Herr Peymann seems to have been misinformed on a number of points. I am not aware that the State has "decided no-one else may construct industries" - there is no law preventing private capitalists from building and opening factories if they see profit in such. The State has been much more active than the private sector in building up German industry, but no-one is proposing an entirely state-planned economy - at least, not yet.
Furthermore, the current war has nothing to do with any "precious military alliances". The people of Tver have no formal alliance with Germany; the war against Poland is being fought not for a piece of paper, but for the freedom of a long-oppressed people. Our allies in Transylvania have not even been called into this war, so I fail to see that this present conflict has demonstrated anything regarding their usefulness.
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Although personally, I am inclined to believe that any Tver-centric analysis of the so-called Great Liberation War may be incomplete. I believe we are fighting not one, but two distinct wars.
First, the war on the Eastern Front, against Poland herself. This conflict forms the narrative often found in the newspapers - of Germany The Liberator, fighting against the Autocratic Polish King/Parliament/Dictator ((delete where applicable, I'm not sure what government Poland has)) for the Freedom of the Tver Nation. So far so straightforward.
But the war on the Western Front does not fit so easily into the narrative. Bear in mind that France has no interests in the Tver region, and has historically been Poland's enemy ((the original
Crisis Bulletin shows Poland has a truce with France, so presumably there's been some fighting there)). Why did France declare war on Germany then? Because France is fearful and envious of Germany's position as the most powerful nation in the world.
And while the UK have a formal military alliance with Poland, they were seen to delay until the last possible moment before joining the coalition against Germany. This prevarication does not suggest strong moral support for the Polish regime - rather, it suggests a nation who is seeking war against her neighbour, and wishes to ensure that she has sufficient support from her allies, in order to "gang up" on her enemy, rather than openly engage in honourable combat.
And so, Britain and France's declarations of war clearly have nothing to do with the people of Tver, and everything to do with the humiliation of the German nation. I believe any settlement to the wars must address these issues separately - the liberation of Tver from Polish authority on one hand, and the cowardly and pernicious aggression of the Frank and the Scot on the other.
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Regarding the Eastern Front, I must oppose any peace settlement which leaves the Tver region still under Polish control. Too many good German men have given their lives for the freedom of the Tver people, and I would not have them give their lives in vain. But I must also warn against any further punitive measures against Poland herself - the government of Poland may be autocratic, but she has not acted dishonourably through the war, and once Tver is liberated there is no further cause for conflict on the Eastern Front.
The Western Front is more troublesome, however. On the one hand, we can be sure that any settlement of
status quo ante bellum will be, per se, a settlement of
status quo ante bellum - that is, of the cowardly Frank and perfidious Scot seeking excuse to bring down the German nation. It follows that any such settlement would not be peace, but an armistice for twenty years. The only way to ensure a lasting peace would be to sufficiently humiliate France and Britain such that they no longer pose a military threat to Germany.
On the other hand, such a settlement probably cannot be achieved. Any such humiliations would be seen by the neutral powers as overly aggressive or "landgrabbing", and would raise our infamy among the nations to even more distressing levels. As much as I would wish to achieve a lasting peace against France and Britain, such a peace would provoke wars of "containment" from the rest of the world.
Though it distresses me, I must therefore support the proposal of
status quo ante bellum regarding France and Britain.