marked a new low in the rivalry between the two long-opposed states. Albrecht returned to work strengthening his nation for a future chance at revenge, and Estonia took the momentum of the victory as an opportunity to continue its gradual rise higher and higher at the head of the world stage.
 
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Well that is one way to make an (even more) inveterate enemy
 
You’re closing in on the time where you can claim even more land cheaply IIRC. May Germany then be dismantled!
 
Oh god, please console some of those Asian borders, I'm begging you

It's awful, isn't it?? o_O

You’re closing in on the time where you can claim even more land cheaply IIRC. May Germany then be dismantled!

I've actually played at this point up to the start of the Great War... So yeah a big war isn't too far off now!
 
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Huzzah, a glorious victory against Germany! It's unfortunate it took nearly all of Europe banding together to accomplish, but Estonia should only be stronger the next time Germany inevitably invades.
 
Huzzah, a glorious victory against Germany! It's unfortunate it took nearly all of Europe banding together to accomplish, but Estonia should only be stronger the next time Germany inevitably invades.

Oh just wait... I have some more stuff to write up on the way there, but the Great War is shaping up to be a real brawl.
 
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Estonia’s looking very strong at the moment, especially considering where you started out. Can’t wait to see what chaos the Great War unleashes.
 
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Estonia’s looking very strong at the moment, especially considering where you started out. Can’t wait to see what chaos the Great War unleashes.

I have a week's vacation from work coming up, so I"m hoping that we'll be seeing the Great War sooner rather than later! Also hoping to start my side project soon, because there's something wrong with me and I write too many AARs XD
 
1885 - 1900 AD
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Reshuffling the Great Powers - Germany and Estonia in the Aftermath of the Sachsen War
Kaiser Albrecht had intended for the reconquest of Estonian Sachsen to set the tone for his reign. After the annexation of Holland and the subjugation of Kanem Bornu, a victory over Estonia to reclaim territory populated almost exclusively by ethnic Germans was to be the crowning achievement of the early years of the Kaiser's succession of his esteemed father, Siegbert. Unfortunately, Albrecht instead found himself suffering a demoralizing defeat at the hands of Estonia and her rivals, with President Mannik being the one to demand territory instead, annexing the German-controlled portion of Sachsen instead.

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The war set Germany and Estonia on very different paths for the next decade. In Germany, a lack of confidence in the Kaiser's leadership inspired by the failed reconquest of Sachsen led to a period of political unrest in the late 1880's, as a number of political revolts rose up to challenge the direction of Albrecht's leadership. For the native Germans of the empire, the defeat was a harsh blow to their national and ethnic pride. Patriotism was high in the late 19th century among a German population that felt that the empire embodied their rightful role as world leaders. Accordingly, to be defeated in battle by such a significant rival shook confidence in the Kaiser's government and its ability to project German strength. Military enrollment wavered for several years, morale dropped, and some whispered support for pretenders to the Kaiser's authority spread.

Among the nation's non-Germans, the defeat exposed a potential weakness in in the empire that heightened the national awareness of some ethnic groups. In particular, the Balkans and France became centers of increasing separatist interest, with some ethnic militias beginning to form in the more remote parts of the countryside. The Imperial Army was still able to pacify all of the unrest during the late 1880's, but this moment of weakness had exposed vulnerability in the mighty German Empire. Tension between Germans and non-Germans deepened, and the German government remained on edge as the Kaiser worked to keep his empire in line and thriving.


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Estonia, on the other hand, was propelled forward by the decisive victory. National confidence soared, and with it came a decade of optimism that spurred on unprecedented growth in the republic. As the economy boomed, the nation's investors became increasingly wealthy, and eager capitalist investors from outside of the country began to migrate into Estonia seeking opportunity. With such an influx of largely unregulated and lightly-taxed investment capital, new projects led to the most rapid industrial growth in Estonia's history. Within a decade following the end of the war, Estonia had risen from the lower end of the Great Powers to become the second most heavily industrialized nation in the world -- second only to Germany, to which Estonia was rapidly catching up.

Thanks to its growing industry, strong military, and increasing national spirit, Estonia had eclipsed the United States as the world's second-largest Great Power by 1890, trailing behind only China. This cemented Estonia's position as the primary democratic power in Europe, the leader of like-minded states and the primary rival to the German Empire, the exemplar of monarchical rule. As the Estonian free market stabilized following many years of consistent policy, unemployment was once again nearly completely eradicated. However, while near-full employment solved one issue, it helped to foster another growing one.

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Socialism had steadily gained popularity within Estonia ever since the publishing of Karl Marx's Communist Manifesto, gaining a significant representation in the parliament. The formation of a proper political party saw the socialists enter into the presidential electoral landscape, and the Estonian Socialist Party garnered 18% of the presidential vote in the elections of 1888 and 1892. But even as minimum wages and pensions increased and public schooling grew, some activist thinkers sought to push Estonia even further. The Communist Party of Estonia was established in the early 1890's and participated in the presidential election of 1896, where it gained nearly 4% of the vote. Together, the socialist and communist parties secured 25% of the overall vote, while the long-standing conservative and liberal parties lost ground to them as well as to a growing reactionary movement.

In spite of this political surge, the nation remained stable. In the early 1890's, Estonia ratified new alliances with the United States and Finland in addition to its standing pacts with Italy and Arabia, placing itself as the primary leader of the world's largest and most influential democratic states. Germany mirrored this, reforming his alliance with the Celtic Empire after the death of Empress Ciara and the coronation of the new Emperor Deaglan I, as well as cementing new alliances with the Persian Empire and the Inca.


The Gay Nineties - A Decade of Prosperity, Peace, and Cooperation
As a result of growing networks of alliances, by the middle of the 1890's the major nations of Europe and the Americas had largely drifted into two opposing blocs based upon their system of government. In spite of this tension between democracy and monarchy, however, the 1890's were marked by a period of extended peace and prosperity. An absence of major wars allowed for continued economic and industrial growth amid cordial international relations, fostering a growing feeling of global optimism. New technologies like the telephone were emerging in advanced nations, and the widespread use of railway travel had served to "shrink" Europe by enabling faster, easier travel across long distances. Communication and travel across national lines were increasing, helping to maintain positive, or at least polite, relations across state lines.

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This cordiality between nations was most clearly seen in the successful organization of the 1896 Summer Olympics, a feat achieved through the joint efforts of Europe's major states. Estonia became a part of the newly-formed International Olympic Committee, assisting in the funding and organization of the events. The games were held at Athens in Italian Greece, and saw delegations from the leadership of most of Europe's states in attendance. While competitors were registered according to their country of residence, the events of the 1896 games did not take on any strong nationalistic or patriotic tones. Instead, the event was a summit of amateur exhibition surrounded by an atmosphere of festivity and cooperation. Large social gatherings around the games allowed for the middle and upper classes of all of Europe's states and nationalities to mingle, and they did so often and without incident for the duration of the competition.

Such was the success of the 1896 Olympics that a second set of games were planned for 1900, set to be hosted by Estonia. Planning began almost immediately after the conclusion of the games, planning for a weeks-long event of competitions, banquets, and technological exhibitions. The event was also to be expanded by the invitation of competitors from outside of Europe, transitioning the event into a truly worldwide competition.

The 1900 games, however, would come to have a much different tone and context compared to their predecessor, with significant implications for the near future of Europe and the world.
 
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Uh oh. So the happy times are closing to the end.
 
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I think I will have to third the observation that it all looks to be about to come crashing down.
 
Well I was right in my prediction that Estonia would eventually eclipse Germany. ;)

China's military score still terrifies me. It's almost as much as all the other great power's military scores combined. :eek:
 
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Uh oh. So the happy times are closing to the end.

Yes, we've had a few decades of general calm with relatively few major episodes... The pace is about to slow down dramatically as we inch into the Great War.
Well I was right in my prediction that Estonia would eventually eclipse Germany. ;)

China's military score still terrifies me. It's almost as much as all the other great power's military scores combined. :eek:

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It really is horrifying. Their current max division cap is over 1,700 brigades -- and they can raise over 700 by mobilizing. It's lucky that the AI has kept China largely isolationist, because they would absolutely steamroll anyone they went to war with.
 
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China's got a low literacy though. That's going to hurt them as things continue.
 
1900-1901 AD
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Of Frenchmen, Fencers, and Frustration - The Games of the Second Olympiad
After the great success of the 1896 Olympics, planning to hold a second set of games began almost immediately following the closing ceremonies. Before the various national dignitaries had even left Athens, plans had been made for the International Olympic Committee to meet within half a year to finalize the plans for the second modern Olympic Games. That meeting occurred in March of 1897, and at that meeting the duty of hosting the Second Olympiad fell to Estonia, who would host the games in the summer of 1900. The opportunity to host the Olympic Games was taken very seriously by the government of liberal President Aleksander Klavan, who saw the chance to display Estonia's greatness to the rest of the world through a first-hand experience of all that the republic had to offer.

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Estonia, at the turn of the 20th century, stood at the forefront of worldwide progress. Years of successful free market development had allowed the Estonian industry to grow at an unprecedented pace, until by the late 1890's it had finally become a fair match for the previously unequaled industrial development of the German Empire. While much of the country remained rural and agricultural, major urban centers like Saaremaa, Kiev, and Poltava were models of the modern city with their tall buildings, multiple railway connections, and modern conveniences like incandescent lights and telephones. One of these thriving cities would be chosen as the site of the 1900 Olympics -- the bustling seaside city of Konigsberg.

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Castle Konigsberg, ca. 1900 AD.

Fields and stadiums were prepared for the competition, with several of them being newly built specifically for the occasion. The majority of the facilities were a short carriage ride or a modest walk from the historic castle at Konigsberg, which was prepared to serve as lodging for visiting foreign dignitaries. Lavish suites were prepared for the delegations of national leaders, and all of the castle's many rooms and wings were refurnished and given extra security and serving staff for the duration of the games.

When leaders like Kaiser Albrecht of Germany and President Swift Deer of the United States arrived for the three-week event, they were greeted with a grand banquet on the opening evening of the games. The atmosphere was cordial, as the political, social, and economic elites of the world's largest states socialized over food and drink representing Estonia's best delicacies. President Klavan seemed more like a prince than a president at times, mingling among his guests as if he were a proper celebrity. The night's festivities proceeded well, but the merry beginning of the Second Olympiad betrayed the dark consequences it would eventually have.

In contrast to the very friendly and even sometimes casual attitude of the games of 1896, the competitions of 1900 were much more organized and contentious. Many of the Olympic athletes had been scouted and personally invited to compete on behalf of their country, often with promises of significant rewards if they were able to excel. The prestige of hosting multiple Olympic champions was something most of the nations present took seriously, and nearly every competition was watched by multiple heads of state observing from their private seating. Crowds were significantly larger than the previous games, and were much more vocal as many cheered for their home country's athletes, even storming the fields to celebrate alongside them after significant victories.

The United States dominated the Equestrian and Archery competitions, with the Pueblo archer Tagu Tesuque securing the gold in two separate competitions while his brother Ollito won a gold of his own. Native Americans of other tribes won two gold and three bronze medals in the various horse jumping competitions, and Celtic American Conall MacLochlainn impressed with a gold-winning performance in the free pistol competitions. Germany, owing largely to its superior machining technology, supplied its Olympic rifle competitors with the newest in German designs, leading to a sweep of the free rifle competitions; German competitors won the gold medal in three of the four individual rifle shooting competitions, as well as winning the team rifle competition as well. Estonia saw its athletes excel in cycling and sailing competitions, and China, competing in its first Olympics, saw several master martial artists rise to astonishing success in the gymnastics and athletic competitions.

But while all of these events provided for thrilling competition between elite athletes from all over the world, no competition proved to be as dramatic as fencing.


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Competitors in the fencing events of the 1900 Olympic games.

Expert swordsmen were in plentiful supply among the participating nations, and the competitive field for the numerous fencing competitions were among the largest of all the events of that year's games. Arabia, Persia, Japan, and Andalusia all fielded multiple strong contenders, and it was Italy's Luigi di Luzio who captured the highest prize in the saber events. The most intense of the fencing competitions, however, was the masters' foil event. The competition was held over a three day period thanks to its large number of competitors, and after swordsmen from 13 nations had been eliminated, the final bout was held between two ethnic Frenchmen: Albert Ayat and Henri Laurant.

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Albert Ayat (left) and Henri Laurant (right), the final competitors in the foil master's event at the 1900 Olympics.

The two men shared a common ancestry, but they were competing under different flags. Albert Ayat was a native of Bordeaux in Aquitaine, which was part of the French territory belonging to Andalusia. Henri Laurant, on the other hand, hailed from Orléans, which was ruled by Germany. Their two nations were allied and shared close relations, and the bout between the two swordsmen was extremely amicable and sportsmanlike. The two men respected one another deeply, and had been seen together in the evening post-game events on multiple occasions. After a close competition, Ayat secured the victory and earned a gold medal for Andalusia, a hard-fought victory that delighted the recently-crowned King Felipe II -- until, that is, the two men exchanged congratulations after the bout.

After Ayat had been recognized for his victory on behalf of Andalusia, Laurant returned to the field carrying a French flag. He then embraced Ayat, wrapping both men within the French banner to the uproarious cheers of many Frenchmen in attendance. A few moments later, the crowd began to sing the French national anthem as Ayat and Laurant held the flag overhead. King Felipe, scandalized that his nation's first gold medalist of the games had wrapped himself in a foreign flag, swiftly left the stadium in a furor, refusing to meet with Ayat to congratulate him on his victory.

Albert Ayat's seemingly simple victory in an Olympic fencing competition had exposed the global community to one of western Europe's most closely guarded secrets: the rise of French nationalism in Germany and Andalusia.


La France Pour les Français! - Growing French Nationalism in Western Europe
The Kingdom of France was at one time among the principal major powers of Europe. After its formation in the wake of the Carolingian Empire's collapse in the 9th century, France remained a dominant European power all the way until the early 18th century when it was ultimately defeated. After political manipulation from Holland caused the Papacy to turn against France, a series of politically motivated excommunications saw a long string of wars waged to dismantle France. The French responded by breaking from Catholicism in the French Reformation, but by the early 18th century the last of its territory was occupied, and the kingdom's former land was split between Germany, Andalusia, and Holland -- the latter of which was eventually then divided between the former nations.

Although the Kingdom of France had been gone for over almost 200 years by the time of the 1900 Olympics, its culture had endured as the French people resisted efforts at assimilation into their new ruling nations. French was still spoken as the primary language in these areas, with German and Spanish often used only for official business. Likewise, schools taught in French, churches worshiped in French, and some semblance of national identity remained in spite of generations living under foreign rule. For a time, the French were able to live under the authority of the German and Andalusian governments peacefully, maintaining their own communities while submitting to the policies of their state. But as the 19th century brought a growing sense of ethnic national awareness and calls for representation and social reform, the French people's sense of preserved cultural identity began to evolve into a vigorous spirit of French nationalism.

After the 1900 Olympics ended, Ayat and Laurant returned home to their respective nations, and each one received a hero's welcome from their French neighbors in spite of the cold indifference shown by their governments thanks to their pro-French post-match celebration. Celebrated as paragons of French excellence, each one became a local celebrity in their respective communities. This also made them villains in the eyes of their governing regimes, with both monarchs concerned that their reputation would fuel the emerging cries for French independence -- a fear that would soon prove well-founded.


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French national identity continued to grow, and in Andalusia was met with both political and popular opposition. After a French-language newspaper in Aquitaine published a long article calling for the reformation of a French state, its publishing house was burned down in a late night raid by men from the local military garrison. This led to an increase in tension between French communities and the Andalusian establishment which resulted in occasional street fights between pro-independence and pro-monarchist groups of civilians. While this violence was slowly escalating, a small group of French leaders -- a mixture of university professors, journalistic leaders, and local political figures -- published an open letter appealing for French sovereignty and sent it to be distributed abroad in hopes of seeking support against the Andalusian crown.

When the call for aid reached Estonia and came across President Aleksander Klavan's desk, it was received enthusiastically. Klavan made an impassioned speech to the Estonian parliament in which he urged them to vote to recognize the right of French sovereignty, arguing that it was the responsibility of Estonia to serve as the guardian of liberty in Europe against their perennial rivals. Support for Estonia's commitment to the French cause was already present within the legislature, but when Kaiser Albrecht promised that Germany would aid Andalusia against any attempts to push French independence, that support grew immediately. On April 30, 1901, the Estonian parliament ratified a bill that formally recognized the right of the French people of Andalusia to form their own state and promising Estonian assistance in its establishment should King Felipe try to suppress it.

Now, the struggle for French independence had taken on a new dimension -- not only was it the battle of ethnic Frenchmen against their Andalusian king, but it was also now another competition in the centuries-long rivalry between Estonia and Germany. This time, however, the conflict would be played out on a much larger stage; the commitment of Estonia and Germany to the growing crisis put it front and center on the international stage, and other nations were quick to weigh in. In late May, the United States' legislative council approved a measure to support the French as well; much like Estonia, the United States felt a strong obligation to assist in the liberation of a people seeking their own state, much as the Native Americans had done less than a century earlier. President Swift Deer announced his nation's backing of the French movement, which then in turn prompted the involvement of Celtic Emperor Deaglan. Deaglan approached Albrecht with his own offer of support, promising to help defend Germany and Andalusia in exchange for the promise of reclaiming some of its lost land from the United States in the event of their victory in a future war.

Over the summer of 1901, a series of summits were held in an attempt to negotiate a diplomatic solution to the issue. Several offers were made, but Albrecht and Felipe flatly rejected any solution that created a sovereign French state, no matter how small. Even the formation of a semi-independent state in Aquitaine was shot down, and after four separate meetings between the leaders of both sides, it became clear that the only way for the French to have their own free state again was to create it by force of arms. On October 29, 1901, all pretense of negotiation was finally abandoned -- and, thanks to the web of alliances woven between the nations involved in the dispute, the battle for French sovereignty would erupt into a world-spanning conflict.

The Great War had begun.
 
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So it begins. And what a perfect way to weaken these foes.