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We do not support any more death Signor Soleminis. For crying out loud there is no conspiracy to kill off the opposition! The right needs to stop being so paranoid. The left is not out to kill you.
-Nathan Fabron
-Nathan Fabron
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The Sparrows are not armed and they are not thugs! It is your militias, legal under the new "constitution" that are the armed thugs.
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Excerpt from,
"CHAVARRÍA: A Biography"
"CHAVARRÍA: A Biography"
"..It has been widely believed that Juan Pedro Ernesto de Chavarría may have been shot and killed by radicals during the 1884 Revolution for his pursuit of conservative socialism and his rivalry with Signora Muti, much to the dismay of his cousin, Augusto F. Pedrotti. Chavarría, a life bachelor, was only found dead in his home when a student attempted to come by for help in his classes. The death of Chavarría, himself a rather divisive figure in the Italian socialist movement, may have very well signaled the end of the very loosely defined "conservative socialist movement," with radicals successfully overtaking his supporters in virtually every socialist election.
The death of Chavarría was, in fact, a major turning point for his cousin, Augusto, as well as for socialism. It firmly cemented his growing suspicions of foul play on the part of radical groups and rooted him as an anti-militant for the rest of his life, paralleling the descent of many Italian leaders into rapidly increasing militancy and violence toward one another..."
((Chavarría is officially dead, D.O.D. is unknown, c. 1884. Pedrotti will continue on as my character.))
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Ha, you contradict yourself!
You first bombastically proclaim to have been attacked by supposedly Leftist militiamen, without offering any proof of such event of course, and that only the "quick wits" of your illegal militia saved you from death. Now you say that these "bodyguards" were unarmed the all time, how did they defend your person then? Is the Sparrows' main fighting strategy to soak up all enemy bullets with their own bodies? I wouldn't be too surprised honestly, it's Reactionaries we're talking about.
The facts are simple, you admitted to have stormed Nice's voting booths with a squad of trained paramilitaries, the claim that they were there to defend yourself from a "Leftist attack" is absolutely unproven. It's clear that the Reactionaries, no longer able to control the elections with corruption and frauds, are now resorting to violence to get the results they like! Bonaretti should be arrested for this vile assault on the People's inviolable right to freely express their vote!
Down with the Bonaretti Family! Nice should be freed from their vile tyranny!
- Carlo Coppi,
Deductive Detective and Suing Politician
((By the way, am I still disenfranchised or I can vote? I think not.))
((Well, if I can then...))
Party: L'Alleanza
[Labour Leader]
[Professional Ranter: +0,000000001% PP]
Party: L'Alleanza
[Labour Leader]
[Professional Ranter: +0,000000001% PP]
Party: Il Partido Corona
[Aristocrat]
[The Most Promising of His Lackeys, +10% PP]
Gentlemen,
We must spend a few minutes praying for the soul of Signor Juan Chavarria, former Minister of Foreign Affairs and Senator, another noble life taken by the armed radical thugs, the ideological likes of Signor Copi et cetera. His only sin was to think differently and not bow his head before the radical dictatorship. We one again see under what fair and civlized regime we now live and how much law is respected now.
I once again wish out voters courage, for I do know under what duress they are now, casting their ballots under the threat of violence from the leftist militias - and hope that with time the rule of law would be restored.
- SOLEMINIS
We must spend a few minutes praying for the soul of Signor Juan Chavarria, former Minister of Foreign Affairs and Senator, another noble life taken by the armed radical thugs, the ideological likes of Signor Copi et cetera. His only sin was to think differently and not bow his head before the radical dictatorship. We one again see under what fair and civlized regime we now live and how much law is respected now.
I once again wish out voters courage, for I do know under what duress they are now, casting their ballots under the threat of violence from the leftist militias - and hope that with time the rule of law would be restored.
- SOLEMINIS
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The Sparrows saved my life by pushing me into an alley out of harm's way. If it weren't for the capo's quick thinking, I would have been dead. Don't you dare sully the name of the Sparrows!
The Bonaretti family has protected the people of Nizza from the French, radicals, and starvation for centuries. In lean times, such as the famine during the '40s, we have postponed rent collection and provided material aid to the people of the province. Even the extremely liberal Garibaldi, who was born in Nizza, recognized the important role my family has played in preserving the culture and well-being of the people of Nizza. He and my father participated in an extensive chain of correspondence and wrote many letters to each other.
-Duca Gaspare Bonaretti di Venezia, Conte di Nizza
Party: I PC
[Militarist]
[Well, someone did remove it from me... by creating an NPC SENATE!]
[Militarist]
[Well, someone did remove it from me... by creating an NPC SENATE!]
Name: Cavaliere Allesandro Eduardo Di Carthago, 1st Cavaliere Di Carthago
Born: Carthage
Date of Birth: 9th of June 1863 (21 years of age)
Date of Death: -
Nationality: Italian
Class: Militarist
Biography:
Cavaliere Allesandro Eduardo Di Carthago is the son of former naval officer and Geonese Merchant, Allesandro Cambri Di Carthago, so called by his extensive trade networks in the Berber region. The Cavaliere's mother was an arab concubine to Allesandro Cambri Di Carthago. From a young age Di Carthago excelled in languages, learning italian, arabic, french and latin. An educated man, Di Carthago did not limit himself to European, Roman and Greek authors, studying Arab scholars as well, going as far as reading the holy Qur'an! A faithful christian, Di Carthago's view of religion was rather pluralistic, tolerant to other religions, and understanding of their preoccupations. At the age of 16 he joined the Italian navy, as an ensign. By the age of 19 he was Lieutenant of the royal Italian navy! Now at 21 years of age he is Captain of the 'Sands of Italy' so called by the prevailing ideal of Carthage as part of Italy proper, by those Italian colonist and Italianized natives. By virtue of his ability to diplomatically quell a Carthaginian rebellion, he was granted the hereditary noble title of Cavaliere di Carthago, by the King.
Cavaliere Di Carthago, is part of a new generation of leaders who grew up inside the Italian Kingdom, seeing themselves first and foremost Italian! Yet he is born to an arabic mother, and sees Italy as encompassing the Arabic lands it now holds in the Dark Continent. He is now entering politics as a forceful proponent of aggressive colonial expansion, advocating limited citizenship through military service. His notions on liberalism, conservatism, and socialism is as follows: He is centrist-left, advocating industrial growth, aggressive militaristic colonial expansion, yet sees the monarchy and aristocracy as the center of the nation, their paragons of virtue, and is pro moderate social reform, to strengthen the proletariat and decrease dissent.
Both the arabic and italian crew of the 'Sands of Italy' can be heard:
Viva our Capitano! Cavaliere Allesandro Eduardo Di Carthago! Son of Italy, Son of Africa!
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On the History of Italian Unionism
By: Orazio di Antico
By: Orazio di Antico
Unionism is a blessing and a curse to socialism, Italian socialism in particular. Whereas the rabble rousers and politicians of the past rose to claim the mantle of true socialism, an ideal where every man is equal before Lord God, the unions simply watched. Whereas men fought and died, the union man simply watched. Whereas the world changed, as it twisted and turned, the unions have simply watched. Whereas the average man would define socialism as the ideology of the working class, those working known it is unionism that does.
Unionism, not the action but the political ideal, was born in my father Giuseppe di Antico. Afraid to move less the King come down upon his dead and seize it from his shoulders, Giuseppe began the process where the unions became an autonomous political body. Not focused on the worker, not focused on the division of classes, but focused on themselves. While not defined as unions then, since the Honolulu Convention had yet to be held, in hindsight their definition as unions is a correct one.
Indeed, this lack of social will can be defined best by my father’s imprisonment. Not by social upheaval but by the rather petty crime of printing without a license, to which he would serve fifteen years in jail over two periods. To which he wrote a series of novels, which came to define Italian literature, but not Italian working conditions. The closest political notions within the entire ideology of unionism at the time that even came close to social welfare was the ideals of pacifism that was held by labour leaders, started by the colonial war in Tunis, and chartism, allowing non-landed individuals to have the vote.
This later ideal, promoted by Chartists, would be held close by the union movements when Giovanni Ferrero gathered half a million workers and marched for the removement of the land requirement, which the Honourable Prime Minister Montezemolo approved the same day in return for an agreement not to strike for another fifteen years. Unionism, encouraged by their success, was entrenched in the minds of the union leaders.
However the disappearance of Ferrero in the mid 1840s would be the ruin of the agreement between himself and the unionists. My father, recently released from jail, clasped not upon other popular ideals of the time like further expanding the franchise or stopping political harassment of political parties, but tried to have their organisations legalised in the eyes of the law. Giuseppe brought tens of thousands of workers into the streets as the government of Giacomo Bonaretti further provided political reforms in order to guarantee their survival. While temporarily successful, my father would be imprisoned and the law quickly overturned. Unionism again struck, and again were successful.
Then the year of 1848 came, the False Spring. As rabble rousers fretted and whittled their time away, Giuseppe united all the unions under his leadership after the deaths, disappearances, or emigration of any other labour leader. All the while, moderate politician Uleri Sr. moved to end child labour in the nation, with the begrudging acceptance of Prime Minister G. Bonaretti. This would see the government survive the turmoil, while the unions simply consolidated into a single political organisation. While G. Bonaretti would forever oppose the unions, they never gained the political will to crush them during his or any other regime.
It was here that the unions entered into a period of hibernation, slowly expanding without repercussion from 1849 through to 1864. Before the Romagogue Revolution, the only thing of interest with regards of unionism was the Honolulu Convention in 1860 which set up the beginning of modern socialism. All the while the seemingly incompetence of the Conservative and Reactionary benches produced reform after reform in order to stave off defeat. This would all come to naught in 1864, with the assistance of the unions.
In 1864 Lucius Balboa rose up against the absent Vittorio Emanuel II, with help from the unions, and established a Roman Empire under his aegis as Emperor. Giuseppe was given the title of Councillor of Labour (the first unionist to gain a political office in Italy), and the trade unions seemed destined to advance its place. However the return of the King, newly crowned of Italy, defeated this upstart Empire, and it was only by the Grace of God that my father lived to survive it.
From there unionism seemed to return to its sleepy roots, doing nothing during the regime of Codero. However the failing administration of Aligheri gave room for the unionists to promote the ideal of establishing a minimum wage, the first real sign of social and socialist value in unionism since its inception in the 1830s. This was successful, as four million men strode into the streets on behalf of the unions and their call. This would go far as not only be successful, but collapse the Aligheri administration and force fresh elections for Prime Minister.
These elections would see the unionist party, the POI, serve as a minor member of a broad coalition led by Uleri Jr. Unfortunately a failure to commit to social reform and the perpetration of war by the coalition would result in the POI leaving the coalition in 1871. This would leave the POI without say in government until the 1877 election, where rabble rousers brought the popular vote to the POI, swelling to the largest size it has ever been and second party overall. However an unwillingness by the party leadership to work with other parties that weren’t socialist led to Bonaretti the Younger to become the prime minister. This further deprived the unions of speech in government, lest they compromise their integrity.
An attempt for power by a non-unionist in 1882 resulted in a series of purges within the leadership of the POI, which saw much of its electorate gone away, and reinforcing the ideal of unionism, not socialism, as the driving power within the POI. While parties such as the I Radicali, the CDR, and the Partido Populare all established themselves as socialists of various types, the POI remained firmly unionist in nature, unwilling to budge.
The May Day Massacres were the darkest days seen yet by the unionists. Begun by widespread unionisation of factories, the government finally began cracking down on the POI and the unions, arresting the leaders and killing the union workers. Openly killed by the government, the unionists gave their support to those demagogues that sought to overthrow the Butcher di Susa. With their greatest fears confirmed and seen, the unions saw their opponents overthrown by the people, establishing a paper monarchy backed by popular demands. It is this setting that the POI currently inhabit.
To which the question is, what is next? Shall the POI continue down their route of unionism, defining itself as the defense and propagation of unions first, or shall they finally, after twenty odd years, open their arms to proper socialism. That is the question I seek to answer, and that is the question that will be solved following the election.
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((What can I do now? Can I propose legislation, wait, or can I claim a command, given the events going...))
Party: L'Alleanza
[Demagogue]
[Friends with Marx: +100000000% Badassery]
~ Eustachio Paglione
[Demagogue]
[Friends with Marx: +100000000% Badassery]
~ Eustachio Paglione