fodoron
I do not know where you got you info from but here is mine.
http://www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/people/cypturks/
http://www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/people/cypturks/selim.html
second is selim agreement to migrate peoples to cyprus.
Below is a huge document which I state I have, its 4 pages, but he is a snippit for you. I bolded the relevent info.
Byzantine administration came to an end in 1211, with the establishment of the Lusignan dynasty. As the last refuge of western nobility in
the Levant (Collenberg 1982:72-3), the Lusignan kingdom (1192-1489) became increasingly isolated from metropolitan France and western customs (Richard 1962:11). Isolation from the centres of political decision-making continued as the island passed from Venetian (1489-1571) to Ottoman rule (1571-1878), subsequently coming under British administration, with isolation now realised as exoticisation of the islanders by the newly-arrived Brits (Herzfeld 1987:73-4).
5.2 Weak network ties
In historical terms, weak network ties result from urbanisation and/ or massive influx of immigrants (Tuten 2003:52,82,45).
Urban establishments/towns are not found on Cyprus before the Lusignan period. Rather, the formation of an urban bourgeoisie and development of the urban centres of the island ... were among the most important achievements of the Lusignan regime (Papadopoullos 1995:765). The institutional organisation of the Lusignan kingdom was greatly influenced by that of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, with the nobility and the non-noble Frankish burgesses living in the towns alongside the non-Frankish indigenous population (Collenberg 1982:73-4). Initially distrustful of the locals, the aristocracy nevertheless needed to
consolidate its rule and communicate with the labouring classes. Privileges known as bourgeoisies were granted to inhabitants of the cities, merchants and artisans. By the 14thc., the new class of bourgeois also participated in political decision-making (Arbel 1986:204).
Furthermore, the demographic superiority of the indigenous population was actively mitigated by attracting
islamic settlers from Syria and Palestine with the promise of land, liberties and other privileges (Papadopoullos 1993:19). Waves of refugees from the Holy lands continued to arrive throughout the 13thc.,
while under Venetian rule a deliberate policy of re-populating the newly-acquired colony encouraged subjects of the Serenissima, from Italy, Balkans and Greece (the Peloponnese and Corfu), as well as Christians from Syria, to relocate to the island (Arbel 1984:186-7).
The natural meeting place of these foreign settlers and the newly-formed local urban strata were the towns, where the gradual enfranchisement initially of a substantial servile population, and later of numerous rural land-labourers, produced an association of personal freedom with permanent town-dwelling . Thus, alongside the old dichotomy between feudal Western and Byzantine Eastern, a new dichotomy emerged between the town, with its permanent and free inhabitants, enjoying particular privileges and participating ... in ... political life; and ... rural society, comprising serfs and free tenants, ... unable to enjoy urban privileges and ... barred from taking any part whatsoever in the public life of the kingdom (Arbel 1986:204).
The latter dichotomy persisted under subsequent regimes. Such rift separated urban and rural populations during the Ottoman conquest (1570/71) that wholesale war broke out, w
ith the peasants receiving the Ottomans as liberators, and the aristocracy and urban bourgeoisie being persecuted (Kyrris 1984, 1988). When the Latin faith was officially banned and non-indigenous members of the higher strata were faced with a choice: either be Hellenised and join the new secular Greek elite, or be Islamised.
By introducing the Muslim-Greek dichotomy, the Ottoman regime brought about a novel weakening of the orthodox religion within the rural establishment.
At the same time, the dichotomy between rural and urban populations persisted.
The Turks being almost exclusively involved in administration, urban populations became predominantly Turkish, with Greeks concentrated in the countryside.
During the middle period of the Lusignan kingdom (1291-1374), Hellenisation of the higher strata on all levels of private and public life (Nikolaou-Konnari 1993:34,43) produced a common Cypriot identity, not identical in every respect to either of the Greek Byzantine and Franco-Levantine original ones.
After the Frankish conquest, the majority of the population, especially in rural areas (80- 85% under Venetian rule, Arbel 1984) continued to be Orthodox and Greek-speaking. Their language would have been some form of the Cypriot dialect, the first modern dialect to appear in its distinctive modern guise (Horrocks 1997:284) following its early detachment from the
Byzantine core (7thc. onwards). On the other hand, with an ethnic composition of 50% French or Flemish, 25% Provencal, 10% Norman, and 15% Italian (Papadopoullos 1995:792), the newlyarrived aristocracy had also taken up the ways of the Levant in several respects, including customs and the language (Richard 1962:75,130). By 1350, the French of Cyprus, a direct
descendent of the French of Terra Santa, showed many dialectal features, including italianisms and Greek loanwords (Richard 1983:xxix; 1962:15).
From 1350 onwards, a steady decline in numbers compelled the Frankish aristocracy to open its ranks to the indigenous Greeks (Papadopoullos 1995:769). Greek aristocracy is reported in 1367, while marriages between Franks and locals before 1400.
so what we have is
1. cyprus never had towns before the franks arrived.
2. with a steady influx of migrants in the frankish and venetian periods be them catholic or moslems would have diluted the othodox fate.
3. the moslem turkls ruled the towns.
Now if the EU2 is based on town population , then Cyprus was 100% moslem when the turks were there. But if that is not the cast then we can decide what is best for the game.
I leave the choice to the HC.
note : the event is true and not fabricated.