Chapter 82, Downing Street, 29 August 1940
Stanley had prepared an excellent briefing, Halifax was forced to admit. As the election slowly plodded on he was pleased to see that the newspapers were continuing to bite deep into Labour’s policies. Every day brought new speculation of the dangers posed by Attlee’s schemes, showing that benevolent Conservatism was the only way for Britain to flourish.
So why, thought Halifax,
do I feel like I am amiss somewhere? What fence have we not jumped? What new requirements must be satisfied?
The big news of the campaign (to date) had been Amery’s re-entrance into mainstream Conservative politics. Applauding Halifax’s desire to strongly engage with the Italians, and calling for greater re-armament, Halifax knew that the ‘hawks’ in his party were reconciled to supporting him during the election. Stanley, himself deeply distrusting of Germany, had written to hundreds of the opponents of Milan, reminding them that
“The Conservative Party must not be defeated from within. Regardless of your views of the Treaty of Milan, we must have strong defences to face the challenges ahead.” Rumoured Labour defence cuts (including, astonishingly, plans to scrap the King George V Class) were stirring them, and they were, Halifax had written,
“fully mindful of the burden now upon them; that of lending me their assistance in delivering the nation from the ever present threat of Mr Attlee.”
Which left two problems, Anthony Eden and Winston Churchill. Eden was a liability, popular with many but also, Stanley had written,
“prone to attracting the sort of comments not welcomed by the Secretary of State for War upon his earlier views on the German Question.” Eden’s latest attempt at rallying in London had turned into farce. The blackshirts had applauded him almost immediately on his starting to speak and he had been forced to curtail it. Halifax had been uncertain as to where to send him so Stanley and Butler had quickly despatched him back home to the North-East, where his charm and genuine care for their plight had won him many friends previously.
But then there was Churchill, which was why Stanley and Hoare now found themselves taking tea with the Prime Minister.
“I gwow more concerned with the former First Lord of the Admiwalty,” Halifax muttered. His face was gaunt and his skin looked sallow. Lady Halifax was rumoured to be unwell and looking at his tight face and lank hair her husband wasn’t much better.
“The latest, My Lord,” Stanley began carefully, “is that he, Macmillan and Keyes are toying with breaking away and turning this election into a referendum on Milan.”
“A wefewendum,” Halifax murdered the word. “But, surely Winston could not win such a thing?”
“I think,” Hoare said, equally carefully, “that that is not the point. Such a move would split our Party.”
“Handing Attlee a clear run at ruining us with his batty nonsense,” Stanley muttered.
“I twust that this information is weliable?”
“Completely, My Lord,” Stanley said with conviction.
“Then, I pwesume we have a plan?”
“Amery has been too frequently used this week, but we could peddle him about a bit more. Highlight the differences between appeasement and getting us out of a war that we couldn’t win. Say that we are not pro-German, but merely anti-defeat.”
“Not pwo-German, but anti-defeat, our defeat anyway,” Halifax said slowly. He nodded. “Vewy well, we deal with this twiumverate of dissent. But I do not them to be personally attacked.”
“As you wish, My Lord.”
“Now, you have seen Neville?”
Hoare nodded sadly. “He’s fading, My Lord. I had to look away when I shook his hand,” Hoare paused, his eyes filling. “It was shaking a bag of bones.”
“A worrying decline.”
“And badly timed,” Stanley said immediately. “If he dies before the election, you may become vulnerable My Lord, if the whole ‘guilty men’ stuff starts again.”
Halifax was genuinely torn between a rebuke to Stanley for his cold reaction to the news of Chamberlain’s illness, or a panicked comment on the unpleasantness of the anti-appeasement stories recommencing. He sought solace in a question.
“How is the manifesto being received?”
Stanley took out a bunch of papers, which listed the Tory policies. The Conservative Party Manifesto, agreed by the senior members of the Party, became a patchwork of International and Economic concerns.
Peace, Prudence, Progress
There is peace in Europe. By able negotiation Viscount Halifax and Mr Butler have secured for Britain and her Empire a just and fair settlement which has brought home our proud forces. By showing our determination to defend ourselves the Conservative Party has shown that it is the only party that can be trusted to maintain Britain’s crucial role internationally. Our cities are intact and our independence guaranteed. This is the Conservative Party’s achievement. We will protect this achievement, making your safety our main concern. We will maintain strong and modernised forces on land, sea and in the air. We will work with the Commonwealth and other nations to make the world a safer place.
We have been prudent with the nation’s finances. We will not pledge to remove every problem – only socialist fantasy allows such unrealistic dreaming. Under the Conservatives farmers will not live in fear of socialist land seizures. Under the Conservatives our soldiers, sailors and airmen will not be tossed aside upon the heap of demobilisation. Under the Conservatives industry will not be burdened by bureaucratic state control.
The Conservatives offer progress. Working with our bankers, farmers, workers rather than against them we offer the hand of friendship to move forward together. Food production will be encouraged, not forced, to ensure that prices remain affordable for all yet profitable for the farmer and his workers that grow them. By encouraging coal and factory production rather than over-burdening it with a faceless socialist monolith we ensure that employment opportunities abound for all. Workers will be protected by cooperation with employers, supported by the State, rather than a Trade Union movement detached from the true aspirations of the people it represents. By assisting the building industry employment and welfare possibilities become reality. By using our strong world position to negotiate the removal of protectionist measures we will stimulate international trade, boosting our economy. By working to educate and nurture our nation we will provide a strong foundation for the future of our nation.
[Game Effect] - The Tory manifesto: big on the promise of keeping the Empire out of war. I’ve looked at both the ’35 and ’45 election pledges, and I think the Conservatives could be relied upon to produce something like this.
El Pip: As commented elsewhere, the British (or allied I guess) drubbing at the hands of the Wehrmacht has led to this analysis of what went wrong. In reality the British learnt the hard way, through constant altering of tactics and equipment. Here, the British do not have an enemy (yet) and so have tailored their Army to what they think will be useful.
Trekaddict:
Sir Humphrey: God yes, though I think the Conservatives would be privately pleased: it means that a good few factories stay open and helps reduced unemployment.
DonnieBaseball: The nub of the issue – as mentioned is this new force going to languish in barracks in England whilst their comrades struggle against Japan?
Arilou: Again, a valid point. The BEF is still, therefore, and despite Halifax’s attempts to disengage from Europe, arming itself for a continental war.
Morsky: I think that this shows the gap between the Army and the Government: No-one has told the Royal Commission who to prepare for a war against. By learning the lessons of France, I think the British will have real trouble against the Japanese. Not a pleasing prospect!
BritishImperial: A mess, Sir, a mess!
TheExecuter: Funnily enough, the British build-up in India was largely for that reason – Auchinleck already has a supply chain there and could easily expand it.
BritishImperial: Good luck!
Maximus323: Let us hope that this new army doesn’t find out!