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Chapter XXXVI: From the Alps to Sicily
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Annibale Lisi

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    Friday 12th of January 1877
    Italy at last! The work of decades and thousands of souls has finally come to fruition and in the most unlikely of ways. Though I often thought ill of Callixtus' plans for the Apulia and Naples, it turns out that his plans had an unintended side effect. By empowering and praising the local population and nobility, civil unrest has spread to the court in Naples and from there all the way to Palermo. I dreaded the news at first, fearing what problems might arise from such instability, but came to look at them with cautious optimism. The population was asking their rulers to seek protection from the pope against the onslaught of foreign powers that seek to take advantage of the divided Italians. These spontaneous movements were supplemented by hundreds of volunteers from the Papal States, especially those from the large cities, who soon overwhelmed the tired and overworked defense forces of the two realms and forced them to capitulate. This morning, Kings Girolamo of Sicily and Francesco of the Two Sicilies formally swore their fealty to Innocent XV and requested that he bring the idea of Italy into the world.
    Though I feared that the inexperienced Pope would take this task wholly onto himself, I was soon proven wrong as he asked me to use my expertise in crafting a common constitution for the new realm. It's clear to me that a unitary solution would cause the whole system to break apart due to resentments from the forced union, so I searched for a federal setup. Now, since the Papal States are about the size of the other two states combined, I thought it best to separate the former Papal States into a Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom and an Apostolic Kingdom in personal union under the reigning pontiff. With these measures in place, it should be a simple matter of instituting a Senate with equal membership for each of the four kingdoms and members appointed by the respective rulers. The rulers themselves can then act as a veto to the Senate and deal with the federal governance with one vote assigned to each kingdom in case of disagreements. I'm a little bit concerned about the reaction of the southern nobles who had gotten used to voting for their respective lower houses since there is no space for such a system in the current Italy. A momentary solution would be "encouraging" Girolamo and Francesco to nominate these nobles as their representatives in the Senate, but I would rather not institute a precedent for de-facto hereditary seats. I must discuss with Innocent some famous names to choose as senators so as to not select only cardinals; someone like Verdi is a good start, a good patriotic symbol, and well known both at home and abroad, something to solidify our legitimacy against the Savoyards.
    Speaking of which, I have heard unofficial rumors that king Victor Emmanuel has tentatively diverted his armies towards our borders, and all can see that the long-awaited confrontation is about to arrive. I will tell the pope to fill out the armies of the two southern domains and move them up North to deter any attack before we can ensure French aid, I can already imagine that is going to be quite the task with the republican regime.
    But I am getting ahead of myself, it is still a time for celebration and victory; there is no harm in rejoicing as long as we watch our backs. I have also forgotten one last point. What will Innocent be called? He can't be King of Italy since he rules over kings, but he cannot be an Emperor since it would appear like a clumsy imitation of the other European monarchs. Maybe a simple Sovereign? Vicar of Italy? Should we dare a King of Kings?
    I suppose this is one choice that I can delegate to the pope, I can provide him with options and he can decide the style that I will announce to the world. Good Lord what wonders await us.

    Thursday 7th of October 1880
    The war is won and once again I am called to the stage to mop up the aftermath. This is not to say that I am not grateful for the trust placed in me, but I am still a little bitter about the way that the pope has begun to give away my responsibilities under the guise of preparing me for a well-deserved rest. I know what his real intention is, he wants to sideline me so I cannot push my agenda anymore and he can bury the memory of Callixtus, just as he was chosen to do. And so, with my waning powers, I must find a way to preserve the work of a lifetime from the erosion of history.
    I suppose I must begin with the transformation of Sardinia-Piedmont from an occupied territory into a fully integral part of Italy now that the state of emergency is over. Its expansion in past decades was really quite worrying for a time but now we can break the old kingdom in two as a defeated nation and hand a new Kingdom of Etruria to the Papacy while the Kingdom of Sardinia can be returned to its borders as defined in the Congress of Vienna. This way the balance of kingdoms is maintained and we won't foster dangerous internal rivals at our own expense. Members from the new states will be allowed to join the Senate in a manner similar to the others and I must insist that the Etrurian senators are chosen with sufficient tact so that they may not regret the loss of their universal voting rights. Now comes the matter of the royal council, I know that Innocent is attached to the idea of keeping Umberto as king because of reconciliation and such things but I strongly disagree that this is our priority. Both Giuseppe and Francesco were reluctant to join this union in the first place; if we gifted them another disgruntled ally, the three of them would paralyze the government at best and attempt a secession at worst. No, a king who fought his countrymen cannot be allowed on the throne, but his brother Amedeo might do. He did not have a great role in the war and mainly represented Umberto in an official capacity without showing much desire for the throne. I believe that if we gave Sardinia-Piedmont its Amedeo X he would be content with holding the state together and making the best of the current situation while a future generation grows under the Papal Sovereignty.

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    Now comes the sting in the tail. Since the Senate is the only body with the power to repeal granted rights, my reforms can be held firm if I can guarantee that reactionaries never become the majority. The Southern realms are problematic in this respect since most of their Senators are of the old nobility and thus unreliable in the field of reform while the cardinals from the Apostolic Kingdom have shown their opinion in the conclave, so they are similarly problematic. Lombardy-Venetia manages to stand more in the liberal camp but is far from sufficient to hold the system in place. I only have space to operate in Sardinia and Etruria where their tradition of universal suffrage has fostered a thriving socialist party. I still have some contacts in these groups that I made at the end of Callixtus' papacy and I know some renowned individuals that would be greatly accepted as Senators for either of the kingdoms. If I can set a precedent for popular acclamation of Senators with the appointment being only a formality, then I could institute more progressive strongholds to counteract Southern conservatism. I'm sure that some appropriately threatening and condescending letters to Amedeo could have that effect for Sardinia but I need to use a more subtle touch with Innocent. I can shed light on part of my reasoning and emphasize the risk of angering a people who have lost their voting rights and suggest that they might be placated by a mock-election where the pope can have the final say on the "candidates". And if I am correct, the young pontiff will be too occupied with other matters to vet each individual candidate so I will ensure that such a precedent for rejection of senators is never established.
    This is my hope for a lasting legacy, a system that holds the achievements of Callixtus and me as a pedestal upon which to build further and not some idol to be torn down by vengeful successors. It will take careful touches but I'm sure I can do this. For the Church, for Callixtus, and for my memory.

    Saturday 2nd of July 1881
    The cough has not been letting up and my thoughts are returning to the customary place. My health has given Innocent the opportunity to push me off the stage and into more minor activities, but I do not take this assignment as an incitement to idleness. Even in the wings, I choose to make my mark and ensure that I am remembered somehow.
    The reform of the Swiss Guard is an enjoyable project since it can be a way to show the people of Rome a reflection of the united kingdom they are living in. The current guard is mostly a glorified holding pen for the distant relatives of swiss immigrants and consists of a little over one hundred members which gives me reasonable grounds to rebuild the institution from the ground up. For the sake of tradition, it would be important to maintain a small core of Swiss officers to be chosen among the finest of the Swiss Catholics whose discipline should also help with the training of fresh recruits. For the main body of soldiers, I think that there should be six regiments of about one thousand men coming from each of the six constituent kingdoms that they may foster a greater sense of unity from across the country. Though I do not expect them to see active service often, I want to be sure that they are prepared for modern warfare and can be deployed to break any particularly stubborn enemy defenses or hold the line until a retreat can be organized.
    For more mundane military operations, I took it upon myself to reform the Palatine Guard into an elite fighting force to be spread out across the front lines with aptitude in both defensive and offensive maneuvers. I know that the cost will be more onerous than that of a common infantryman, but it is important to display a common strength to foreign and Italian soldiers. Here as well I would like the regiments to be formed with attention to the provenance of the soldiers, the quickest way to unite a nation is through hardship and hard work and I want these men to be an example to their comrades in arms. I should also make sure that they all speak proper Italian with the local languages limited to private use, God knows how difficult it is to unite a nation if they don't even speak the same tongue.
    There is no rush to confirm these ideas now, the Austro-Hungarians have been thoroughly thrashed so they won't return any time soon and there is no imminent conflict we risk being embroiled in. I have all the time that my body will allow me even though I do not know how much that may be. I am tired now, so much service weighs on the spirit and makes me glad that I was not forced to the throne even though I would have sustained its responsibility with rectitude. I will work on this further in the morning, I should be well-rested for my last pet project.

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    Author’s note:
    Cardinal Lisi died in early 1882 and was buried with full honors with Pope Innocent XV himself presiding over the ceremony.
    After becoming a cardinal before the age of fifty, he quickly grew to prominence within the Curia, and, through a series of savvy political decisions, he managed to become the principal advisor of Pope Callixtus IV during his reign. This trajectory was interrupted, to the surprise of many observers, by his non-election to the Petrine see which nonetheless allowed him to craft the first integral constitution of the Italian State.
    This constitution remained virtually unchanged for a number of decades until it had to be shelved by Pope John XXIII who nonetheless kept the core elements of the document intact for the New Italy which still endures to this day. While Lisi's role in the North/South political divide had been long suspected, it is only here that we have confirmation of his ultimate intentions which would take a few decades to mature into a form that even he might not have anticipated.
    His other most influential contribution to Church history was in the First Vatican Council where he is, justly or unjustly, credited as the true architect of the innovations rather than Pope Callixtus. The modification of Biblical interpretation in the face of scientific advances came as a shock to many in the wider world but attracted many more liberal-minded Christians to the Church while Lisi's implementation of a limited conciliarism in place of papal infallibility inched towards the democratization of the Papacy, though this too would have mixed results.
    In sum, Lisi is rightly considered to be the most influential cardinal of the nineteenth century from colossal changes in both Church and State to the Swiss Guards being known as "Lisetti" for all the inhabitants of Rome. However, it is often wondered if his success in the conclave of 1875 might have spared the country he helped create from the horrors that it would have to endure.
     
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    Chapter XXXVII: A New Harmony in the Concert of Europe
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Giulio Felicetti

    Monday 12th of March 1883
    It is a shame that I had to arrive in Berlin in the pouring rain, but I will find the opportunity to give it a proper visit. In the meantime, I am happy to find all of my correspondence already sorted at the embassy so I can get some work done before tomorrow. Lisi's death has really shown how wide the spider's web was and I have my hands full in my attempts to disentangle the threads and neutralize the nefarious elements he may have left behind. Speaking of which, it looks like I have a letter from Cardinal Fatta about his progress in uncovering the communist menace that has begun to spread from Greece as a foul miasma that corrupts the minds of the gullible and sinful. He has proven a good choice for the scarlet and understands both the error of Pope Callixtus' ways and the terrible necessity to correct such deviations.
    I am sorry to report that the same cannot be said for Pope Innocent who, despite his guarantees in the conclave, has yet to repeal any of the more deviant elements of the Vatican Council or even any of the communist laws that have begun to take root in the popular consciousness. After almost a decade of rule, Innocent should have enough clout to do as he pleases in this context, so we are left with two possibilities: either he does not wish to restore the Church, or he is incapable of doing so. Of the two, I would rather he be only incompetent rather than malicious because I can put my skills towards limiting incompetence, but malice is a far more devious beast.
    In the meantime, I must concentrate on securing a strong ally for Italy now that the French Republic has begun to cool towards us. I have evaluated the options available to us and I believe that Germany is the best I can hope for. Bismarck called this meeting over Bessarabia, a border region of the Russian Empire with little to recommend it, in an attempt to stare down the Russian bear and make it blink; my role will be to play the coy kingmaker in the hopes of sowing the seeds for future collaboration. Unfortunately, the British have also chosen to attend the conference, and this might introduce a few complications, but I doubt they will commit with vigor to anything on the continent.
    I will finish replying to my mail and then I must get my rest to ensure that the first days are as productive as possible.

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    Friday 27th of April 1883

    After a pleasant month of dinners and meetings, I think I have the iron chancellor at long last. Earl Granville's obstinate neutrality in the matter and desire to simply "ensure a just outcome" has made me and Italy stand out as the prize of this conference. I pity the Russian foreign minister and his innuendos towards a French, Italian and Russian collaboration to isolate Germany; were it a decade ago, the idea might have enticed me, but the French are already too far gone to allow for such a construction.
    This left Bismarck ready to make secretive pronouncements of friendship between unified peoples and the blandest possible condemnation of any Austrian aggression that might return to the Peninsula. We warmed to each other day by day like shy lovers until I felt confident enough to announce Italian support for a Romanian Bessarabia at today's meeting. The large man was overjoyed and broke protocol to give me a rib-shattering hug while Nikolay Girs accepted the new status quo with a look of resignation and Granville remained as insipid as Britishly possible.
    I was certainly satisfied by the garnered effect, but this served to make plain to me how poorly foreign policy has been conducted so far. Lisi chose to send Formica of all people to that crucial meeting about Africa a couple of years ago and it appears that he was given no instruction with regards to the search for new allies. Even back then it could be seen that the French Republic began to show their distaste for our model of government and plans should have been made to find an alternative in Germany.
    Nonetheless, it is no use to dwell on things past; I should celebrate my achievement here and plan for the future. I have received letters from Cardinal Fatta about his struggles against the communist menace and it seems that he is doing a good job of it, though I must remember to find an independent source for his statements. Most surprisingly, the cardinal has stated that it appears that Lisi had some sort of connection with these radicals who seem to hold him in high regard. I will have to conduct a posthumous investigation into his finances to check if he made covert donations to Marxist associations; if true, this could be an important step in the repeal of his laws.
    I will not have to remain in Berlin for long, though the city has grown on me, since I expect the negotiations on the borders of Romanian Bessarabia will take a couple of weeks to complete at most and will not particularly involve me. I need to write a few letters to prepare for my return to Rome before I turn in for the night.

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    Friday 15th of June 1883
    I am pleased to write that my mission to Berlin has been an absolute success and I have even managed to make progress with the pope. The small matter of Bessarabia was solved with the indifference it deserved in the first place and signatures sealed the resolution that is sure to overjoy the Romanian government and not many others. After this, I managed to spend a pleasant few weeks getting acquainted with Bismarck on a personal rather than diplomatic level and we have grown into a healthy mutual admiration that will serve Italy well for the foreseeable future. Most importantly, I managed to extract a gentleman's agreement whereby Germany will join Italy in an alliance as soon as France will end our current relationship; beyond that first success, Otto seemed to respond well to my assertion that Nice and Savoy are Italy's Alsace-Lorraine, something that I am sure will be useful in future. I am grieved that I must leave such pleasant company but duty calls and, as ever, I am urged to answer.

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    I spoke of progress with Innocent and that is indeed the case. I have often lamented his reluctance in repealing the more extreme Callixtine laws, but I have made the proper pressures and I have claimed an important victory despite his misgivings. It seems that Innocent will not repeal these norms because he believes that it would be frowned upon by the people and foreign nations. I dispute both these claims since, firstly, we should not let foreigners influence our internal policy and, secondly, I do not believe that the Italian people are yet so tainted by socialism that they cannot see the negativity of such effects. The pope then offered a compromise by which he will not abolish the laws, but he will do what he can to make them ineffective by the usual bureaucratic means. Certainly not all that I hoped for but a satisfactory outcome nonetheless.
    Now, I am only left to return to Rome and ensure that these provisions are instituted and followed as per my specifications. The future promises great things, I look forward to witnessing them.
     
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    Chapter XXXVIII: Beware of Greeks Bearing Gifts
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Vincenzo Fatta

    Sunday 21st of May 1882
    Our eternal enemies, the Greeks, have returned once again to spread chaos and deceit in our province of the Peloponnese with no regard for our wishes to make proper use of the land that they squander. I now understand the urgency with which Pope Innocent and Cardinal Felicetti assigned this mission to me, and I am determined to make the most of my role.
    In the beginning, I thought that this would be nothing but a ceremonial show of Papal presence as was the case throughout the reign of Pope Callixtus, but things became far more interesting. My first public appearance was for the inauguration of the new naval base in Corinth which will serve the Papal States well by strengthening our position in the area. I did not expect much to happen on the occasion, but I was confronted by a large crowd of Greek delinquents and layabouts who shouted the raving slogans that their puppetmasters plant into their feeble minds until nothing else could be heard. The soldiers I had brought along for security at the event were quick to isolate these elements from the circle of dignitaries present from Rome and the local Italian communities but, despite our best efforts, these reprobates found a way to escalate the situation and commit the violence that is so dear to them. The Greeks threw stones at our servicemen and struck a few with enough force to require medical attention; when the mob sensed blood and launched an attack with stones and clubs, we were only saved by the quick thinking of the officer in charge of our protection who ordered shots to be fired into our attackers and managed to successfully avoid further bloodshed. I was honored to present the man with a medal for his service and I shall make sure to have him with me whenever the need for decisive action should arise.

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    Not content with this initial round of sedition, the Greeks have started to target government buildings and minor officials with bomb attacks and attempted assassinations that, thank God, were mostly discovered and undone before they could be carried out. I grew concerned enough with these activities that I decided to form a specific task force to infiltrate these terrorist groups and give us reliable information on the leaders of these bands and what it is that they are plotting. Though it is still early days, we have managed to introduce a fair number of informants into a few different terrorist cells, and we are receiving a steady stream of information about the plans and connections of these subversives. We confirmed the expected connections to communists based in Switzerland and Greek radicals in Athens, but it was most concerning to find out where the Peloponnesian groups are sending support in turn. It appears that a number of underground congregations in Italy, particularly the North but also Naples, have been reaching out and have been reached out to for the purpose of gathering seditious literature or funds and imparting instructions on how to destabilize the church and state. Of course, I wrote this information to the pope as soon as I received it to make sure that he does not underestimate this threat that might even reach Rome itself; in the meantime, I decided to organize the abduction of a few of the middlemen to be replaced with our own agents.
    I am now in the process of planning which ringleaders should be dealt with in short order and which require a lengthier treatment. I have heard rumors of plans for an attempt on my life as well so I will work through the night to ensure that all is ready for a first blow early tomorrow.

    Sunday 20th of August 1882
    I am disappointed to confirm that the communist plague has infected its first members on Italian soil as I had reason to suspect in the last months. The agitators are taking advantage of the outdated free press law to distribute communist propaganda in public outside the main factories in Naples and nothing has been done to stop them. When I initially arrived here, there was talk of fully-fledged rallies being organized to take place within the city itself with plans to even threaten the king if their gripes were not dealt with. I made sure to shut down these movements before any such thing came to pass and I asked Pope Innocent for a blanket authorization to indefinitely detain the troublemakers and use force against any larger movements that might surface despite our prohibition.

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    To my immense frustration, the pope was not willing to grant me these powers, rather he ordered me to refrain from violence in handling this matter and, at most, to imprison anyone who assaults government officials. I fear that Innocent is far too optimistic about the restraint of these individuals; if they are shown to be tolerated then swarms of sinners will come out of the woodwork and corrupt those who may otherwise have been saved. I was at a loss as to how I could both respect the pope's orders and properly deal with the communist problem, so I wrote to Cardinal Felicetti for guidance and, as ever, he has provided me with a suitable solution for the time being. He suggested that I look into the sources of income for these groups to make a note of any prominent figures that I can find and that I talk with local industrialists to organize an unofficial display of displeasure towards the rabble-rousers.
    It took me several days to believe the evidence that there are traces of clerical money in the seditionists' coffers especially at the local level where misguided members of monastic orders, Franciscans chief among them, have chosen to finance the work that is being done to undermine God and the State. However, the most sickening thing I have found is circumstantial evidence that Cardinal Lisi himself sent large anonymous payments to a number of associations across the country. Now, he acted with well-practiced deceit and managed to garble the transactions enough that they will never stand up as evidence against him, but it is enough for me to know that this crime was committed. These concerning developments gave me new resolve in my discussions with the local capitalists who had so far limited themselves to firings and minor beatings, but they also understood these measures to be insufficient for the state of the crisis. Here the brashness of the communists came in handy since it took only a few days of searching to identify the ringleaders and their homes. With this information in hand, I encouraged my collaborators to target these individuals and their families directly until they repent, to both break the resolve of their collaborators and redeem any potential converts to their cause.
    Fortunately, it seems that these measures have started to take effect with public pamphleting reduced to a minimum and the disappearance of some of the most virulent preachers of Marx's gospel. I pray to God that He may smite these unbelievers while I act as His instrument on Earth to ensure that the sinful do not taint the rest of the flock and are themselves prostrated for judgment.

    Tuesday 4th of September 1883
    Things have gotten fully out of hand in Greece, and I can no longer contain my disdain for the pope's cowardice. I can only believe that this is some test of my resolve because there is no other way to interpret the shameful display I was forced to witness in these past weeks. Innocent even chose to replace me in my role before I was allowed to fully resign in response to his negligence. I am insulted at every turn.
    The damnable Greeks will surely be ecstatic to hear that they can now murder and destroy at will and, rather than being punished for their transgressions, the pope will bend to their whims and berate the murdered governor and policemen for their audacity. All I asked for was an armed force to protect the Catholics in the region from wanton cruelty, but these soldiers are forbidden from using their weapons on those who would not give a second thought to taking their lives.
    This is to say nothing of the industrial future of the region. What investor in his right mind would choose to build a factory in a land he knows to be infested with dissidents when those same dissidents are known to use violence for their own selfish gains. I cannot understand how the pope thought that forcing the capitalists to negotiate with a baying mob would solve any issues whatsoever. The masses demanded to be treated like kings and then dispersed satisfied with their ill-gotten gains, leaving upstanding members of society to recover from the fear for their own lives.
    I will return to Rome as soon as the preparations are completed and will voice my concerns to the more reasonable members of the Curia, a pope who cannot be expected to hold to reason is a danger to us all and the very soul of the Church. I pray that God may grant me guidance in this holy mission.
     
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    Chapter XXXIX: New Things
  • From the personal diaries of Pope Innocent XV

    Sunday 23rd of September 1888
    I am amazed that even after two wars this year I am forced to deal with strife yet again. Fortunately, this form of conflict is better matched to my skills so I'm not forced to send someone after it but can deal with the problem myself. The workers have grown more audacious now that the war wounded are on their way home and factories have trouble finding enough people to work in them with strikes having become a problem. When I first heard of them last month, I thought it would be a minor thing to keep in mind and an inconvenience to a factory owner I will never know but in these past weeks there is news of a new protest almost every other day and I am swamped by requests and petitions.
    The latest one is from certain Milanese entrepreneurs who asked me in tones that were none too veiled to allow for the use of violence or other forms of coercion to break the strength of the unions.
    Like most problems I've had to face, this one is due to Callixtus' reforms, and I cannot imagine what possessed him to allow for socialist-led unions when these are the people that stand against all that the Church works for. I'm not opposed to the principle of a representative body to prevent abuses, but this is a perversion of that principle and provides dangerous breeding grounds for sedition. On the other hand, I can't just allow people to take the law into their own hands and attack their fellow citizens in the streets because that's just what the anarchists and communists would want from us.
    This is why I intend to refuse this request before too many others get similar ideas. I can stop this sort of thing for the moment but the longer the situation persists the more dangerous it will become; for certain people, our laws are too permissive to the workers and for others, they are not enough, in any case, no one will be happy. If Callixtus had limited himself to gradual concessions, then there might have been enough time to adjust to the new situation and prevent social unrest but he chose to rush things and leaves me hounded by those who wish to turn back the clock and those who want to continue at a break-neck pace. Felicetti has been quite vocal in his requests to go back on a few of those reforms to reduce the spread of dangerous ideas, press censorship and the return to state-run unions would be especially useful to me in this context. But, while this would be a substantial aid at the moment, I can't just overturn the laws of a previous pope on a whim. Firstly, I cannot think of any way the Senate would accept such a thing, most of the members have to answer to the locals, and stripping away rights is never popular; secondly, it would set a dangerous precedent if I were to bend under the pressure of common citizens, this would lead to political violence within a mere few years. And, finally, while Felicetti is a valuable member of the Curia, I don't think that he should dictate policy to me; I know that he wants the power that Lisi once held but there can and must be only one pope in the Church and he mustn't get any ideas.
    All of these worries have exhausted me to the point of light-headedness, and I am sure that no good will come of pondering this far into the night. Tomorrow I will refuse the petition and that is all I need to decide at the moment There is still time for the other provisions.

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    Saturday 25th of April 1891
    I have begun work on an encyclical to once and for all clear up the Church's thoughts on the nature of the modern industrial world. I hoped to put this off for a while longer, but it has become obvious that the lack of a coherent message has brought our country to the brink of some disastrous movements. The fight between workers and bosses has involved a destructive spiral of violence and the problem can no longer be addressed by decisions on single cases.
    "Rerum Novarum" will have to make clear to all that the Papacy and the Italian State abhor this bloodshed in the most absolute terms. As fellow Christians and Italians, these are not justifications to shed one another's blood, but we must endeavor to resolve our differences in such a way that will allow us to progress peacefully into the new century. Now, this declaration is the simple part; a goal that anyone can get behind without too much fuss, but how these conflicts are to be solved is the real issue. Callixtus tried to address this problem with laws in the workers' favor, but this has only made them hunger for their next privilege, I have attempted to mediate in single cases but that is not applicable as countless factories require guidance. As such, I don't believe that the State should handle this matter but rather facilitate civil discussion and negotiations. How to do this is another major question, of course, the state is called to ensure the physical safety of all the people involved with an efficient police force but, besides that, people forced to come to an agreement rarely respect it. It might be good to allow for appeals to a higher authority, but it would be best for it to come with some sort of penalty to both sides to encourage proper discussion before they pass the burden onto the state, maybe a fine for both the bosses and the unions could be a good compromise.
    I'm aware that I don't much know about the conditions of these workers or the details of their complaints, but I have been reading up on old Callixtine records and talking with a few friendly factory owners to understand the situation. The way I see it, the fault of the matter lies with rapacious bosses who push their employees beyond their natural inclination or do not provide them with enough payment to sustain ever-growing families. Some of these even contravene the minimum wage laws already in place so it would be a good idea to strengthen controls in that direction to ensure that only working conditions be worried about without the salary factoring too much into negotiations.
    That said, my thoughts have drifted with increasing frequency to the threat of communism and its spread. What was once a minor problem in the Peloponnese has spread out to the rest of Italy where I am informed that secret groups plot the downfall of both Church and State. While they do have some legitimate grievances against the excesses of capitalism, their insistence on destruction makes even mild compromise unfeasible while it forces local police forces to use harsher measures to prevent this sedition. These secret societies often prey on foolish young factory workers and fill their impressionable minds with lies and distortions of the truth which they, in turn, spread to those they know in the countryside or during military service. A calamity of this magnitude would be painful to suppress in favorable circumstances, but I find myself further trapped since I can't limit press freedoms without creating new discontents while I also can't just let this talk travel freely without any sort of punishment. For the time being, I will just ensure that "Rerum Novarum" condemns such destructive thought in the harshest terms, and then I will have to have several in-depth discussions with the Curia about how to handle this issue for the foreseeable future.

    Monday 17th of October 1892
    Today was the proof that the new measures really work and, if complete stability cannot be obtained, at least peace is achieved. As with most such things, unfortunate news came to me from the Peloponnese where region-wide strikes have been destabilizing the area. This would not normally be cause for me to intervene personally, but the local governor informed me that things were becoming ever more dangerous with the addition of communist agitators in the crowd who were calling for the overthrow of the government. Thankfully, in the post "Rerum Novarum" period, I managed to make it so that the use of large-scale violence can only be done if expressly allowed by the pope himself. As it so happens, the governor asked me for the authority to use the garrison to disperse the rabble by any means necessary which would certainly drive the communists back into their holes. The new law came into effect when I replied that this was a terrible idea, and he shouldn't do anything of the sort but only take care to occupy strategic buildings in the main cities and wait for the protests to burn themselves out. These workers might be full of will to fight now while they still have money but, after enough weeks away from work, they will be forced to make reasonable requests of their employers or even return without too much of a fuss.

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    Of course, the main drawback of this approach is that the communists will continue their infection of Greece for the foreseeable future. Cardinal Fatta's previous attempts to excise dangerous elements did not yield the desired fruits so it might be worth easing restrictions just enough for the people to notice how absurd the Marxist claims are and become naturally disillusioned with the idea. Besides that, I think I've done as much as I can to address the root cause of the problem, I just need to wait for the effects to make themselves manifest.
     
    Chapter XL: Kaiser Bill Blunders onto the Stage
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Giulio Felicetti

    Thursday 24th of November 1887
    I find myself in Berlin once more and yet again I have managed to hammer out a deal with the Iron Chancellor. I had no doubt that this would have been a successful mission when he honored our alliance pact last December mere days after France abandoned us following their defeat in a pointless colonial war. Now it seems that Innocent intends to truly unify the Italian people and has set his eyes on Nice and Savoy. I had a moment of worry when the German ambassador in Rome relayed information to the effect that the Kaiser would not aid us in a conflict against France if we were to be seen as aggressors. Though I could have gained this support from a distance, I jumped at the occasion to travel North to secure our national interests and find an intelligent interlocutor, which is the rarest of commodities.
    I hadn't seen Bismarck in person since the conference four years ago and I found him as vigorous and titanic as ever. We spent many pleasant evenings together deep in discussion on the fate of Europe and the folly of lesser men as we rekindled our friendship, long held by correspondence. It is truly rare to find an equal in this world, but the Lord has granted me a companion to go along with His gifts and I am forever grateful.
    This is to say that after an idyllic week, I managed to secure German support for an invasion of France so long as the conflict is framed as a struggle to unite the Italian peoples in one country, this is mainly to not compromise the Reich's image as a sated power. I do not have anything to object to in this regard since it manages to secure a powerful ally and allows for a greater Italy that can be pursued at the expense of both France and Austria-Hungary.
    I do not expect the fighting to last particularly long in the first place since the French appear to have voted in an Anarcho-Liberal government. Whatever that really means in practice, they have decided to remove the influence of the government as much as possible from day-to-day affairs, we shall see how well this model will work in war.
    All that is left now is to determine who should lead the effort, I suggested myself to Innocent in light of my spotless record from the Sicilian war, but he refused with some feeble excuse about my busy schedule. When have I ever been too busy for an important task? In any case, it might be good to get Fatta in the mix even though I don't know much about his military capabilities, but I'm told that his crowd control was competently executed if a little over violent, which should be an asset in this new context. I will write to him first and see if he is up to the task and if so, I can follow up with the Pope. Innocent is worrying me recently; it seems that he is growing into his power and ill tolerates my advice; I will certainly need to adopt a softer touch in the years to come.

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    Monday 15th of February 1892
    An obscene weight has taken up residence in my stomach ever since Bismarck's forced retirement by that brute Wilhelm. That young man has shown nothing but the impetuousness of youth with his dismissal of wise counsel and desire to engage in aggressions that would never have been considered under the previous administration. Even more disturbing is his absurd fascination with socialist policies, he reminds me altogether of a more boisterous Callixtus who destroys every trace of the careful work laid down by his predecessors.
    This matter with Spain has already been enough of a nuisance as it is, and I fully intend to put an end to German encroachment in the Mediterranean. I had to carefully prepare the field before my meeting with the Queen Regent with some veiled suggestions that Kaiser Wilhelm might be interested in placing Leopold Hohenzollern back on the throne he had lost during the republic; there is no doubt that a six-year-old king has precious little legitimacy to spend. This worked well enough that the German ambassador was expelled from Madrid on some suitably thin pretext which allowed me to work on the queen without any interference.
    Though I expected to deal with a foolish girl, I was pleasantly surprised to find that she is a woman of firm virtue and unbounded piety, both qualities that we were pleased to share. We spoke at length about the importance of Spain as a Catholic monarchy and the priority of little Alfonso's safety. She did not take long to see my view and fully agree that Spain's best place is in Italy's orbit, but she feared that her ministers would not listen to her without some greater guarantee.

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    I then telegraphed Rome with a request for a large amount of funds to secure our southern deterrent to France and I received carte blanche to act as I thought most prudent. I must be grateful that Italy is currently in an economic boom of sorts and there is no real shortage of funds to spend on foreign policy endeavors; a blessing for which I should correspond with Cardinal Trinca, I am curious to know more about the extent of our capabilities. In any case, I managed to secure one hundred and thirty million dramme for a number of investments to be made on Spanish soil with the clear indication that these funds would have to be recalled if the Spanish government were to abandon its favored position with Italy. The document contained a plan for a new state-of-the-art steamer shipyard to be built in Granada and my favorite part is the Girona-Madrid-Cadiz Railway dubbed the Marian Railroad for both the Queen Regent and the Mother of God. The railroad was an especially good idea since it will not only prove a permanent reminder of our patronage of the region but also allow for rapid deployment of troops towards France if a new conflict were to arise. This resulted in a request by Prime Minister Sagasta for an audience to personally thank me for the support of his nation and assure me that the German ambassadors would merely be maintained as a courtesy but would no longer have sway on the Spanish government or foreign policy.
    At last, despite the inordinate amount of work in proportion to the advantage gained, I have managed to secure the Mediterranean for the time being. I still hold out hope that Wilhelm will have learned his lesson and will choose a more collaborative approach with Italy, but I would not call myself surprised if his wounded pride might search for some other path to glory. However that may be, I can celebrate for today and plan my next moves in the morning, even the Lord himself rested after all.

    Monday 13th of February 1893
    I find myself in Berlin again to deal with some godforsaken province at the end of the world and I find Russians and Britons around me just like the last time. This visit was made all the more frustrating by the firm opposition of those who claim to be our allies. If Wilhelm were truly interested in a resolution for this dispute between Spain and the Netherlands, then we could have had a private discussion and found an amicable way to divide up those God-forsaken islands but it seems that the Kaiser wants to punish Spain for its loyalty to Italy. As such, he had to turn to saber-rattling and the risk of armed conflict by calling up a grand conference. He didn't even invite Bismarck to negotiate, the old man does nothing but wait in Hamburg for someone to make use of his skills but there is no one in Germany wise enough to ask for his aid. I really must visit Otto when this mess is over, but I can thank the Lord that the Germans might have finally caved to our demands.
    I had begun to converse with Girs since we had been acquainted during the Bessarabian crisis and hinted that Italy would be a strong Central European ally to the Tsar and an added deterrent to any ambitions from an expansionist Germany. Though this did get his attention, it appears that Russian foreign policy is mostly based around fear of a German attack now that Japan has sent out feelers in the West, so I received refusal after refusal regardless of the angle I took. Despite this unpleasant reality, I obtained a guarantee that Russia would enforce the decision of the conference but would not take a side for the time being. If we are to attract Russia in the future, then I fear that we will need to secure a sufficiently strong deterrent in the far East and the British are really the closest available option.
    Speaking of which, this time I was met with Lord Dalmeny who showed himself to be infinitely more competent than the insipid Earl Granville that I was forced to deal with last time. Following my withdrawal from the Russian front, I tried my luck with Britain by going to the root of the conference. It is clear to everyone that Britain wishes to be the pre-eminent power on the seas and thus it should wish the Caroline Islands be handed to the country less likely to be rival to ensure that no threats are made to its hegemony. Spain is evidently a shadow of its former self and holds on to the Philippines by sheer force of shame, but the Netherlands have vast possessions in the East Indies and a powerful navy to protect those islands and their possessions in Africa. I think I had Dalmeny in my pocket as soon as I mentioned threats to British imperialism, but I decided to kill two birds with one stone. I resolved to both sweeten the deal and punish Germany for its insolence by giving the disputed German South Somaliland to the British under the pretext of "ensuring the security of Indian Ocean shipping routes". This proposal left Dalmeny positively salivating at the prospect of an extra colony, so he felt emboldened to put the weight of the British Empire behind the Italian proposal.
    I saw Marschall von Bieberstein frantically trying to convince Girs to go back on his promise and support Germany but there was little to be done there, given the forces that are arrayed against them. We have thus decided to sign a treaty handing the Caroline Islands to Spain and South Somaliland to Britain tomorrow morning. I hope Wilhelm will have learned his lesson.

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    Chapter XLI: Some Damned Foolish Thing in the Alps
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Vincenzo Fatta

    Tuesday 3rd of January 1888
    I had hoped that my war against France would be swift and easy, especially with German help, but now Austria has chosen to invade Dalmatia and we must answer. The Krauts thought that they had achieved complacency with the forceful installation of their own archbishop in the diocese, but they failed to account for his loyalty to the Church and he has called for our aid. Our honor is now saved but a two-front war will be more time-consuming than I had first hoped.
    Though the Austrians might be able to occupy Dalmatia in the short term, they have an exceedingly long border with Germany, and I have sent messages to von Schellendorff to concentrate their attention on Bohemia and place Vienna under threat as soon as possible. On our side, I have sent orders to march against Gorizia and Trieste to hold the line while we gather enough conscripts to head for Trent; this will allow us to direct most of our attention towards Nice and Savoy to occupy the territories before a response can be organized and prepare them for annexation.

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    It is fortunate that the dull French elected a cabinet of businessmen who do not believe in the powers of government, this is likely the explanation for the absence of any resistance, but we will have to see how long they will choose to cling to their bourgeois ideals; as soon as we threaten their pockets, I suppose. So far, we have advanced on Nice, Annecy, and Corsica with only hints of a Belgian contingent making its way along the Mediterranean coast. The noble guards who so distinguished themselves in the storming of Malta during the French colonial war of '85-'86 are the spearhead of this new advance and have behaved impeccably. My main worry is the behavior of Spain along the Pyrenees which could force an early peace; the Turks, on the other hand, are likely to find little resistance in Tunisia and Algeria as they take the colonizers' plunder.
    I have decided to maintain my headquarters in Milan for the time being and I will move them to Nice if it seems prudent, God forbid that I have to deal with the Piedmontese.

    Wednesday 18th of April 1888
    The Lord has blessed this day with a bounty of good news for our country as our enemies fall one after the other in their stubborn opposition to us. The Austrian eagle lost its feathers at the slightest breeze, and I struggle to understand how they thought this conflict would favor them. They must have thought that we would never aid the Dalmatians or that their archbishop would have welcomed them with open arms, but they soon realized the folly of their ways. With the German armies firmly in control of Bohemia and our brave men stationed in Istria and past the Alps, Franz Josef was forced to capitulate and abandon his dreams of expansion. I am told that Cardinal Felicetti handled the peace negotiations together with Bismarck and they settled on mere reparations for the Austrians which I judge to be too cheap a price for their brand of treachery; their expansionary aims should be countered with a loss of their own land, especially where Italians are known to live.
    In any case, this leads me to my remaining task and the second piece of good news I have received. Our assault on French positions had proceeded with little significant resistance from our enemies but at last, a few weeks ago we sighted a force of over sixty thousand French and Belgian soldiers descending on Savoy. I ordered the nearest army of fewer than thirty thousand men to rush to the defense of Annecy and they have pushed back the invaders with heroic resolve ever since. Though I feared the worst, my prayers have been answered and God filled our men's hearts with resolve enough to send the enemy back whence they came. The reports are still temporary, but it seems like the enemy has lost almost fifty thousand men while we only sacrificed five thousand of our own.
    All this promises a quick victory and liberation for our long-lost brethren, I will make sure to travel to Nice because I wish to be there when at last our victory will be announced.

    Wednesday 20th of June 1888
    I can now say with a chest full of pride that I am stationed in an Italian city at last. The treaty has finally been signed every person in Nice is ecstatic to join the embrace of the Catholic Italian nation. Church bells have been ringing for the whole day and cries of "Long live the pope" and "Long live Italy" can be heard even at this late hour. Despite the Austrians' opportunism, we have managed to obtain everything that we wanted and even something more with which to reward our faithful allies. I admit that I did not fully trust Germany's commitment to our pact, but they behaved impeccably against Austria-Hungary and managed to put pressure on France after we won the second battle of Annecy and began to push North. I have received reports that the Bavarian contingents distinguished themselves for bravery and audacity in battle, something for which I have requested that the pope commend them. All things considered, they fully deserved the Congo and Gabon they had claimed back in 1880. As for our other allies, Spain proved to be the weak link since they could not properly use the Pyrenees in their defensive effort but limited themselves to an invasion of Algeria together with the Turks which helped in small part but far from the main theater of the war.
    There will be not much rest for me this night since I wish to write to Cardinal Felicetti and exhort him to enquire further into the Spaniards' deficiencies and how we can protect against them in the future. But I am leaving the best for last and, as my last duty tonight, I will congratulate Chambery for its long-awaited return to Italy.

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    Monday 10th of July 1893
    Pope Innocent has once again called me to lead his armies against the French menace and I am on the fastest available train to Nice. The Austrians, in their eternal mediocrity, cannot accept that Dalmatia is lost to them and have chosen to attack them again, this time without even taking the time to appoint a puppet bishop. What separates this conflict from the last is that France has finally lost any presumption of justice and they have joined the Austro-Hungarians in a fully-fledged alliance. Such an unholy union will cause untold damage to our people and the world at large, and this is why it must be crushed swiftly. Unfortunate news has filtered from Germany as it seems that their new Emperor only wishes for a victory without effort and has indicated that he will deal with the Austrians while we will be forced to contend with France.
    But Germany's reticence will not break my spirit, I have humbled France once before and I will do so once again. I have this voyage to think up my opening moves and strike a decisive blow before they can push this conflict onto Italian soil. I have already sent orders to march towards Digne and Frejus to secure Nice as a forward base of operations. I am currently wondering what should be done with Lyons since a French force of nearly seventy thousand is on its way to the city at this very moment. I could get around thirty thousand of our own men to the city but the only way in which they will survive is if they manage to fortify the position beforehand. However, I think that this risk would be justified, if the French successfully gain that position, then they will be spoiled for choice on which Italian city to attack next. I will ensure that a message is telegraphed as soon as it is possible to give us whatever small advantage we can gain. I pray to God that He may save his people and show his favor one more time through the vessel of his humble servant.

    Sunday 10th of September 1893
    Once more we have defended Lyons and once more, we are left to face only tens of thousands of French corpses while the living flee in disarray. The second battle of Lyons has ended this embarrassing war and the enemy is ready to surrender. It is thus all the more infuriating that the suggested peace is so toothless in its outlook. Surely the sacrifice of nearly ten thousand of our men and the constant meddling of Austria-Hungary in the business of Italian-aligned countries, not to mention France's betrayal, should be met with severe repercussions to ensure that these villains never again dare to step out of line. But no, I don't know if this is the Germans' doing or if the pope is misguided enough to choose this course of action, but the only thing that we have managed to gain is Cattaro for the Dalmatians and a quarter of France's yearly revenue for five years in reparation for our own troubles.

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    Despite the Germans' operation in the easiest front of the war, I am still surprised that they did not make any requests of the Austrians but limited themselves to shifting their weight in our direction without apparent gain. This is the main factor that makes me suspect that Pope Innocent is behind this diplomatic blunder, and he is trying to appear magnanimous and satisfied with our current lands. I do not understand how he could believe this to be a long-term solution, surely the French and Austrians will keep coming for the lands they wrongly claim and will not be sated by magnanimity but only by blood and steel.

    I am especially surprised that Cardinal Felicetti did nothing to prevent this travesty and has accepted this humiliation without making too much of a fuss. I believed that he would be first in line among the protestors, but he has remained quiet, perhaps a sign that the man is getting too old for the hard business of politics. I must remember to lean on my own skills from now on as the old guard begins to falter. I must double my efforts to build a base among the newer cardinals in the Curia, especially young Cardinal Trinca whose character I still need to judge properly. Now that I have humbled Paris, Rome itself will have to contend with me.
     
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    Chapter XLII: Citius, Altius, Fortius
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Alberto Pala

    Monday 19th of March 1894
    Interesting news today, it appears that someone wants to revive the Olympic Games, and it was a Frenchman of all people who came to me today to suggest the idea. This Baron de Coubertin is not content with the regional Olympics that have been organized here and there but has plans for something truly international, as was the case in ancient times. I will be the first to admit that I have never shown much interest in the matter before today, I always thought the local affairs to be pleasing enough distractions but the pagan aura always kept me skeptical of larger movements. However, today's conversation has encouraged me to look deeper into the subject and begin to ask my fellow cardinals for their opinions.
    De Coubertin started his harangue by explaining the virtue of sportsmanship and the importance of keeping these competitions among amateurs because, in his view, the main virtue of the athletic competition is the struggle to overcome one's opponent rather than mere victory; a statement with which I would agree in theory, but I doubt in practice. But the element that really captured my attention was his belief that one might, formally or informally, revive the ancient sacred truce and use the Games as a tool for peace and understanding across cultures. That a Frenchman could suggest such a thing to an Italian mere months after a war, struck me as proof of his sincerity and had me thinking about the plausibility of the concept. I do not expect that we could end the institution of war with this display but that would be an aspirational goal and I do believe that friendly athletic competition could be a more civilized substitute for the wars that have marred this century. I let the baron go without a firm answer but I implied that he should have hope for the success of his project.

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    As I mentioned, I spoke to several other cardinals to gauge their opinion on the matter and I received lukewarm support but warm nonetheless. Many simply see the fact that our economy is flourishing and we can afford to spend a few tens of thousands of dramme to heighten our status on the global stage, others see the ceremony more as a way to assert our dominance. One such cardinal was Cardinal Fatta who suggested that we should keep the celebration in Olympia in perpetuity and not let this opportunity slip through our fingers. This disturbed me mainly because the rotation of locations was one of the ingredients that de Coubertin had suggested would be key to the peace process and, rather than a display of strength, I believe that Fatta's plan would be seen as more of a diplomatic insult. As such, I tried my best to give him half-replies that neither confirmed nor denied my approval and quickly moved on to others.
    I must now compile a comprehensive report for the pope and seek his judgment where I can ensure that his holiness sees the importance of the project and the spirit in which it must be undertaken. I pray that I shall be convincing enough.

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    Monday 6th of April 1896
    And so the Olympics have returned for the first time in over a millennium and on Easter Sunday to ward off any paganism shadows. We still haven't seen much of the approximately four hundred athletes' abilities but the opening ceremony was a great spectacle with dignitaries and music for everyone to enjoy in the restored stadium at Olympia. I was overjoyed to have the ancient Verdi accept my call once again and act as Italy's representative in the artistic portion of the ceremony by directing a few of his most famous pieces. The pope himself even came to the inauguration to give a small speech which I thought was sufficient and quite typical of pope Innocent but it seems to have been met with polite applause by those in attendance. Speaking of which, no seat was left unoccupied and there were over forty thousand spectators to the event and nearly four hundred athletes from Europe and the Americas. As is to be expected, the majority of athletes is Italian but there is also a significant contingent of Greeks who have traveled the short distance from their country to the Peloponnese.
    The encounter with the Greek ambassador dampened the mood of the occasion significantly, however. I did my best to make polite conversation and keep away thoughts of revanchism and the status of the Peloponnese but my efforts were not sufficient. I was asked several pointed questions about the Greek heritage of the games and the Greek myths surrounding them and there was not much I could do to dispel the awkwardness of the situation. I would like to make it clear that the interaction was entirely civil but the bitterness was absolutely inescapable and not something I could do much about. I have thought a little about the Greek question but I can't think of a good solution that would satisfy all parties: I can see that this land is traditionally Greek and that many ethnic Greeks live here but it has also been fifty years since the invasion and there is a significant proportion of Italians in the area whose rights need to be recognized. I've seen that Innocent has no intention of rocking the boat but I believe that the longer this issue is ignored the harder it will be to find a permanent solution.
    Fortunately, the rest of the day had no more such standoffs with even the French, Austrian, and Hungarian representatives putting on a conciliatory face and bringing me the compliments of their respective governments. I have no proof that de Coubertin's ideas on peace have any merit to them but I find it comforting that, since we accepted the Olympic commission two years ago, there have been no major wars in Europe and international politics has been relatively subdued. One hopes that this may continue far into the future.
    But, returning to the actual sporting events, we witnessed some impressive athletic performances by twenty-five competitors divided among the discus throw and the triple jump. To my great satisfaction, it was two Italians who earned first place and were given the silver medal and olive branch while another Italian gained the copper and laurel branch. For the discus it was Silvano Bonacci who arrived first while Uberto Silveri was second; for the triple jump, Massimiliano Vilella prevailed while the Swiss Werner Waldmeier managed to come in second. The display aroused considerable enthusiasm and I could feel that the crowd was enjoying itself greatly in witnessing these pinnacles of physical prowess which made me feel very much aware of my old age.
    In summary, despite a few diplomatic abrasions, I believe that the first day has been a success and I am excited about its continuation tomorrow where we can expect more athletics, weightlifting and I especially look forward to the fencing.

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    Wednesday 15th of April 1896
    At last, the games have concluded and nothing went horribly awry either internally or externally. The closing ceremony was a simple affair where I thanked all the illustrious guests and all the athletes that had participated before leaving the stage to some of the other dignitaries present. At that point, the pressure was quite low since most of the spectators had left on Monday after the final cycling event and we were mostly reduced to athletes and officials.
    In a triumphant display of the capabilities of our youth, Italian athletes managed to secure twenty-one silver medals and thirty-one copper medals leaving the other nationalities far behind, although the United States gained an honorable second place with eight silver and four copper which is considerable since they had almost one athlete for twenty of ours. Regardless of the victories or defeats, I found myself enthralled in disciplines I scarcely knew existed but seemed incredibly important at the time. I was enthralled by the acrobatic performances at the pommel horse where the competition was almost entirely a German affair with the few Italians not being particularly remarkable. I remember how outraged I was that the judges had given first place to the Swiss Zutter while they relegated the clearly superior German Weingartner in second. In hindsight, I'm not sure what exactly caused me to think that but I suppose that such is sport.
    Regarding politics, everyone turned out to be surprisingly civil and all the major participants managed to gain a medal so there can't be too many complaints; although I smile at the memory of the French almost always falling behind an Italian, which led to a humorous amount of jokes and witticisms on the matter. Even the Greek tempers were cooled with their own silver medal and the harsher notes in conversation softened after a few days of fraternization. I hope that this might do a little to spread mutual understanding among our two peoples and this land that history has caused us to share despite much animosity having developed among both sides. I was pleased to note that this behavior was more or less common among most of the competitors who were more united by their disciplines than divided by their nationality; if only such an attitude could flourish in the continent.
    I decided to write some letters of congratulations and thanks to each of the national delegations to ensure that this spirit be not soon forgotten but remembered fondly until the next time we meet again in the new century wherever that may be. I have high hopes for the future.


    Author’s note:
    Cardinal Pala died suddenly in the autumn of 1896 after twenty years of loyal service to the newborn Italian nation.
    He followed a fairly standard path to the Curia and was well remembered in his archbishopric of Modena but failed to make much of a splash in the political scene of the day. Nowadays, he is mostly remembered as the principal sponsor of the First Olympic Games but his cultural work is often remembered in the names of schools and streets in many Italian cities.
    In recent times, the colonial legacy of the Olympics has tarnished Pala's legacy with many Greeks and certain politicians arguing that the celebration be abolished or, at the very least, given back fully to the Greeks as a part of their cultural heritage. Regardless of the future of these claims, modern historiography tends to be less critical of Pala since he did not actively deteriorate the condition of the Greek people but it must be remembered that he did not act to alleviate the oppression.
     
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    Chapter XLIII: A Matter of Trust
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Giovanni Trinca

    Wednesday 23rd of September 1891
    I'm happy to report that my campaign against debtor's prisons is having a resounding success throughout Tuscany and I have been tasked with the delivery of a formal request to the Holy Father on behalf of the Etrurian Senate to institute some sort of bankruptcy law to take us away from what is essentially the enslavement of the less affluent. I don't know how likely this proposal is to be made into law but I believe that it is important that a signal is sent and the Senate make full use of its advisory role. On the other hand, Pope Innocent seems to have begun to soften up regarding the necessity of reform and he might even choose to make this the beginning of a new line of advancements, the first in almost twenty years. It's not that I don't understand his concerns, I too see that speeding ahead runs the risk of leaving too many behind, but it is important that we do everything that is within our power to alleviate the suffering of our people. I have thought about having a discussion with the Holy Father in person, but I don't think it is yet my place to do so since I was so recently added to the Curia and don't wish to make an overbearing first impression before I have achieved anything of note. In the future I may be so bold, but not yet.
    This leads me to the task I was actually assigned to do here. I'm a few days away from the end of my tour of the most significant factories in the region but I feel that I've seen quite enough to form a negative opinion of most factory owners I have met. During my visits, I noticed some most abominable practices that follow the letter of Rerum Novarum but disregard its principles without any scruples. While there should be a dialogue between bosses and workers, the bosses fully take advantage of their employees and use every dirty trick to stop them from exercising their rights. One such tactic is the violent beating of union leaders who dare speak out for better working conditions or if that isn't successful, the firing of nearly the entire workforce only to replace them with those who have sunk deeper into desperation.

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    Thankfully, my mandate in Etruria allows me to set up a table of discussion with the unions and pen a law that would forbid this abusive behavior and establish a more sustainable system. I'm amazed that this has lasted for so long, but I'll do my best to ensure that all of Italy may benefit from these advantages. As above, I am reluctant to write to the pope about this due to my condition, but I will endeavor to make this resolution work well in Etruria so that their senators may, in turn, propose the extension of these measures. And, if a global initiative were to fail, I'm sure that Pope Innocent wouldn't stop me from conducting similar investigations in the other five kingdoms, and then I could reprise the good work done here.
    The project looks intimidating when put onto paper in this way, but I know that it is the right path to take. I'm certain that God will guide the Holy Father towards the implementation of a just system and I will do my best to be a worthy agent of this change.

    Saturday 6th of October 1894
    It seems that my decision to move from the gold standard to a bimetallic standard has begun to pay off. I confess that I held my breath when we started to use our silver reserves to print more dramme for fear of some unforeseen inflationary effect, but we can now be certain that this did not happen. On the contrary, our economy has benefitted from an increase in liquidity and national prices have stabilized, on the whole, a blessing for our nation confined to the Mediterranean and unable to purchase more exotic goods like the larger colonial empires. I hope that the Holy Father will look favorably on this progress and maybe even accept to move along some of the reform projects I've championed in the Senate.
    I have not been idle in my wait for these reports, but I've taken the time to educate myself on the overall state of Italian industry and have discovered further rampant abuses of the current economic system. While our economy is at its healthiest when there is competition between different firms in the same field, it has become increasingly common for certain industries, especially those with high start-up costs, to be monopolized by a few or just a single company which can then dictate unreasonable terms to those it depends on. A particularly egregious case is that of the Colombo company which has a stranglehold on the production of industrial machinery for most other factories in Italy and has been suffocating young enterprises before they can contribute to the national economy with their full potential. Though I am not clear on how Colombo became so dangerous in the first place, it is plain to see that now they hold their position by forcing competitors to fail and buying up whatever remains from the ruined owners; not only that, but they have also resorted to bribery and threats within local government to ensure that none should impede them.

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    Thank God, I managed to learn of these crimes, and I have begun to establish a basis of operations from which to restore a sense of normalcy to our nation. For now, my study has mostly consisted in gathering testimony of the acts in question and building a clear picture of the principal industrial supply chains that are involved. With this information in hand, I have begun to collaborate with journalists and senators already aware of the problem to develop a solution that can be presented to the pope both as an official report from myself and as a motion in the senate. We have currently agreed upon setting an upper limit on the market share that a single company or its subsidiaries can have with the penalty of forced dismemberment for the offending company in the most extreme cases.
    I believe that this will mark the beginning of a new era for the benefit of everyone involved if one excludes a couple of greedy factory owners. The workers will have a greater choice between employers, smaller companies will have easier access to the goods they need, and the nation as a whole will see its industrial capacity ever increasing. It will take a lot of hard work, but the prize will be worth it in the end.

    Saturday 2nd of May 1896
    The anti-trust bill in the senate has finally been approved by a majority and it's just waiting to receive the approval of the kings. Fortunately, I have managed to convince Innocent that this is a necessary reform and, despite his natural inclination being otherwise, I have managed to wear him down bit by bit and get him to side with the majority of the other three kings. And there Providence is on my side with the new King Vittorio of Sicily inheriting his father's French perspective and King Emanuele Filiberto of Sardinia realizing that the welfare of his kingdom depends on this reform. My sole regret is that King Alfonso of Naples has remained cold to each of my overtures, but I must accept that there is no shame in success even if it is not total.
    I have also managed to use my temporary position of prominence to look into ways to improve the lives of the workers. Currently, the bosses can get away with keeping these people in dark rooms with their fatigue alone giving them a sense of passing time and the end of their shift. This would be unpleasant enough on its own but any worker who leaves before their time is up is so severely punished that most choose to work far beyond the time they are paid for to avoid such actions. Once again, my head is in my hands as I try to contemplate how such a system could be upheld for so long, but I can only hope that I am the first to notice these crimes so well hidden from public view.
    I plan to mandate the establishment of fixed and clearly displayed working hours to avoid the abuses that I have above described. I'm sure that this will not be taken well by the abusers, but I've thought of something that might win back those who don't already oppose me on the issue of trusts. I could ask the pope to provide me with enough money to fund the installation of electric lights in all factories either entirely at the expense of the state or with a great reduction in burden for the owners.

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    The measure would certainly improve working conditions and reduce the risk of accidents while it would, ironically, allow for longer working hours. Now, I know that this sounds like a contradiction with my previous point but the increase in hours would not overburden the currently present workers but manage to provide new job opportunities while it would increase productivity. It would simply require the creation of three daily shifts of eight hours, each manned by the same number of workers thus tripling the amount of people employed while doubling the number of hours worked even under the current system of abuse.
    I'm sure that there will be opposition, especially from my current adversaries, but there is no doubt that these measures would benefit everyone at every level. Knowing Innocent, I might have to tone down some of the obligations and allow for greater personal freedom, but I would be satisfied even with a mild improvement to the current conditions; and, with the economy rising, why should everyone not share in the profits?
     
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    Chapter XLIV: Float Like a Battleship, Sting Like an Eight-Nation Coalition
  • From the personal diaries of Pope Innocent XV

    Thursday 27th of January 1898
    Today's main news came from China of all places and crushed my hopes of doing any important work. The savages decided to massacre as many foreigners as they could find in their lands; I have been told that particular barbarity was aimed at missionaries and the flocks that they had converted away from the native superstition. Officially this attack was orchestrated by a secret society made up of peasants and petty bandits but there is a clear indication that the Qing government facilitated these murders. I had placed much hope in Emperor Zaitian and the preachers I had sent to advise him, but it seems that this was not sufficient to stop this madness. Given that I have not received word from said missionaries and the palace refuses to offer any comment, it is safe to assume that I will not hear anything more from those men.
    Now the dowager empress pulls the strings in Peking and given the rebels' slogan of "Support the Qing, destroy the foreigners", it can be assumed that there is no point in peaceful negotiations.
    I have received messages from the British, German, American, Russian, French, Japanese, and Austro-Hungarian governments and there is unanimous agreement that these atrocities cannot go unanswered and, given the Qing government's resistance to dialogue, military action is warranted. In a surprising act of unity against barbarism, a coordinated expedition is being organized to force the Chinese to negotiate reparations and disband these so-called Boxers. The British, Japanese, and Russians will form the vanguard of this expedition since they already have bases in the region, the rest of us will arrive later on and dismantle whatever resistance may remain. I've sent word to admiral Filangieri to bring the entire Italian fleet to Nice where he will pick up our expeditionary force of forty-two thousand soldiers before heading to the East. For a short moment, I considered only sending the fleet with no land force, but I thought better of it; it would be much more advantageous if I could have a stronger negotiating position when the time comes, we owe it to the many Catholics killed in these days to return Christ to this troubled land.

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    In the meantime, I have returned to my morbid thoughts. Although my health is as good as ever, I can't help but think about the succession, despite that decision being securely out of my hands. As my election has shown, even a long-time protégé is not guaranteed to win his post but papal support certainly can't hurt someone's chances, especially with my papacy's relative calm on the political front.
    If I were to pass away today, I think Felicetti would be the man for the job, but he is two years my senior, and I can't see that being a good choice in the long term. I don't believe that he would even want to be a transitional pope, it would be far too humble a place for him. Surprisingly enough, every other potential candidate was created cardinal by me, there are a handful of us left who had personal dealings with Callixtus and the like. Maybe it is for the best. Fatta and Trinca now merge experience with life expectancy and there is much to be said about both their performances. However, Fatta makes me uneasy with his more violent ways and Trinca seems to me too socialist for the job. I am placed between two extremes with little to push me in one direction or another. But then I could simply not choose and let God make his own decision as I wait for his evaluation of my work.
    I should not think so much about these things, there is work to be done in the morning. I always dread meeting with generals, even though I should have gotten used to these talks by now. I'm sure it will be fine, it usually is.

    Thursday 5th of May 1898
    It seems that the Chinese mission has produced some troublesome effects despite the good auspices it started under. Our own expedition has arrived in the Gulf of Tonkin just off the coast of French Vietnam and admiral Filangeri had absolutely no trouble in dispatching the worm-eaten pair of Qing frigates that came to oppose him. Given that there does not seem to be any danger lurking in the area, I gave the order to disembark and secure the island of Hainan and protect any missionaries that may have survived. As always with these barbarians, the news of massacres continues to pile up with entire villages that had converted to Christianity being butchered by the senseless rabble. I have taken special care to caution our soldiers to refrain from looting and indiscriminate reprisals no matter what crimes they experience, we must give the example to these savages that they need not only know barbarism and salvation lies in Christ.

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    In more worrying news, it seems that the French are itching for another war and doing their best to have us attack first. They continue to send small ships against our fleet to harass and taunt us in the hopes that someone might lose their nerve and shoot back. Not only that, but they have begun to practice military exercises on the Vietnamese coast with the clear intention of sizing up our forces and I'm sure they would be overjoyed if they could keep a significant proportion of the Italian army half a world away. I have asked Felicetti to attempt to improve the diplomatic situation but there is little to be done against a nation that attempts to provoke conflict with its every action.
    I am sick and tired of all these wars in the Alps. Every time the French and Austrians threaten our sovereignty and every time we are forced to lose thousands of good men to hold them back. If I had the hope that one day they could be finally broken, then I would look forward to one last hurrah, but the French seem to think that their vast African empire entitles them to the same behavior in Europe. I am tempted daily to excommunicate Kaiser Franz and put him in his place, but I feel that such an act would be a step too far and I would lose my credibility as Pope if I used my religious role to further simple political goals. Then again, the excommunication of Napoleon did nothing for Pius VII so I might be overestimating the power of my religious office.
    As long as the Chinese crisis lasts, I will try and hold things together for as long as possible; after that, I will pray that fewer men die this time than the last. A sad prayer to make.

    Monday 13th of June 1898
    Today I managed to close the book on the Chinese question, and everyone can go on to focus on more important issues. With the Qing pressed on all sides, there was no way out for them but surrender and an agreement to reparations. There was a brief discussion around a continuation to the war to possibly gain some territorial concessions but the tense climate back in Europe convinced most of the major powers to accept the deal we were offered. A number of unfortunate Qing scapegoats were executed, and the concubine Cixi remains firmly in control of the country while the so-called boxers were finally purged, as is often the case. As for the expeditionary powers, most received a significant indemnity to make up for the lives lost and I managed to use our occupation of Hainan as a bargaining chip to guarantee the free and unimpeded access of Catholic missionaries to the whole of China in the hopes of finally civilizing these people who so stubbornly refuse enlightenment.
    In the end, it is Japan who has gained the most out of this by prying Korea away from the dying Empire and into the sphere of the rising one. It is no stretch to imagine that the Japanese, late as they are for the colonization of Africa, will construct colonies of their own on the neighboring continent and gain international clout in that way. If this war has proven anything, it's that Europe is far too busy at home to concern itself with the Far East more than is absolutely necessary and it is happy enough to grant its dominion to a power that has so rapidly joined the concert of civilized peoples.

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    Looking closer to home, Felicetti has managed to hold France back for the time being, although I'm sure it's not a permanent solution. He did what he does best and managed to stir up a political conflict within the government which has dissuaded our rivals from immediate action. With the whole charade set to last for a few months at the very least, I have recalled Felicetti to Rome to ask him if there is some way to permanently neutralize the threat, if anyone can find it, it's him. I wish him a long and healthy life far beyond my own years; in that way, he would be the perfect successor and no unpleasant choices would need to be made. I juggled Trinca and Fatta in my mind again today and again I cannot bring myself to endorse any one of them. Perhaps old Boniface III was right in forbidding discussions of conclave while the pope still lives; that attitude would certainly give the pope some peace of mind.
    But I must not wallow in this feeling, though old I am still healthy and can enjoy the pleasures that life gives us in the nation I have led for over twenty years. I must call a ball or a feast with the kings, a victory celebration against the Chinese, and a balm for my weary soul.
     
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    Chapter XLV: More from the Balkans
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Fabio Puccetti

    Monday 5th of December 1898
    The day was mostly spent in the company of letters for next week's patriotic gala at the Quirinal to ensure a few other wealthy investors can attend and provide us with funding for the army. It would be especially lucrative if we could come to an understanding with the arms manufacturers since there will be a great need for those once the mobilization comes into full effect. Although, given the latest updates from the front, there might not be much need for all that. In the west, we've secured the Alps and are holding off the French in Lyon and Aurillac while in the east we are comfortably pushing towards Vienna with our German allies, and they might well beat us to the prize. I have received some concerned messages about the Austrian occupation of Zadar but I'm sure that we'll be able to recapture the city in time for the peace deal.
    I didn't expect that my promotion would throw me quite so immediately in the heart of the action, but I suppose I should be grateful for the advantages it provides. One thing I'm especially happy about is that I can do my work from the safety of Rome itself and I need only send a telegram to this or that general to guide the different theaters of the conflict. It is a little bit taxing to stay on top of the reports that come in each day, but I do what I can to respond to them when needed. Just this afternoon I received a telegram with a request for support in Lyons as it appears that the finest flower of French peasantry is being thrown against our positions, so I ordered out the conscripts from Piedmont to support our regulars there and those from Lombardy to support our general in Aurillac for good measure.
    It is a terrible nuisance that we must duel with our rivals so frequently, but I suppose there is nothing to be done about it. The expense itself is often negligible but it's awfully disruptive to our supply chains here at home. All we can do is hope that our men in the field give the frogs and the krauts a thorough beating that will keep them licking their wounds for longer than the last time.

    Friday 24th of February 1899
    It has been a dreadful week so far and I am eminently glad that it is coming to an end. I first had to deal with a mountain of orders and counter orders for the Austrian front to deal with the German army's delay which was a nightmare and, while I waited for the outcome, the pope asked me to send out new feelers for peace with France. Fortunately, that did not come to pass, and I will be able to open communications some other time, but for now, the stress around that particular matter has been spared. Today was a bit of a mixed bag with the volatility of the reports from the east but I was fortunate that their order made the news more palatable to Innocent. It began with a telegram from Kotor where the Dalmatian government announced their capitulation to Austria-Hungary and their surrender of the Croatian coast. Fortunately, this was followed by news of our victory at Klagenfurt where our Italo-German force dispatched over thirty thousand Austrians with merely ten thousand casualties on our side; surely this is a sign that the war will soon be won, and we can forget about past unpleasantness. The pope seemed to be overall displeased with the Dalmatians' shameful surrender and I'm sure that any gallant man would share his feelings over such an ungrateful ally; after all, we provided them with ample funds and came to their aid only for them to let the Austrians occupy most of their lands.

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    I must confess that I believe we will be rather better off with that contentious piece of land out of the picture, the Austrians would have certainly caused more of a fuss and drawn us into a conflict every decade; this way, there will be fewer causes for conflict, and we will only have France to worry about.
    Speaking of which, I've sent another measure of conscripts over to that front. The battle of Aurillac is almost won and I want the defenses of Lyons and Valence to provide a suitably crushing blow to the enemies' morale. With the Germans near Vienna and the French peasantry drying up, it won't be long until the whole sordid affair is behind us. I should also choose someone to organize the peace. I assume the former ambassador to Paris will do, I'm sure he knows well enough how to communicate with these people. Unfortunately, he is out of Rome at the moment, but I will organize a dinner party with his most prominent family members, I seem to remember that they provided a noble amount towards the war effort.

    Sunday 9th of April 1899
    The renovations to the villa in Ostia have hit an unfortunate roadblock recently and I fear that I will be forced to intervene personally to take care of things. I had hoped that the servants could handle the technicalities, but it seems that a more delicate touch is required. Later today I will have to look at what I should bring for the journey; hopefully, the train ride will be comfortable enough.
    In better news, I have received reports from the front and the war is won. We have finally triumphed in Valence with ninety thousand French soldiers having dashed themselves upon our defenses. Together with Friday's victory in Lyons, this means that there is nothing left to do but sign the peace treaty and order a national celebration. Of course, I had tried to have the battles concluded on the same day for maximum effect (the report of two hundred thousand vanquished Frenchmen would have made for a better headline) but the general in Valence, Caraga I believe, resisted my requests for an earlier push. I enquired into disciplinary action against this insubordination, but I later found out that dealing with his family in Rome would be kicking a hornets' nest and the matter is minor enough that I don't wish to deal with that sort of situation. I suppose the general had his reasons; certainly, the influx of conscripts will have lowered the overall quality of the fighting force and there is only so much that can be done with barely trained peasants.
    In any case, these last battles will allow for a lucrative addition to the peace treaty that my man had prepared. In the first draft, the Germans asked for a demilitarization of the Sudetenland to dissuade the Austrians from further meddling, and we jointly required the payment of several hundred million dramme from both Paris and Vienna to the victorious powers. Our newest prize, however, will be the full independence of Bosnia from the Hungarian crown and its new status as a protectorate under the papal tiara. I'm sure Fatta will be happy he can move away from that backwater he is stationed in and finally tie up the Balkans into something that can be kept in order under our hegemony.
    I sent the news to the pope, and he seemed colder than I had expected but that appears to be his nature as far as I can ascertain. In any case, he seemed grateful enough that he relieved me of my service in advance of the expected date, allowing me some time to spend on my own incumbencies and some rest after the pressures of the last months.

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    Chapter XLVI: Investing in the Future
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Giovanni Trinca

    Sunday 22nd of May 1898
    I can't believe that it's finally happened. Innocent has decided to actually implement a real wide-reaching reform for the first time in his papacy. I thought that I would merely continue to lobby forever without any solution but it's coming together at last. I don't expect I will get this opportunity again any time soon, so I need to pay close attention to the process every step of the way to ensure it doesn't get corrupted before it's finally set in stone.
    I've spent the last couple of years gathering information about living standards across Italy and, while Callixtus' minimum wage laws provide a dignified existence for those who are employed, I'm sure they can be improved to allow not only for mere survival but even upward mobility for those who are willing to work for a better future. Of course, any increase in the minimum wage would have to be matched by global supervision of this change since I've seen far too many bosses use petty loopholes and full-on fraud to keep their hands on the vast majority of the profits. I would be happy to lead the effort, but it would be good for the law to contain the tools of its own enforcement.

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    As for the magnitude of the increase, I've had to consider the nature of the modern world we live in and how best to accommodate those needs. Far gone are the days when families with tens of children were commonplace, now urban families limit themselves to three or four children who can no longer be sent to work in their formative years but must attend some form of schooling. So, while there are savings to be had on quantity, the quality of each upbringing has to be improved and that will require a significant increase in salaries. At the moment, the minimum wage has grown with inflation up to 46 grani a week; my educational considerations would entail an increase up to 75 but this neglects the wellbeing of the workers in this example. Though it is customary for children to take care of their parents in old age, this is not always the case, be it through emigration or unforeseeable misfortunes; it follows then that the state should take care of its subjects who have spent their entire lives in its service with yet another increase. If we add in a little extra for those who might wish to start their own business, then I think it would be best to move up to one full dramma each week as a lower baseline for this measure.
    Of course, there will always be those who oppose such change, but their justifications have been the same since the minimum wage was first introduced; however, our economy has never been stronger and no disasters have struck us when we last changed the law. After all, the state takes in far beyond what it is able to spend and, short of constructing warships that no one can man, we have nothing else on which we could spend our money. What nobler goal, then, than to give back to the afflicted members of our society and raise them up as the Good Lord intended?
    Fortunately for me, Cardinal Fatta is far off in the Balkans dealing with their complex problems and I won't have to contend with his opposition. He started off quite civil but has become more and more aggressive as time has gone on and, given the quality of his work in past years, I am starting to suspect that the defects are voluntary and not merely due to incompetence. The longer he stays out of the public eye the sounder I will be able to sleep. I try not to think evil of those that I do not know but he really tries my patience. I hope the Lord will grant me as long a respite as he can.

    Wednesday 14th of November 1900
    The inauguration of the Rome Portonaccio station has been a complete success and Italy is now more connected than ever. Until recently, the train lines across the peninsula still reflected the pre-unitary nations, and connections between the kingdoms remained uneven and outdated. So, when our engineers developed some new improvements to our current rail system, I jumped at the opportunity to reorganize the whole system to suit the current needs of our nation. I commissioned new stations for each of the royal capitals with modern railways to connect each of them so that they form a chain from Palermo (with an improved ferry service from Messina to Reggio Calabria) all the way to Turin and Venice in the North. This setup is unfortunately not yet complete, but the Naples-Rome-Florence line should be inaugurated in the next months while I expect the more peripheral elements to be completed by the end of 1901 or the beginning of 1902.

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    I hope that this new system of infrastructure will not only act as a valuable conduit for goods and people in peacetime but that it may also act as a deterrent against the horrors of another war against France and Austria-Hungary if they are made to fear a quick mobilization on our part. I feel powerless when I consider the impact that these constant wars have had on the people of Italy and on the families of the many brave men who selflessly fight for us. Every time Paris or Vienna chooses to pursue their imperialist goals, thousands of our youth are thrown to their graves or to permanent mutilation and the only thing that can be gained after this great sacrifice is the chastisement of our enemies and the request for an international condemnation that never comes. In any case, I believe that the single effective solution to this issue might be to foster anti-war sentiments in our rivals and ensure that their own politicians see the folly of their ways. I have been in correspondence with some socialist elements across Europe and I am convinced that their pacifism might be what finally stops the constant cycle of war and revenge that has consumed our continent for too long.
    Of course, this is a solution that is not applicable within our beloved Italy. Despite being the only country where a competent peasant can become ruler, most reformist movements denounce our form of government as antiquated and out of place in the modern world, and I confess that I have had the same thoughts recently. While absolute monarchy allows for brilliance to lead, it can also raise up monsters; conversely, the masses tend to vote for mediocrity but that gives them safety from the worst extremes. I would appreciate a stronger Senate in opposition to the monarchical element of our constitution but that would require a willing pope and I'm sure that Innocent is dead set against this idea. However, he recently turned eighty and it is time for a change, I only hope that we will be judicious enough to choose someone wise to lead us.
     
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    Chapter XLVII: Sarajevo, Athens and Other Balkan Things
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Vincenzo Fatta

    Wednesday 17th of February 1897
    I have managed to settle into Zadar as a guest of the generous Archbishop Raicevic and am now fully able to pursue our tasks in Bosnia. It took longer than I had hoped for because travel in the Balkans is a disgrace and the Serbians had no interest in letting a large diplomatic convoy pass through their lands; as such, I was forced to travel by sea from Bucharest by way of Constantinople. I must admit that my work in Romania took up far too much of my patience since I am unaccustomed to dealings with politicians who have a title larger than their relevance and often had to remedy offense with economic incentive. I took advantage of the journey to Zadar to meet with Sultan Abdulhamid and express our displeasure for the recent Ottoman bankruptcy and remind them that their empire has not had a war with Russia for decades due to Italian protection. There was some mild resistance at first, but their subservience is undeniable, and every argument fell to pieces as soon as they were formulated.

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    In Constantinople, I also managed to receive confirmation that King Carol had forwarded our pact of patronage to Innocent, and our influence has gained official status for the rest of Europe to see, especially the Tsar.
    The rest of the journey passed like an uninspired sermon, except for an attempted sabotage when we stopped in Corinth for supplies, and I was received in Zadar with the appropriate reverence. I spent my evening reading up on the character of the governor of Bosnia, Johann von Appel, to choose how to best push this half-country out of Austria's orbit. I also need to keep into account that if the governor does not wish to cooperate with us, there are many nationalists within Bosnia who are less than enthused by the Austrian occupation and would appreciate our support in their struggle. A coup would stretch the expected expenses but, as long as Franz loses some land, the expense will have been worth it.
    Having said that, until the extreme alternative becomes necessary, I must take special care to not be particularly obvious in my overtures since the Austrians might take this as a pretext for war, what with Germany's cooling attitude towards our alliance and France's rabid hate of everything for which we stand. In any case, this is a golden opportunity for espionage within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, I must ensure the presence of agents within the main cities and begin to probe the opinions of Austrian clerics and especially potential cardinals for the next conclave. I have my eye on a couple of candidates who align with my thinking and, as Innocent wanes, I will try to pull the necessary strings.

    Tuesday 11th of April 1899
    It seems that my efforts in Bosnia were entirely useless as we have gained with the sword that which I tried to pursue with words. And yet, despite this victory on paper, we have not managed to permanently diminish the Austrians but ended up forsaking the Dalmatians and wasting decades of effort and lives spent in their defense. I was forced to flee Zadar in October and the archbishop cowardly surrendered in February accepting to contain himself to the mere city of Cattaro where he can wait for the inevitable end of his state. It is outrageous that good Italians that have lived in the region for a thousand years will not be allowed to join their kinsmen in the country we have made but will be forced to languish under foreign occupation once again. When my time comes, I will have to right this wrong and ensure that no one will dare to tread on our homeland.
    The silver lining in this arrangement is that we are now free to concentrate on the Russian encroachment into our Balkan allies. King Carol has already expressed fears that the Tsar might invade Romania to establish a compliant government and the Bulgarians are known to have Nicholas' blessing for any expansion they might have planned against Dobrudja.

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    Also, if the rumors are to be believed, Serbia intends to devour Bosnia for the sake of some Slavic unification which could only be considered with stubborn ignorance of every cultural and religious difference in the region. But, regardless of their reasons, I need to decide if Bosnia is worth keeping under our wing at the cost of a conflict with the Russians. If it were up to me, I don't think I would spend a single man in defense of these people. Our interest in them was purely in an anti-Austrian function. Now that Vienna has left, it would be good to keep Bosnia, at the condition we don't run any further risks now that Germany has chosen to neglect us.
    I will write to my supporters in the Curia to get a majority against this foolish Balkan thing. I should also make sure that Puccetti's popularity remains in check, I don't want any real rivals when the time comes. May God smite his enemies with my hand and return the church to an orthodox pope.

    Thursday 19th of April 1900
    I was yearning for another military command without much hope of receiving one but direction of a war against the Greeks saw me praise God for his infinite wisdom. We can at last take revenge for the constant harassment of Italians in the Peloponnese by bringing that same anger to Athens itself. My sole regret is that this is a defensive war for Romania's sake, and we cannot erase the Greek stain from the map, but I will satisfy myself with sitting in the palace of King George and displaying to all that this state's existence is a gift of our mercy.
    We can thank the Lord that the Russians refused to help the Bulgarians in their invasion of Romanian Dobrudja because, in that case, we would have had to leave them to their fate as we did for Bosnia. It seems now that Nicholas was not particularly keen on an aggressive war and allowed the Balkans to sort themselves out. There weren’t too many plans involved in this expedition: the Peloponnesian garrison began to occupy Attica within days of the declaration and the Romanians managed to hold their own against the Bulgarians, but I decided to bring in some Ottoman muscle, mostly as a test of loyalty for Abdulhamid. The one real battle we had to face was last month in the Ionian Sea where our brave sailors managed to sink the entire outdated Greek fleet in a single day with every one of our vessels intact.

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    As such, the war is all but over and I just need to wait for Sofia to reply with the acceptance of our sanctions on both Bulgaria and Greece for their aggression, a clear signal to the expansionary aims of the Russian bloc. Speaking of which, I think that we should move into Serbia to guarantee ourselves another ally against the Austrians and avoid a war with Russia over the Balkans by reducing the number of countries over which they hold sway. I have made some minor progress in Belgrade by managing to secure an audience with President Dordevic for our ambassador, but I did not receive any reaction to a proposal of tighter collaboration with Italy.
    This messy business in the Balkans is a fair enough distraction for the moment but I need to ensure that I do not overexert myself in this field when there are certain crucial steps that need to be taken. I suspect that Innocent sent me this far to limit the amount of influence I can exert back at home but if so, he is sure to be disappointed with the outcome. In my correspondence with members of the Curia, I have managed to convince a majority of the cardinals that I would be the best choice as Pope once Innocent fades away. Though this advantage is still not enough to ensure a clear victory in the first round of votes, I am sure that I can attract the missing votes between now and the conclave. I can feel that the Church craves a return to its roots before it was corrupted by the modern world and its myriad false promises, I need but speak the truth that we all know, and they will flock to my cause.

    Sunday 3rd of August 1902
    It is with a pair of defeats that I choose to return to Rome rather than labor any further in a region that has crystallizes beyond any further manipulation. I am forced to accept that our Ottoman allies are unable to keep their own Greek population under control as their borders continue to shrink ever closer to Constantinople. The rebels formed a short-lived Cretan Republic and were formally annexed by Greece in the late hours of today.

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    While I have never hidden my dislike of Greece, I am greatly concerned with the possibility of a similar uprising in our own lands. Innocent's measures are sure to underestimate the potential risk and limit the local government to mere arrests, but I have managed to call in a few favors among the better stock of the Peloponnese to allow for more vigorous action.
    But my relocation is mostly the result of the recent expulsion of our ambassador from Belgrade. The Russians have used every trick in the book to stop us from turning Serbia towards the Mediterranean and away from Panslavic ravings and they are successful time and time again in shredding any deal that might have been reached. The Serbians have often shown an interest in our proposals but, whenever they are about to come to fruition, there comes an election that is systematically won by a filo-Russian candidate. This has convinced me that there is no further value to be obtained from this region and our resources would be better spent against France and the Austrians who threaten our people directly now that Germany has chosen to betray our alliance.
    I wrote as much to Innocent, and I was allowed to return home where I am free to plan for the next decade. Though my support in the Curia remains stable, I have identified that my main contender is Cardinal Puccetti who seems to be at the head of the Liberal faction and has made a name for himself with the implementation of Innocent's more senile policies. I do not expect much difficulty in kicking him down the ladder: the new reforms should remind everyone that, though we have been stable so far, the specter of revolution is always behind the corner, and we must strangle it before it has the chance to destroy us. I pray to God that He might endow my words with the strength of his truth and allow for a truly Christian pope after wandering for decades in the desert.
     
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    Chapter XLVIII: The (Madama) Butterfly Effect
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Ugolino Longo

    Friday 2nd of May 1902
    Due to my ship's delay, I barely had a chance to rest after my arrival in Tokyo that I had to attend the opening session of the conference. In my absence, it seems that the cause of Taiwanese independence has been taken up by the Russians who are presumably trying to stem the growth of Japanese influence in the Far East after their leading role in the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion. Despite the general attention of most world powers, not everyone is in attendance; the Americans are happy to hold their influence in the New World, but they abhor interference in foreign affairs far from their home, while the Austro-Hungarians are still busy with the after-effects of the Romanian war and are struggling to hold their influence in the Balkans. Of those present, only Russia and Japan have made their opinions clear while the rest play the matter close to their chest. None of the French, British or German ministers here are known for their zeal in favor of either side which presents us with significant opportunities for discussion and compromise.

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    As for my position, the pope has given me free rein over the matter since we have no immediate political interest in the region, and Innocent respects my skills as a negotiator. My initial opinion is that it would be best to side with Tokyo in the hopes that a loss of face for Russia might weaken their hold on the Balkans or even push them into a proxy conflict over China to restore their honor. However, this is only an initial evaluation; I can imagine that an independent Taiwan may have some benefits especially if it establishes a precedent for colonial independence in the region, French Indochina comes to mind at that juncture.
    Of the different neutral parties present, I am familiar with Delcassé and Lansdowne but know quite little of von Richtofen. The French minister has tried in vain to pursue a diplomatic solution to the Franco-German rivalry and it would have been of great advantage to us if this had succeeded; unfortunately, the recent wars declared by his government have inflamed both sides beyond such a simple conciliation. I expect that he could be negotiated with, but it also depends on the German position, Delcassé's defeats have left him bitter enough to oppose them on principle. As for Lansdowne, he is a grand colonialist who has governed India and Canada and is likely to aim for the expansion of the empire, in influence if not in territory. I have heard it rumored that he is amicable to the Japanese cause and has advocated for Great Britain to step in as an arbiter in the recent European Wars. I seriously doubt that something so extreme will happen in the near future, but the principle should be kept in mind for the conference. As for von Richtofen, my initial judgment is that he is a thoroughly insipid man who will very much act the wallflower and only support one party if the result is clear.
    I must make sure to gather more information on this man and talk with a few experts about the situation in Taiwan. A rash decision at this juncture may be the spark for further conflict or a large-scale war, especially since the Japanese may use their political weight to gather a formidable coalition.

    Monday 2nd of June 1902
    The day's proceedings threw us back into a deadlock on paper, but my mind is made up more than it was before. In contrast to Britain's support for the Russians, France has thrown its weight behind the Japanese cause. Lansdowne was seduced by the Russian argument that a powerful Japan is a danger to the European empires with an interest in the region: from a mere logistics point of view, the Japanese could overrun any number of eastern possessions before the homeland is given the opportunity to react. On Thursday then we received an official declaration that the British Empire would stand by the desires of independence of the Taiwanese against unprovoked imperial expansion. If Lansdowne believes any of what he said, then I can only assume that his tea consumption has suffocated his ability to sense irony.
    Fortunately for the rest of us, Delcassé presented his counter-declaration in the name of the preservation of stability in the Far East against the centrifugal forces that already threaten to tear apart China. From a more practical point of view, I have received information that Baron Jutaro has promised to maintain any Japanese navies at a certain safe distance from French Indochina while they agree to aid France in its pursuit of disputed land in the British Sahara; it is as of yet unclear whether this support is to be solely diplomatic or even military.
    As for myself, I have been conversing with Lambsdorff and he has made some interesting proposals. We both agreed that the situation in the Balkans is volatile, and it would be dangerous to continue to spar for influence over the minor states in the region. It would be mutually beneficial if the current situation were frozen for the time being and each nation's efforts could be better spent elsewhere. Lambsdorff then proposed that he might convince the Tsar of these conditions if Italy were to lend its support to a refocusing of Russian foreign policy towards the Orient with Taiwan as a warm-water naval base for any eventuality. His original plan seemed sound enough but ignored the precarious conditions of the Ottoman Empire and left that nation outside of the non-competition clause due to its limited amount of Balkan land. This would be unacceptable to Italian interests in the Eastern Mediterranean which I would need to guarantee. I was met with much opposition here and the discussions almost broke off before their culmination, but cooler spirits prevailed, and a compromise was reached. In exchange for Russian non-interference in the Ottoman Empire, Italy would guarantee free passage of any Russian fleet through the straits and the Tsar would be able to hold the title of "protector of the Orthodox faithful in Jerusalem" while the pope would retain his role as "protector of the Christian faithful in Jerusalem". This proposal seemed to please my counterpart, but he told me that he required some more time to consult with the Tsar to give me a definite answer.

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    Though I would not say so in public, France's decision to support Japan has convinced me still more to aid the Russians. If we can aid an ally and humiliate a rival with one stroke, Jutaro would need to think of a groundbreaking counteroffer to gain Italian support. Once I make my position official, the only unknown will be that of Germany, but I have little doubt that they will join us in opposition to France and bring an overwhelming political weight on our side of the scales.

    Tuesday 19th of August 1902
    The conclusion of the congress was not quite as I had desired, an acceptable result with regrettable implications. Despite my relentless pressure on von Richtofen, he refused my arguments with every breath either due to personal indolence or such orders coming from his higher-ups. The cause of this insecurity was a half-concealed half manifest fear of drawing the wrath of either France or Russia by choosing a side. I tried to convince the man that the Russian side was a clear win for Germany since they have no quarrel with them while France has historically claimed German lands and is not shy about waging war upon their neighbors. Furthermore, if war were to come once again, Italy and Germany together have managed to push the French back countless times while we would be unable to help our allies in a conflict against Russia due to simple geography.
    But no, von Richtofen staunchly remained convinced of his indecision which is a sign of the broader German attitude towards our alliance. If it is convenient to them to aid us then they will do so but, as soon as a difficulty presents itself, Germany will deny us time and time again. I fear that this may come to the fore sooner rather than later and a new ally will have to be found, against France if not Austria-Hungary. Britain would be of aid if they decided to properly commit to the continent, but they might also be swayed with a prize of French colonies. In any case, this is a discussion for another occasion when we can open dedicated channels with London without the distraction of the East to cloud their judgment.
    The conference effectively came to a close last Friday when news arrived that the Kaiser's ambassador to Spain had been expelled from the country after having directed a dubious insult to a local cardinal. No doubt, this is a part of our continued effort to hold onto Spain against foreign encroachment, and the insult is likely blown up, but it came with poor timing. At the news, von Richtofen publicly announced official German neutrality in the matter, which crystallized the diplomatic situation quite nicely. Faced with the opposition of the British, Russians, and Italians and only supported by France, Japan accepted to let Taiwan become an independent country under the protection of the Russian Empire.
    Despite my disappointment at German attitudes, I can consider this whole endeavor as a victory that has gained us two new potential friends and humbled one of our rivals. The future promises to be volatile but at least the present has been determined in our favor.

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    Chapter XLIX: In Provence’s Fields
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Giulio Felicetti

    Tuesday 7th of June 1904
    Whether screams and gunfire or atrocious dreams be the culprit I have accepted at last that I will not sleep tonight, and I might as well spend my time recording the anguishes that afflict me before tomorrow brings new death and horrors to my soul. I have been trapped in this infernal world for only a couple of weeks and I cannot envision how much longer I can withstand this torment. All this for the sake of mountainous Savoy and a people who will gain nothing whether they shall remain Italian or become French but have hundreds of thousands of graves among their homes. This is no longer war like we once knew but an unholy desecration of what it is to be human, there is no honor left nor any sense of purpose but a senseless river of blood that winds its way through the mountains.
    I cannot stop thinking about those men I met last week. I had visited their battalion despite my old age and had endeavored to help them for the little I can with the construction of the trenches we so desperately needed. I did my small part and I flattered myself that they respected me for it, we dined together on the same meager rations, and they told me of their homes and families in their myriad local languages. I left that place with hope for the future and the expectation that this would be like those glorious days in Naples gone for over forty years. The next day shone with a brilliant sun, and we could be forgiven for forgetting we were at war, a fine day for a picnic I thought. The French were awfully quiet that morning and I was talking with general Ottaviani on where to best direct our artillery to keep the enemy out of Lyon when it happened. A green-grey mist arose from the enemy line as if the fires of Hell itself had been let loose upon the world and this miasma crept meter by meter until it reached the very trench I had helped to dig the day before. Our brief confusion was then turned into the most abject horror as the screams began, such haunting cries that I have never heard in my life. I am used to the screams of the dying calling for help but this was something else entirely, an animal bellow of pure terror and pain that was soon mixed with the sounds of their guns firing into the fog in desperate hope of somehow surviving their hell. The infernal chorus lasted for fifteen minutes before silence smothered the field, the French did not even attempt to advance but merely observed the effects of their grisly experiment.

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    When the fog had cleared and it was safe, I joined the men who were sent back to the stinking trench and tried to search for survivors. I had no such luck. The totality of death was incomprehensible to me and those around me, not only had the pack animals died but all those who burrow had crawled out of their holes to die, not even insects had been spared. Then I stumbled upon the remains of the first man, a bloody mess who had clawed at his neck and face to try and breathe before finally being forced to commit the sin of suicide, something I pray that the Lord will forgive him for. Again and again, this scene repeated itself, and each time I asked God why he would allow for such a thing to happen, how was this senseless brutality allowed to exist.
    I still have no answer, and dawn forces me to witness another day of carnage, but I beg that it will not be by gas.

    Tuesday 16th of August 1904
    We have managed to advance a couple of hundred meters to the Col de Malval and it seems that we will not need to worry about any crossings of the Rhone in the next week. General Ottaviani has properly taken advantage of the change in weather to get us in positions that will be less vulnerable to gas attacks even though the stinking mess that are the fields around Lyon remind us of what we must fear with every waking moment. I did not understand why Ottaviani was so eager all of a sudden about having the wind at our back, someone had to explain the situation to me as if I were someone's senile grandfather. I used to be able to see moves and countermoves days ahead of others but now it feels as if my mind were in a dense soup and my thoughts need to struggle to emerge. I find myself staring into space and thinking of dead faces when I should work to prevent new death, but I cannot help it, it takes so much effort to do something and I am so afraid that my actions will have me wake up to those horrible screams.
    I have entirely ceded control of this battle to Ottaviani as it seems that it may last for several more months and I do not believe I can contribute anything else to it. I now mostly wait for letters from the rest of the front and give new directions when needed. Today I received news from General de Riseis and he has managed to capture Valence for us after killing over one hundred thousand enemy soldiers, although our losses were much the same. Conditions appear to be similar in every battle where we put our trust in numerical superiority to overcome the horrors we cannot resist otherwise. But I must permit myself a smile for this victory as it brings us a step closer to an end to the fighting, I sent de Riseis my most glowing compliments in the hope that he can escape the numbness that has taken me.

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    Despite this, I have been greatly disappointed on another front as I received the news of the Pope's abandonment of Dalmatia after spilling so much blood for it these twenty-five years. Though I understand his political reasoning I cannot help but feel that the Papacy should embody more than cynical pragmatism and our friendship should be something that is not denied in difficult times. What is the worth of our word on the world stage if it cannot be assured that we will aid our allies?
    Perhaps that is why the Germans have abandoned us, I must make sure to write to them in the hope that they might come to our aid one last time, though I do not believe they shall. I will begin writing now.

    Wednesday 2nd of November 1904
    I broke down crying today when I heard that General Cattaneo has successfully defended Marseilles. I cannot explain why I had this reaction because it is tied up in so many different factors. On the one hand, over two hundred thousand Christians have died in a single battle, and I can no longer be insensitive to this loss of life in this mechanical and crooked manner of fighting. On the other hand, with this victory, there are no further French field armies left anywhere in the south of the country. The only significant enemy forces remaining are fighting off guerrillas somewhere in the north of Spain. The main part of the war is over, we need only wait a little while for blessed coveted peace.

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    In anticipation of this conclusion, I have received messages from Pope Innocent where he asks for counsel on how far to progress the conflict and which conditions should be requested. Firstly, I categorically refused a large-scale continuation of the war with the aim of territorial expansion because, while we have the upper hand at the moment, France can still call upon a large number of reserves and it would be extremely costly in terms of lives to achieve a goal of that magnitude. However, I fully understand that a status quo peace would dishonor the memory of our brave soldiers and it would be equally unacceptable. A compromise between these positions will have to be diplomatic and economic in nature. I have begun to draft a treaty that will force France to accept the injustice of their aggression and declare their use of chemical weapons as an atrocity against the rules of warfare. This will be followed by a prohibition on the use of those inhuman weapons and the payment of a pension to the Italian and Spanish cripples, widows, and orphans that have been made during this conflict.
    Now, I am well aware that if anyone can be expected to betray their accords it would be the French, but this treaty is more a warning to the rest of Europe about the evils that such a war can wreak and a call into question of the dignity of any government that chooses to use weapons of that kind. This is joined with the fact that there is little else that we could demand from our enemies in terms of lands since the only Italians that still live outside of our realm are those in the Austro-Hungarian domains.
    I will now manage to return to Rome for the first time in months, but it feels like whole years have passed since I first left with an optimistic spirit. My return will be even more important since I have received reports that the Pope is ill, and factions have begun to form among the cardinals. Though I would dearly love to become pontiff myself, I understand that mine would be a brief papacy that would bring only further instability after it. My current hope is that I may be able to finish my work and see a true Pope in control, one that can resist the excesses of modernity while maintaining a modern state in due order. For this purpose, I believe that Cardinal Fatta should be chosen to take the tiara for his understanding of the mistakes of Callixtus and his proven experience in government. I have written to him in the last week to probe his interest and he seems strongly inclined to my suggestion so that we will meet when I return to the city.
    If this goes through, then I can retire safe in the knowledge that I have done as much as possible to save our Holy Mother Church.

    Author’s note:
    Cardinal Felicetti retired from political life at the end of the last Dalmatian War and only made a brief public appearance during the inauguration of Innocent's successor before dying peacefully in the summer of 1906.
    Felicetti's undeniable political talent propelled him to the Archbishopric of Milan at the age of 35 where he caught the eye of pope Callixtus IV who elevated him to the Curia at 43. During the reign of Callixtus, he distinguished himself as a general in the Sicilian War and as a capable administrator of the recently conquered Milan. Historians long wondered why neither he nor Cardinal Lisi were elected in the following conclave, but the Vatican Diaries have shown this to be, in a way, part of Felicetti's plan where he supported Innocent XV in the hopes of gaining a malleable pontiff to hold the post until Lisi faded away.
    Unfortunately for him, Innocent would prove to be an uncommonly long-lived pope, the longest-reigning pope after Peter in fact. During this period, Felicetti would be the main architect of the great diplomatic shift that turned the newborn Italy away from its traditional French alliance towards a German relationship that had alternate fortunes. As long as Bismarck was present at the chancellery, the alliance remained strong and there was a mutual agreement of non-interference into the relative spheres of influence. When Wilhelm II came to the throne, this policy broke down, and competition over Spain in particular frayed relations until the ultimate severance of this alliance in the Autumn of 1903.
    Overall, Felicetti's legacy is mixed, with a notable decrease in recent years. His impact on Italian foreign policy is undeniable but it has to be seen as an ultimate failure, or at the very least a disappointment. The German alliance was consistently unable to dissuade the Franco-Austrian bloc from their wars of reconquest while excluding the possibility of a rapprochement between Rome and Paris. And finally, the ultimate loss of Dalmatia and the collapse of the alliance left Italy out in the cold at the end of Innocent's papacy. The general consensus is that Felicetti would have been a much better politician if his talents had been directed elsewhere, forging closer bonds with disgruntled neighbors rather than exacerbating a conflict with no clear military solution.
     
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    Chapter L: The Conclave of 1905
  • map_change_1905.png

    Innocent XV Exit

    Innocent XV died on the 16th of May 1905 after a papacy of just under thirty years, the longest papacy excepting Peter and a paradox of political revolution and social stagnation which netted the pontiff the nickname of "Pope Janus". His papacy began with a shock of international policy only matched by the formation of Germany: on the 12th of January 1877, a unified Italian state was seen for the first time in over a millennium, although it would take until the 25th of January 1879 for the whole peninsula to be united at the end of the last Sardinian War. The newborn country was faced with opposition by Austria-Hungary upon its birth which would start a decades-long cycle of war for dominion in the Adriatic. This first war is distinguished from the rest because it displays France in pride of place as a Papal ally for the last time. It is an important point that, for most of the 19th century, the Papal States were de facto an extension of French influence in the Italian peninsula and several unification wars were spurred by France's interest in the expulsion of Austria from the region in favor of friendlier partners. However, this all changed soon after when a series of French colonial wars with little Italian reward convinced Innocent to press Italian claims to Nice and Savoy which had been ceded to France in 1870 in exchange for support in the Papal annexation of Lombardy. This led to one of the main features of Innocent's foreign policy, the near-constant defensive wars in the Alps where the pretext ranged from a French reconquest of the border regions to Austro-Hungarian revanchism in Dalmatia. It is undeniable that these wars sapped resources from Italy that could have been better spent on societal relief programs, but the die was cast.
    Foreign policy was also characterized by an extension of Italian influence across the Mediterranean with Spain and the Ottoman Empire in the part of fragile but firm allies on either side of the sea. The Balkans became a diplomatic battleground between Russia and Italy until a formalization of the respective spheres of influence was reached during the Takasago crisis of 1902.
    This same crisis was a pivotal moment for Italy's relation with Germany which had its own storied history. After the dissolution of the French alliance, an accord was found with Germany to keep the common Eastern and Western neighbors under control, and for a time it worked as expected. Unfortunately, this was not to last since German ambitions in Spain and the rise of Kaiser Wilhelm II deteriorated relations until the collapse of the alliance in 1903 which left Italy alone in Europe, if not for a few warm relations with no arms behind them.
    Finally, Innocent's internal policy left much to be desired. On the one hand, he managed to ensure many technological and material advancements for the Italian people but none of these were matched by social improvements that were badly needed. The situation in the Peloponnese continued to deteriorate without a clear solution in sight and this inspired other dissidents in the fatherland to cry out against this colonization. The social unease continued to grow in the factories where large groups of workers used their unions to demand better conditions but, depending on the occasion, they were often met with violence from the factory owners whose political connections shielded them from repercussions. All this was compounded by the inherent undemocraticness of the Papal system where the pope held a near-absolute veto and senators were almost exclusively chosen by the holy see.
    This all leads to the modern view that Innocent XV was a leader not suited to the historical role that was thrust upon him. His inclinations lay opposite of what would have most benefitted the country: a stable and quiet foreign policy together with a dynamic reform movement within the country's borders. As it was, Innocent oversaw the growth of Italy on rotten foundations, a fact that would become tragically obvious in the papacy that followed.

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    From the personal diaries of Cardinal Vincenzo Fatta

    Tuesday 30th of May 1905
    At long last. Decades of work are about to culminate in my elevation to the highest see and I will be able to do all that the Church and our country need. A stronger more orthodox power at the helm will crush any separatist ideas and stem the tide of heresy that has been rising throughout the last century. This new century will begin with virtue where the previous one began with sin and the next hundred years will follow suit.
    I am disappointed that the conclave could not be completed today but the other cardinals have realized that I am the only candidate with enough weight to end this. I have spent this time in reflection on the name I am to take, and I have concluded that I am still set on Nicholas. As Nicholas V rid himself of the last antipope and restored the Church to its integrity, so will I eliminate past divisions and ensure a future of justice and order.
    I will use the rest of the evening to draft my inaugural address and I almost hope that the voting may go on long enough for me to have the finished script in time for my coronation. Pope Nicholas VI must be ready when the time comes for him to save the Church.

    From the personal diaries of Cardinal Giovanni Trinca

    Wednesday 31st of May 1905
    I am distraught at the course of this conclave. I hoped that the improvements I made with Innocent would translate to greater support for liberal candidates but, if anything, it seems to have had the opposite effect. Fatta stands poised to take the tiara and I don't believe there is anyone who can stop him at this point. Of course, Puccetti has a reasonable number of votes but well below the amount necessary to be a threat and I can't tell what he stands for, which makes it all the more unlikely that he might win.
    In these recent years, I've gained a healthy distrust of Fatta and his regressive policies and I can't imagine what he might do with near-unlimited power. I fear that he could begin some great unprovoked war against our neighbors in a misguided attempt to break our rivals once and for all, but no reasonable person could believe that this would have the desired effect. Add to his faults his robust health and relatively young age and you have a recipe for disaster here and in the rest of the catholic world. In these next years, I must be ready to work twice as hard to preserve the hard-won gains that I've made for the good of the Italian people.
    The day has been long, and my mind is tired so I might be exaggerating the damage that Fatta can do but the best possible outcome I can see is one of stagnation until the next election. I do trust that the Lord won't forsake his Church entirely, but I fear that we might not be up to the challenges He gives us. I must put my faith in a better future, surely we will have time to correct any mistakes that shall be made.

    From the personal diaries of Cardinal Ugolino Longo

    Thursday 1st of June 1905
    There is not much space for compromise during a papal election and that is on full display in the week's proceedings and in my own choices. While I respected Innocent's drive for stability, I think it resulted in stagnation rather than anything and our nation has suffered as a consequence. It is clear to any thinking person that continuing along that road will leave us on a path to isolation on the international stage as we wilt out of relevance. The new pope should be a man who knows how to display Italy's power in a way that will win us friends and stabilize our borders.
    The candidates on offer all have their problems but I have no problem turning away from Puccetti without much consideration. I don't know much about the man but it's clear that he is part of the old indolent nobility whose only pastime is reminiscing about past glories or squandering their money on the latest status symbol crafted for this very purpose. His campaign is floundering and that is one path I'm glad is remaining not taken. Cardinal Trinca's followers seem to be quite dedicated, and I admire their conviction since I can see that Trinca would be a good pope, although I would not trust him with over a decade. However, he has almost no support and after so many rounds of voting, it is delusional to hope that he may snatch victory in the final moments.
    This leaves my own choice in the running. Cardinal Fatta is a brute and a reactionary, but I think he will be of some benefit to us. A shock to the system might get us to move along the right direction and his saber-rattling might be what breaks our enemies' will to fight or chases them off towards easier targets. As with Trinca, I don't trust him with a long papacy either, but he is an old man and we can hope for him to be a short sharp injection of vitality into a system that has been asleep for too long. The one who follows him will inherit a system ready to be molded and there we will choose a prudent man to build solid foundations for the future.

    From the personal diaries of Cardinal Fabio Puccetti

    Friday 2nd of June 1905
    We have finally been allowed to leave the conclave and return to our duties after a mercifully short election. Frankly, I hoped that the proceedings would be even shorter, given Fatta's early lead, but I proved to be a much more attractive candidate than I had expected. I voted for myself out of respect for those who thought me a good candidate, but I must say that I had little to say in opposition to Fatta's promise of a stable Italy for a safer future. I agree with my colleagues that a Sardinian is a strange choice for a pope and that he lacks the proper breeding, but we have to keep into account his tireless efforts against the forces of anarchy that would break us and either dissolve our young country or feed it to the bloodthirsty masses. It is disheartening that disruptive elements exist also in the Curia since it was far too difficult to attract cardinals away from extremist choices, only the Longo party could really be persuaded to abandon their weak candidate. In a healthier Church, the choice would have been between me and Fatta and in effect it was but there needs to be some restructuring to avoid future risks of a pontiff that might stray from the path.
    But for now, we can remain safe in the knowledge that order will be maintained against the corruptive forces in the world. I trust that our new pontiff has plans to bring a more permanent peace to Italy both externally against our Northern enemies and internally against the violent agitators that would turn our people against us.
     
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    Nicholas VI
  • Annuntio vobis gaudium magnum: habemus Papam! Eminentissimum ac Reverendissimum Dominum Vincentium Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalem Fatta, qui sibi nomen imposuit Nicholam Sextum
     
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    Chapter LI: Schadenfreude
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Ugolino Longo

    Tuesday 15th of October 1907
    This last week was a good lesson in humility and how quickly the fortunes of man can be reversed. In these few days, a once-proud nation has been humbled and a new one was born on our borders. This is not to say that the decline of Austria-Hungary came as a surprise but I did not expect the desperation they displayed towards us. I have made it my business to keep an eye on our Eastern border ever since the Netherlands took the Austrian seat of Great Power and some cracks have started to show in the double kingdom. The myriad nationalities of the empire have grown bolder and bolder in their demands for independence or some reform to set them on equal footing with the Magyars and while Vienna has managed to put down some of the more violent rebels, the Great Powers are now taken by discussions of whether the old empire should be neutered like the Ottomans to ensure stability in the Balkans. Pope Nicholas has especially recommended a partition of Austria-Hungary into a number of smaller states that could be easily influenced by Italy and perhaps even Russia if one considers Galicia.
    However, none of these projects have yet come to fruition and the Slovenians have managed to gain enough international clout to force a discussion on the matter of their independence. Altogether, nothing especially bizarre but I could not believe it when I received a telegram from Vienna with a grudging request for Italy to represent Austria-Hungary at the eventual conference. I confess that I checked multiple times that the sender was correct but every time I received the same unbelievable confirmation. They must be entirely devoid of friends if they chose to come to us and, while their alliance with France holds, I'm sure that harsh words were said behind the scenes.
    The Austrian message was well composed and full of talk about the importance of stability in the Balkans and the risk that independence here might cause a chain reaction, but it had clear notes of desperation and hurt pride at having to deal with us. Such words after the fall of Dalmatia sounded entirely hollow to my ears and my refusal was quick and cold. I had hoped that the Slovenians might come to us as patrons for their independence but they aimed further North and obtained a blank cheque from the government in Berlin to do what they must to gain freedom from the Austrians. This last message crushed what little resolve Vienna had left: unsupported by any Great Power and terrified of total collapse, they capitulated unconditionally and just this morning the Kingdom of Slovenia was proclaimed under the rule of a minor Saxon princeling.
    The presence of a new nation on our border now offers many possibilities for our foreign policy but its ties to our erstwhile ally might make things difficult, especially if we are to regain Germany's support. I have begun by sending a new ambassador to Ljubljana with the instruction of forging a closer relationship, we shall see if that can be obtained.

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    Tuesday 3rd of March 1908
    It is fortunate that Italy has managed to remain at peace in these latest months filled with such tension, allowing me to keep an eye on the Slovenian situation without too much risk. The latest report from our ambassador to that country shows that they are settling in nicely to the international picture and are warming to our influence as neighbors. It is nowhere near as close as our relationship with other nations in the Balkans but there is hope that we may secure them into our ever-growing alliance of anti-Austrian nations. Slovenia is actually quite a diplomatic anomaly in the region since it doesn't follow the standard division between Italy and Russia but rather maintains its loyalty to Germany as the main sponsor of its independence. I have often regretted my tardiness in acting on that situation sooner but those days rushed by in an instant and Austria-Hungary's offer required a measured response that took time to craft.
    In any case, the Slovenians have proven their loyalty to the Kaiser by joining in this so-called "Great War" although I doubt the wisdom of this action. Berlin will certainly have trouble defending itself from the British in Africa and will have to deal with the Scandinavian states and the might of Russia in Europe with their Japanese allies only likely to distract the Tsar for a short while. However, despite my misgivings, it seems that the Kaiser has managed to push quite comfortably into Poland and Denmark so there might be hope for them yet if they can conclude an early peace.
    As for us, we are fortunate enough to keep this conflict at arm's length since we are still in pursuit of a new partner among the Great Powers. If we had to choose a side I would prefer to stand by the Russians to avoid the Balkans bursting into flames and have an easy victory in Slovenia, but we should consider the importance of a renewed German alliance against our traditional enemies. For now, we are not compelled to move in either direction and can merely observe how the situation evolves; if the French were to join against Germany then we might have to intervene to maintain the balance of power, but I think that any other conflict would be more costly than what it would be worth.
    I will keep a close eye on the situation and adjust my judgment as necessary but neutrality seems to be the best policy.

    Monday 23rd of November 1908
    There is a considerable commotion in Ljubljana today as Slovenia has left the Great War and the king has called for new elections to replace the government responsible for dragging the weak country into something far beyond its capabilities. The Slovenians sent a couple of battalions to aid the Germans on the Eastern front but were taken by surprise when a British division from Malta landed in Trieste and advanced far enough inland to shell the capital, leaving them no choice but to surrender unconditionally. The British were quite lenient with them and only demanded that they withdraw support from the German war effort for the duration of the conflict, but otherwise, they did not punish the new nation.
    This development is a godsend for our efforts in the region as the pro-German Royal Faction is unlikely to return to government, while the pro-Italian Catholic-Social Union has been gaining tremendous support with its vocal opposition to a conflict where the Germans did not bother to aid their allies. Our ambassador in Ljubljana has given his official endorsement of the prospective Catholic prime minister and we need only wait for favorable results to come in. It will take some time for us to disentangle the legal and economic bonds that tie Slovenia to Germany but, if we can do so before peace is signed, we should be able to fully integrate a new nation into our Balkan alliance network.
    In the meantime, I have kept an eye on the Great War situation and the effects it may have on our reconciliation with the Germans. Though initial operations ended in their favor, things have certainly begun to take a turn for the worst. On the European front, while the Kaiser still holds most of Poland, the Russians have won a couple of key battles and more reinforcements are on the way. In the colonies, the British have managed to occupy a majority of the German possessions in Africa and are making claims to a formalization of this situation, with German Kenya chief among their demands. If Wilhelm were smart, he would sue for peace in exchange for that one colony before the Russian deluge comes knocking on his front door. Unfortunately, his behavior so far makes this possibility an unlikely one and I fear that he may drive his nation into a dangerous downward spiral.

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    I have even heard rumors that the French are considering entry into this war if the British were to set aside a few German colonies for them. For the moment, it seems that Britain wants to keep all of its gains and trusts Russia to expend itself towards Berlin. However, French diplomats have begun to claim sovereignty over Alsace-Lorraine once more and will mount an attack sooner rather than later. If Italy were to be placed in the mix with a renewed German alliance, I expect that the French might think twice about their attack but that all depends on how troubled the German homeland will be after the war.
    There are many hypotheticals in this scenario but little to recommend one over the other, the best policy, for now, is to keep an eye on foreign newspapers and we will deal with the future God grants us.

    Monday 1st of March 1909
    The news is fresh off the diplomatic telegram, Germany surrenders and the map has become quite a lot redder. It was only a matter of time but Wilhelm held on for as long as he could, even stopping the Russians in Prussia until the treaty was signed. What most surprises me is the one-sidedness of the peace treaty. Now, this conflict was started by the British and the Russians only joined in as allies, but the latter provided the vast majority of the soldiers in the field, not to mention the casualties. In any case, Germany has lost half of its African possessions to perfidious Albion while it maintains a strong and stable European center, although the humiliation of a brief Danish invasion must sting.

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    Now is the perfect time for us to send an ambassador to open talks about an alliance between our nations: the Germans have seen how foolish they were to stand alone on the international stage and their bruised ego will make their persuasion rather easier. I expect that they will capitulate to us in less than a year and then all will be stable in Europe once more. I don't expect them to even have a serious alternative to our proposal, especially with France calling for its former lands back with each public announcement and appearing overly eager to charge into Alsace where the exhausted Germans can do little to oppose them.
    I dearly hope that the French will spend the customary amount of time discussing the issue in parliament and miss the ideal window for the operation. With Austria-Hungary diminished, we must make sure to defang France once and for all so that we may finally enjoy the Alps in peace.
     
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    Chapter LII: No Good Deed Goes Unpunished
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Giovanni Trinca

    Wednesday 15th of December 1905
    This papacy is off to as bad a start as I had expected, and I find myself weaker and weaker with each attempt I make to contain the damage. And besides simple political harm, the new pope has shown an alarming lack of humanity. The last couple of weeks gave him every opportunity for decisive action but he has refused any call to meet the people halfway.
    The boiler explosion in Genoa last month could have remained an isolated tragedy if the pope had chosen to compensate two dozen orphans and widows of the dead workers with a trifling sum on the national scale. This would have ingratiated a new ruler to the local population and given a favorable impression to the citizens of Genoa for years; however, Nicholas made no public appearance but rather ordered the workers to return to their post with redoubled fervor to make up for lost time and labor. On its own, this would represent a colossal failure but the whole affair has led to the birth of a perfectly legitimate movement that wishes to enshrine a few basic safety regulations in law and it has been sweeping the country for weeks now. I thought that this might be a good opportunity to push through some long wished-for laws as I had already given a little thought to similar measures, but here I was confronted directly.

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    I attempted to pass legislation through the senate but, whenever I proposed anything, there was always some kind of procedural problem that killed the law before it ever was discussed on the floor. It started with technicalities that I could have understood as an excessive attachment to form but it soon turned into absurdity with the type of paper and ink used, every time another slap in the face to those who would improve the lives of Italians. At this point, I tried to speak with Nicholas in person, but it took days of waiting for him to dignify me with an audience and, when I finally met him, it was a complete waste of time. I explained to him that no good would come of ignoring the will of the people and that he should at least see the political expedience of granting a modicum of reform to calm an agitated public. But he heard none of my prayers and just reminded me that it was not my place to legislate, and the final say rests with the pope. In my shock at his contempt, I could not conjure up words to save my position and was dismissed as a lowly page. How could such a man be chosen to lead us?

    Monday 22nd of February 1909
    Sixty-two dead and one hundred and thirty-eight injured in the last two days at Sciamberi. I thought this madness was confined to the worst authoritarian governments and banished from our homeland, but it is clear now that Nicholas has carried his Greek customs back with him to Rome. It is no great wonder that the inhabitants of the Peloponnese have been so firm in their opposition to us for so long if this is the treatment they have received for fifty years. What can we really do when a peaceful protest can turn into a bloodbath just because these people want better lives? Despite this atrocity, I fear that it will end up swept under the rug since the French population in Sciamberi can be scapegoated into misrepresenting the rights that are being fought for here. In any case, I believe it is my duty to spread this information as much as possible no matter what Nicholas might say about me or how he may retaliate.

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    I was in contact with two of the victims, bright young men the both of them, if only too brash in their inexperience. It is undeniable that the youth of our nation is more and more attracted to the gospel of Marx because our clergy has failed them in teaching the gospel of Christ through our example. We claim moral authority but for decades we limited ourselves to the bare minimum necessary to keep society functioning. That is no longer enough and if we offer only murder to our subjects then they will have no reason to listen to us for long.
    For now, things have calmed down and I have not received news of further protests, certainly due to fear of what this blasphemous pope will choose to do next, but as the weeks will pass, that fear will turn into anger, and everything will be consumed by flames. My powers are inadequate at this moment, and I doubt that the Senate will be able or willing to make any moves against Nicholas, but that is why I must do my utmost to organize a peaceful public movement that may force him into submission by the strength of its numbers alone. I have a few acquaintances among the socialist unions from my days under Innocent and I will make full use of this knowledge and serve as a bridge between them to coordinate nationally until they choose to protest more openly. I know not why God chose Fatta to be his representative, but I will do what I can to ensure that the Church isn't destroyed by his effrontery.

    Friday 13th of May 1910
    The recent outbreak of war has given Nicholas the very tools he needed to destroy the work of this last year. As of today, protests will be forbidden in all the cities of Italy on pain of immediate court-martial "to ensure the security of our war effort". A transparent insult that we were nonetheless faced with, a clear sign that no matter how much we may shout the pope's ears are firmly closed to our pleas.

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    I am still furious at the French for plunging us into this mess once again with their petty concerns; whether or not Alsace-Lorraine should be theirs or Germany's, it should be submitted to international arbitration, not to a months-long slaughterhouse that is of no benefit to anyone. It is all just so overwhelming, to lose so much in such a short span of time. Thousands will die to protect a land they know nothing of, while at home the cause of universal healthcare will be trampled into the dust.
    I had almost allowed myself to hope. We managed to organize weekly nationwide protests attended by over one million Italians who wanted to believe in a holy father that would take care of them rather than an abusive wretch who beats them whenever they dare to speak up. There was real hope in everyone's mind that a movement this large would be impossible to ignore, impossible to silence. But the stratagem is found and now those million people are bitter and fuming with rage at this affront to their dignity. I will not be able to guide them any longer, I am disavowed by the leaders of the movement, and I can't say that I blame them. I know not what is over the horizon, but it will be agony to live through.
    Soldiers butchered abroad and chaos rising at home: may God help us all.
     
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    Chapter LIII: Lions Led by Donkeys
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Fabio Puccetti

    Monday 9th of May 1910
    After a few years of blessed rest, the pope has asked me to once again lead the armies of the Papacy against the French menace. This will probably interfere with my plans for Ravenna in July, but I hope that I will be able to move there for a while if the Austrian front moves East as it always does. I fear that Nicholas' eagerness to rebuild an alliance with Germany may have been a mistake, especially so soon after the unfavorable ending of the Great War; I expect we will have to bear most of the costs for this conflict while the Kaiser will be able to hold on to his beloved Elsass, a questionable use of our resources. Nonetheless, Nicholas assured me that the fighting will be over in a few brief months, and we should be able to get it done without the need for an additional tax, the old royal treasuries should bear the brunt of our expenses and we will have no need to harass the already-unhappy nobles. Of course, the usual pleasantries will have to be observed and it will be important to use the correct rivalries to prompt some "spontaneous" donations, but the war will largely be an opportunity to peacock and strengthen ties.
    As for the war itself, I expect it will be just as the last time. The much-feared chemical weapons did not significantly hamper our victory in 1905 and the Franco-Austrian forces have not increased significantly enough to alter our well-practiced strategy. Not just that, but this time we will not have a Dalmatia to surrender too early and Germany will not relinquish Elsass unless something goes terribly wrong. One minor inconvenience is Slovenia's presence in this fight which will extend the Austrian front beyond our usual plans. I've given orders for the generals on that front to try to hold Slovenia if they can but that it's an acceptable loss if the situation calls for it.
    My last remaining choice is from where to conduct this contest, I suppose that Florence would be a convenient choice, especially since France will require the most attention. If all goes well, my bags will be ready tomorrow and a chartered train north should arrive within the day.

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    Wednesday 7th of August 1910
    Though long and grueling, the fighting seems to have turned far enough in our favor that we may begin to make demands. Unfortunately for us, our allies have proved to be less than satisfactory: Slovenia has sued for peace with Austria after a pitiful defense, while Germany struggles to hold back the enemy in Elsass. We are the only ones to have made steady progress with Toulon, Grenoble, and Lyon in the West and Southern Tyrol in the East. Our rivals have been fighting like demons and a French army is doing its darndest to take back Lyon, an unfortunate land if ever there was one. I am unfamiliar with the place itself, but I've received reports that the countryside reeks of the gas every day of the year and barely anything still lives there aside from scores of lice-bitten soldiers.
    In any case, I've been in communication with the pope about what we should ask of our enemies and the broad strokes are clear. Either East or West, we should strive to unite all Italians under our flag and cripple our foes as much as possible. The logical target for dismemberment is Austria-Hungary with its weak foundation and its current isolation from any other great powers while we can content ourselves with bruising France in preparation for a final thrust some years from now. Of course, the final result will depend on how close we get to Paris and Vienna but a good idea, for now, is to take Corsica from France to be paired with an independent Croatia under Italian hegemony, a sturdier state to replace the failed experiment that was Dalmatia.
    But, speaking of the capitals, I will still have to contend with Germany's failures. For the time being, I will trust them to handle the Austrians and will use our recent conscripts to strengthen our attack of Toulon from which we can encircle the French still in Lyon and push forward to Paris. I wouldn't normally bother with such an unbalanced plan, but I have my orders to end the conflict as soon as possible since the nation's funds are running low and we need those conscripts to return to work if the economy is to do well. I'm not especially concerned but I would prefer to save myself from further problems down the line if they can be avoided.

    Wednesday 30th of November 1910
    The war is over. I have lost. Toulon is a bloody disaster. A quarter of a million dead on our side while the French walk away with hardly a scratch. Gas and machine guns did us in.
    I know not what to write for this most total of defeats. I expected this to be another medal to my name, but this failure has annihilated any dignity I once had. The pope has informed me that I will not be defrocked to hold up appearances but that I am to consider myself a layman in all but name, I am not excommunicated simply because I expect the verdict to come crashing down when things calm down. Every one of my plans now amounts to nothing; I was selfish and stupid and now I am left to wander alone without consolation or aid with my failure alone to keep me company.
    Of course, in the official version of events, nothing of the sort shows up. Officially, our men fought bravely and valiantly but evil dissidents sabotaged our efforts, and the Germans were cowardly and abandoned Alsace-Lorraine to France. Sabotage and deceit are the words of the day, but I don't know how many still believe this sort of thing, the protests are enough of a sign of that. Not just a couple, not the kind that can be scared by some shots in the crowd, enough that it doesn't matter who is taken as there are always more to take their place.
    And I brought this about. My career is finished, and something has snapped. I don't know where I will go or what I will do, only that it will be a living hell until at last, it can be done. It is over.

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    Author's note:
    Cardinal Puccetti was expelled from politics after his disastrous conduct of the Franco-German war. Never a man of particular talent, he rose to the rank of Archbishop of Fermo where members of his family had long held sway. He was promoted to cardinal by Innocent XV in 1896 to appease the aristocratic faction in the curia which was in the process of passing from Cardinal Felicetti to Cardinal Fatta (then Pope Nicholas VI). Puccetti proved an adequate leader during the last Dalmatian war but proved incapable of maintaining the rapid pace of modern warfare. He died a couple of weeks into 1911, unable to see the full extent of the consequences of his defeat.
     
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    Chapter LIV: Do You Hear the People Sing?
  • From the personal diaries of Cardinal Luca Zambrano

    Sunday 6th of June 1909
    The unification process has encountered a roadblock here in Piedmont where the former king Emanuele Filiberto refuses to leave the Palace of Venaria. To make matters worse, an unpleasant-looking mob has been harassing my men in the execution of their orders. The royal depositions in Naples and Palermo were a walk in the park compared to this; that was in large part thanks to our understanding with the local magnates who managed to explain the purpose of this operation in the appropriate terms. It was soon agreed that a unitary system would reduce everyone's taxes since an entire level of government would no longer be present and allow for greater job opportunities elsewhere in Italy without the bureaucracy that the old structure used to entail.
    Here it seems that the old Savoyard electoral spirit still lives on since we are most often met with accusations of tyranny. I have explained that the sole difference for their representation is that the candidates they elect will be appointed to the senate by the pope directly instead of a local king but still this does not please them. On the contrary, there are certain agitators who are demanding a return to the elections they once had before unification and a second house of government for the day-to-day needs of the country. I don't have many reservations against this idea in principle, but our current context makes it unfeasible under the circumstances. Firstly, we can't be shown to modify core aspects of our constitution in response to protests; if we did that, we would just invite more and more revolts and we would shift from the acceptable into the undesirable. And secondly, merging the end of federalism with a new house all at once would be an excessive step and cause more revolts throughout the country, and perhaps even lead to violence.
    For now, I just need to contain the disorders in Torino and coax Emanuele Filiberto out of his palace with a few personal concessions. A number of traditional estates of the house of Savoy might be granted in perpetuity and would give them enough security to let their theoretical power fall. It would be best for this to happen soon as I have received news of minor protests in solidarity in Florence, but we can hope that those should die down as soon as the crux of the issue is resolved.

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    I believe that a mixed show of strength and conciliation are just what is needed to calm spirits. I can convince certain members of the house of Savoy to attend a mass and I will give them the communion with the assurance that the old royal estates will be considered as family property and be unaffected by the transition. The restructure will simply be is a way to lift responsibility from their heads without any lost prosperity.
    As for the crowds, I should just take care to keep them under military observation in case anything gets out of hand, but not provoke a response of that kind. The most I can accept are a few warning shots above the protesters' heads to scare off the worst elements, but I have informed the soldiers that it should not come to violence under any circumstance. At worst, they should commit to an orderly retreat outside of the city and await further orders at that point.
    Though the situation may escalate, I am confident that it will remain as a minor footnote in the restructuring of the Italian state which will be a lot more efficient without the cumbersome apparatus inherited from pre-unitary times. A new country will rise and it's to be expected that there be those who are unhappy but, as good shepherds, we must ensure that the flock does not come to harm but is returned safely to the pen.

    Wednesday 6th of July 1910
    I have received a letter from certain members of the Albanian elite requesting Italian aid for a coup to oust the Ottoman government there. The missive claimed to be on behalf of the entire government, but it was sloppy in many of its assertions: the king was never mentioned as either a supporter or a detractor and a number of opposition members were indicated as Ottoman agents. This amounts to an uncertain plot almost certainly hatched because of an internal dispute without any real justification whatsoever, Albania has thrived as an Ottoman princedom, and, with both of them under the Italian wing, there is no reason for them to seek a separate accord.

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    Even if we ignore the reprehensible act of bringing war to a country to appease a small clique of oligarchs, Italy has no reason to support these movements and anger the Ottoman Empire. They are some of our oldest allies and they are currently engaged in a fight with the French in Tunisia on our behalf, to betray this hard-fought relationship for Albania of all places is nothing short of lunacy. Especially now that Greece has joined our sphere of influence and the Southern Balkans can be considered relatively at peace or, at least, separated enough from the other Great Powers as to not cause a larger conflict.
    As such, I had to send a reply forbidding in the strongest terms any action against the Ottoman garrisons under the threat of retaliation against the rebels. Now, with the French war going on, I don't believe that we could spare precious resources for the East, but I expect that a simple rebuke will be a workable enough deterrent, at least until the foreign situation calms down and we can take our decisions on less volatile foundations.
    I have read up on the course of the war and it seems to follow the usual pattern with a few concerning differences. Though it's dressed up and hidden, the fact that both Austria-Hungary and France are using gas weapons has increased our casualties far beyond what should be acceptable for a war of this scale. The sacrifice of a few brave men can be accepted when it serves a purpose, but it just seems wasteful at this point. Italy has never been dedicated to military research beyond the bare minimum, and I accept the ideological reasons, but we need to be able to defend ourselves on equal footing against modern warfare; if we do not, we just consign more of our men to the grave than is ever necessary. I have my disagreements with Nicholas, but I agree that France and Austria-Hungary need to be broken once and for all to ensure security at home. I don't know if that is the war where that will happen, but I pray to God that He may send us a solution.

    Sunday 9th of April 1911
    I am still mulling over Nicholas' declaration of the Greater Italian dream and the consequences that it will have for our future. I think that a fully Italian Adriatic and the return of Corsica are enviable goals that would allow us to be globally recognized as the hegemon of the Mediterranean and stabilize our position. However, such a goal would be a titanic one for a variety of reasons. Firstly, it would require that we avenge our recent tragic collapse with a clear defeat of Austria-Hungary to break off the entirety of their coastline, and only then could we attempt a direct assault on France which would probably also require a German reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine.
    Fortunately for our Eastern capabilities, our recent alliance with Serbia has consolidated our control over the region after many decades of pressure and we now have enough allies to give the Austrians a proper kicking when they will next try their hand at an invasion. My one concern here is that the constellation of Balkan states that we protect might cause a greater international catastrophe through their own bickering. While the Southwest is reasonably stable, or at least within our sphere of influence, Romania was a frequent cause of headaches in recent years. This is mainly due to its overlapping claims with Bulgaria which has remained in the Russian sphere ever since its independence. The few wars that we have fought in Romania's defense were always whenever the Russians were concerned with matters in Asia but there is a distinct possibility that this may escalate in the future. For now, the best policy is to maintain our positive relations with the Russians and sacrifice Romania if it comes to that; after all, our presence there is an indulgence, the real prize is the Mediterranean.

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    Speaking of which, it would be wise to plan for a way to incorporate the Adriatic lands of our allies. For certain nations like Serbia, I expect that an exchange could be arranged where we provide them with Austrian territories as a reparation, but that is not always applicable. Albania for example, when the whole country is in our area of interest, there is not much of an exchange that can be made. Incorporation as a federal equal might have worked under Innocent's Italy but these days federalism is rather passé. Whatever it will be is going to require a good amount of internal as well as external pressure but there is no hurry for such grandiose plans, we must first rebuild, and only then will we be able to aim for our goals.

    Saturday 12th of August 1911
    I have received concerning reports from around the country about violence erupting in our main northern cities. These are no mere riots; they seem too coordinated to be springing up by chance alone. A dozen people have already died and there is no sign that this will stop. We cannot have this escalate under any circumstance, we have already suffered too much with the war and the recession and we cannot add civil violence to that unhappy list. The people of Italy have entrusted us with their government, and we cannot beat them down in their time of need.
    I have explained this necessity to Nicholas in my letters, but my warnings have not been heeded in the slightest; I am on my way to Rome this very moment to demand an audience with the pope to make the gravity of this situation clear beyond any shadow of a doubt. He has already ordered the army north as a deterrent, but we are much beyond that stage, anyone who could have been scared off is now furious and no longer susceptible to threats.

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    This achieves nothing more than the inflammation of this crisis and the creation of new martyrs. We of all people should know that the creation of martyrs does nothing to weaken a cause but rather makes its adherents more committed to their goal.
    An economic crisis or a lost war might be handled on their own but with both of them combined there is little that we can do to hold everything as normal, our only choice is to capitulate and give our subjects what they want. Nicholas wants to kill those he is entrusted with but what kind of father beats his children and claims that the violence is for their own good? He believes himself Christ with his "forgive them, they know not what they do" but he is both Pilate and Peter condemning the innocent while denying God.
    We are so close to a point of no return, and he wants to cross it with a declaration of emergency and abolition of civil rights. This cannot be allowed; he must be stopped or he will forever stain the Church with his sin.
     
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