Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Eid3r]

Grenoble, Isère

The city of Grenoble, home to some 35,000 proud souls, was nestled in the middle of the French Alps, flanked to its west by the majestic Vercors, to its north by the Chartreuse, on its east by the Taillefer and the Belledonne. Formerly the capital of the Dauphiné, the mountainous city provided some of the best sceneries of France, which led the renowned Stendhal to comment “au bout de chaque rue … une montagne”.

As his carriage pulled in through the city gates, the good general could not help but to gaze toward the paysage “à couper le souffle”. A small gathering of the city’s notables had been prepared in support of a local candidate which MacMahon was supporting, industrialist Félix-Antoine-Justin Viallet, which had already made a name for himself in the glove making industry and was contemplating, with his business partner Joseph Bouchayer, expansion into the metallurgic industry, amongst other projects.

Braking his fast in such a good company, washing down the assortment of sausages, potatoes and fine vegetables with a healthy dose of claret, the general was discoursing on the economic development opportunities, deploring the lack of attention by so many of the political class with the realities and opportunities of France’s more rural regions.

“While I certainly support the embellishment of Paris, I must concur that a careful balance must be struck, for I fear that in certain corners of our polity, the project has gone from momentous to obsession. A large sidewalk in Paris does not put bread on your table, nor does it permanently employ the fair citizenry as a factory, or an atelier can. Grenoble has its needs, and I believe it to be of paramount importance to return a depute who understands its particular reality.”

Listening to a tirade by a local commerce owner against the program of the Union libérale, the good general stepped in.

“Gentlemen, let us not demonize those gentlemen of the Union libérale, for they are Frenchmen whose heart is in the right place, despite some unsound policies. This Kingdom provides us all with the promise to provide our political opinion, and the right to be wrong is certainly upheld and cherished by some”.

Laughter erupted at the slight barb.

“But back to the topic of industrialization, I believe there is much merit in Monsieur Bouchayer’s plan to expand into metallurgy. The railroad is expanding across France and the demand for steel is steadfastly rising, ensuring thus no small measure of prosperity for Grenoble. The industrialization of the South of the Kingdom must be encouraged and the necessary capital must flow from Paris, southward, rather than simply northward toward the industrial north. A good thing that an honest man of vision like Monsieur Viallet understands this.”

 

[Luftwafer]

A Progressive Pamphlet is distributed among the Working Class neighbourhoods of Paris, Lille, Lyon, Marseille, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Nice, Montpellier, St Quentin, Roubaix and Amiens on behalf of the Rue De Lille Committee and local progressive candidates.

 

[DensleyBlair]

Private - @DensleyBlair​

Monsieur le Vicomte du Bessin,

I received your letter with great interest and no small measure of appreciation, given the esteem upon which I hold your character and your continued service to our beloved Kingdom. At this juncture in our national history, I find that the cooler judgement of experienced men is the national cure needed to assuage the impetuousness of some of our younger minds, bent on reforms of tidal proportions and disregarding the necessary incrementalism needed for any lasting reform.

It is well known that the condition of our agricultural workers has been at the heart of successive government’s policies, with various degrees of success. The issue has sadly to often been relegated to lower priority given the momentous events roiling the capital and its vigorous nature, with the desolate consequence that policies which where sound in their nature were left largely under-implemented.

I have based my humble thoughts on the matter in the experience of the vineyards of my beloved country of Burgundy. Our verdant hills bordering the fair Saône river have long produced grapes of exceptional quality, leading to the excellent Beaujolais which brings comfort to the most astute palate just as to the humbler and more honest.

With regards to the subject of your request, I must confide that I have been thinking for some time to the necessary implementation of such a credit system for our agricultural workers. The cornerstone seems to rely in identifying just the right size for the credit unit. Should it be based at the local level, within the towns, or should it rather be installed at the departmental level?

While we will both agree that an agricultural credit policy cannot be guided exclusively from Paris, for then we would lose the necessary flexibility to adapt to regional differences and multitude of particularities, too much of a delocalization, toward too small a unit, would deprive the system of the safety of numbers, which is naturally acting to assuage the risk of such venture.

By pooling the local fate of numerous agricultural workers, there is in my opinion, a greater chance to withstand the mood swings of nature and bring greater stability to these honest and hard-working families.

I shall certainly look forward to your opinion on the matter and I do pray upon your generosity to identify if any system worthy of exportation to our fair land can be found in the dreary climate of these northern islands where you have spent numerous years.

Fraternellement,​

Edme Patrice de MacMahon​

Private – @Eid3r

​

Monsieur le Général—

I was glad to receive your swift reply. It seems that the matter of the crédit agricole has much enflamed the opinions of the chattering classes, and so it has been a great nourishment to have the benefit of such first hand experience as that which you possess, and conveyed with such clarity of purpose.

In answer to your own question, it is my general opinion, and I might add that of my principle associate the duc de Lévis, that the issue of reform of the provinces would be most effectively applied at the level of the conseils généraux. In this way, we retain a breadth of application that allows the wider picture to be perceived, while holding on to that dear and singular policy of a divestment of power from the fonctionnaires in Paris. From your own astute summation of affairs, it is my feeling that in this matter, we may find ourselves in more or less hamrinous alignment?

I will look forward to any further remarks you may wish to deliver, and sign off this letter in the hope of establishing a firm and cordial working relationship in the coming years.

Je vous prie de croire, Monsieur, l'expression de mes respectueuses sentiments,

Bessin​

 

[LordDuval]

A Conservative Platform
for the Next Ministry​

If you would rather not partake of the empty promises of the Liberals or the vague propaganda of the People's Party, conservative minds propose the following agenda for the King's loyal Ministers:

To go through the budget line by line until 10 to 30 million francs in savings can be found to fund a robust system of industrial regulation for the safety of the workman.

To amend the Laws of Association, Suffrage and the Press so that migrant workers and societies of laborers can have a voice in the Kingdom; without legalizing republican agitation.

To continue the process of gradually lowering tariffs, raising a new tax on those who are profiting from free trade to subsidize those who are suffering from the transition.

To not borrow additionally unless war becomes necessary or a profitable colonial venture becomes open to the Kingdom.

A long term path towards reconstructing Paris, to begin when the above has been financed and the budget is in order.

- Reuben V. Duval

 

[ThaHoward]

​

"Madame, let me extend my gratitude for your invitation and hosting of this marvelous banquet", Jérôme said s he raised his glass and were careful not to lift it above his second button on his shirt, took a sip and continued "I am certain the meals and evening ahead will be just as lovely as the hostess and the host. Let me also on behalf of His Grace Victurnien-Lothaire Louis Ferdinand Duc de Lécuyer donate this modest contribution to your foundation", Jérôme said as he sat down and several paintings and statues of great value were unveiled.

Jérôme enjoyed the meal that was served and his conversation partners. One of them having served in Algeria as him, another one having spent most of his adulthood on industrial projects across France. Jérôme quite liked these dinners and banquets, a good host should always fill up the glass of beverage when a guest were empty, nothing Jérôme would argue against. The soup had handles on both sides, meaning he could drink the remains directly from the bowl without social repurcussion. The bird on the table was of the wild variety, meaning he could eat it with his bare hands, instead of delicately cut it up with a fork and knife if was a tamed bird such as chicken. Following the main meal, and a light desserts (a good hostess always knew to not serve a mighty dessert such as a cake after many a big meal) and several glasses of wine the guests could finally finally loosen their belts to give space to their swollen stomachs and enjoyed a small glass of digestif to help with that very issue.

The guests were now allowed to mingle, and several new acquaintance were made, Jérôme generally disliked minglind and the stiff rigidity of middle and upper class parties, however it was necessairy. Among the guests were several of the most important donors to the Union Libèral, along with their candidates and members of Rue de Lille Committee, and naturally bankers, dignitaires, officers and the like of progressive and liberal persuasion. The conversations at first raged on from everything to the Polish question, to investments, the recent horse race, but soon politics became the central theme. By the end Jérôme, after butter up the elite made a speech on a podium in front of all.

"Again let me extend a toast the hostess and host for such an excellent banquet!", Jérôme said, followed up with the usual pleasantries before he continued "yet our nation and people is at a crossroads. While those across the Channel clamour for yet another bloodbath, while they speak of overthrowing His Most Christian Majesty, placing nothing of significant substance to the table, we in the Union Libèral present a meaningful and rational platform of reform. A reform for the betterment of France and our political system.

While the radicals say our platform is not sincere and not progressive, I say this: Nonsense!

Ever since the Third Restoriation and the fall of the chaos that ensued following the socialist insurrection and attempted coup the Honourable Monsieur Patrice Auberjonois have with a steady hand led the informal Opposition. Already in the 1850's when the socialists lingered in their coffeehouses in Perfidious Albion, M.Auberjonois demanded a repeal of press laws and full universal suffrage. He did so in public, and he backed his words with actio; proposals in the Chamber of Deputies. He continued his leadership with the formation of the now famous Committee planted firmly in Rue de Lille and French society. Those who believe we are not sincere turn a blind eye to simple and written facts.

Now the Progressives and Social Reformers have joined forces with the Anversois and Liberals to form one unified party structure, one unified opposition that will enable meaningful reforms to French society, and not just empty words. This is the Union Liberale.

It is my belief, and mind you many within the Union are not as progressive as my person, that only with free assembly, a free press and full universal suffrage may we as a nation come together. Heal. Meld the past with the future that lay in front of us. A glorious future worthy of the French and the nation that we belong to.

I advocate for an end to the press censorship, and end to the ban of associations, an end to limits on civil and political society and the implementation of full universal suffrage. These are my sincere beliefs, these are the goals I am many among you strive toward. These are our demands, and we will through legal manner and by the support of the French people see them implemented. It is only through full civil participation, we can create a popular governance and a Kingship of the French.

However there is many other issues, many a social issue. Some say we are not sincere in that regard. That we only posture to care for the common man. And to that I say this: Nonsense!

We are nationalists, we are patriots. We support all of the French, all of the French in one fraternal community, under one King of the French. We do not put one class over the other, we do not agitate for violence between a brotherly people. I for my part support a harmonious society, a society based upon meritocracy and rationality; a fulfillment of the enlightenment ideals fused with modern society. But unlike the socialists I do not claim to be the champion of the working man. Many of the socialist whom for the most part are indeed of the middle class themself, who read works of Prussian and British middle class theorists while they sit in exile in London, plotting for the demise of France, pretend to be their spokesman. But they are not, they do not know their hardship, their pain. I do not pretend to do so, but I see their struggle, and I listen to them.

It pain me to see the poor and their hardship. It really do. I lost my leg during the great struggle in June, I lost it protecting Liberty, Equality and Fraternity and the Republic. Where I may live comfortably even without a leg, there is many among the poor who may not. They are left to themself. We must do what we can to help our fellow French, ti give them support in cases of sickness and unemployment. We must ensure they have affordable rental prices and can afford their rent. We must ensure they live in areas with proper sanitation, we must ensure they all get a proper education. We must ensure they have a meaningful life with activity during past their work, and that they may go to parks that function as green lungs of Paris.

Gentlemen, it is time for change. Change can only come through a vote for Union Libèral!"

 

[Eid3r]

Private - @Lyonessian​

To the attention of Monsieur Jean-Paul Henri Lièvremont,
Ministre de l’Intérieur,

Monsieur le Ministre,

It is with great pleasure that I received your most recent letter in which you alluded to mutual acquaintances which provided for a merry enjoyment in the formal setting of the salon. I have indeed been convinced to circulate my name for the elections in my department of Saône-et-Loire, if very reluctantly, since I confess that I lack the passion for the political scene so aptly displayed through your career. However, the nurtured greatness of our beloved Kingdom and the well-being of its citizenry far outweighs my personal disposition toward the political thing, and therefore, I stand ready to bring forth my modest and humble contribution to our national resurgence.

Let me reassure you that your important contribution toward the development of our national agriculture his still very top of mind of the populace in the countryside, which is particularly blessed by having a man of such friendly and comely disposition in high office. The various legislation to which you refer have contributed to an uptick in production, but I must confess that they must be implemented with redoubled energy and capital in order for them to bear the fruit of their promises to the fullest extent, a state-of-fact toward which I decipher you will be in agreement.

I share with you the belief that the development of our agriculture cannot simply be left to the aléats of private industry. The wondrous efforts of private capital toward the development of the countryside must be assisted by vigorous state intervention funneled through some degree of decentralization in decision making at the departmental level.

Through my travels and discussion with the peasantry, the access to capital has been identified as the main impediment to an increase in production, and thus, to an increase in the livelihood of our farming families. Which is why I have put forward a proposal for the formations of Crédits agricoles, which while relying on subsidies from the State at first, should soon find themselves fully funded and autonomous as vehicles of credit for the countryside.

Should I receive the favor and trust of my fellow constituents of Saône et Loire, it will be my greatest pleasure to work on such proposals with an esteemed and capable man such as yourself.

Pour la France.
Edme Patrice de MacMahon​

 

[Lyonessian]

[Private]

An excerpt from the journal of J.P.H. Lièvremont, under the scribbled title “Musing on things political”

“I have long considered the substance of France to be one of a kind among all nations of the world. Perhaps these thoughts derive from the fact of Revolution, which has brought upheaval to a stable yet deeply flawed system, and in its tracks left a swathe of quarrelling groups full of resentment towards each other. The nature of such groups is to compete not for a simple set of economic boons like one perceives in Britain, but to acquire for themselves the power of the State - which turns the public sphere in France into a gladiatorial combat with all persons notable fighting to the death, bar none.

The nature of this State, too, has been changed over the panorama of such infighting. It is the sole receptacle of power and Providence, from whence it is dispensed to the masses who still remain, at least partially, excited by the pantomime of soft-speaking gentilhommes. To act within it, and drive its stately gaze, is to promote a real reconfiguration of all things France needs.

I believe had I not found these truths, this campaign would be a shorter enterprise indeed…”

 

[ThaHoward]

(Several letters were sent out to notable candidates and supporters of Union Libèrale (@Luftwafer , @Firehound15 @Carol-Niko ) and other notables believed to hold a vested interest in the Polish Question (@Lyonessian @Vals @m.equitum). ((Private)).

Honored [instert name and title],

On behalf of his Grace Victurnien Duc de Lécuyer you are hereby invited to a ball in Château de Bagnolet. The ball will be preluded by a banquet and will be a forum for an informal discussion concerning the Polish Question along with a fundraiser to this very question.

More information will follow upon a positive reply.

Sincerly,
Jérôme de Lécuyer.

 

[Nax24]

A Progressive Pamphlet is distributed among the Working Class neighbourhoods of Paris, Lille, Lyon, Marseille, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Nice, Montpellier, St Quentin, Roubaix and Amiens on behalf of the Rue De Lille Committee and local progressive candidates.

In East Paris, a graffiti version of this document is spread...

 

[m.equitum]

((GM Approved))

Standard of the Messageries Maritimes (the Company)
​

SAINT-NAZAIRE -- The sustained expansion of transatlantic commerce has generated considerable wealth from trade, provided new markets for France’s manufactories, and has brought all manner of foreign and exotic goods into French households. Nevertheless, a brisk trade in freight has not been the only cargo crossing the Atlantic; Frenchmen too have made the passage cross the vast ocean. Indeed, it is these travellers, and their increased demand for a comfortable voyage that has promoted the Messageries Maritimes to-day to establish a subsidiary firm: La Compagnie générale transatlantique. The foundation of the subsidiary firm is made without prejudice to existing passenger service offered aboard the merchant vessels of the Messageries Maritimes.

The subsidiary firm: Compagnie généralé transatlantique (the Firm)
​

Headquartered at its principal shipyard at les Chantiers de Penhoet in Saint-Nazaire (Loire-Inférieure), the transatlantic firm is structured on altogether different lines that her parent company, the Messageries Maritimes.[1]

The firm intends to establish a fleet of de luxe oceangoing vessels, each liner distinct from the other, and each financed by a consortium of private investors, who may make their interests known by way of communiqué.


[1] The principal shipyard for freight vessels of the Messageries Maritimes is at La Ciotat (Bouches-du-Rhône)


**
[CONFIDENTIAL]

SEYNE SUR MER -- A confidential memorandum contained the details of a further subsidiary company established by the Messageries Maritimes: La société des forges et chantiers de la Méditerranée. [2]

The naval armaments association (the Society)
​

Headquartered at La Seyne-sur-Mer, not far from Toulon, the object of this Société was a simple one: the construction of ships of war. To this end, applications shall be made to the relevant authorities, appropriate permitting sough, and contracts pursued for the manufacture of such vessels. With an initial capitalization of four million francs, the Société establishes its principal shipyard at La Seyne-sur-Mer (Vars) and a smaller shipyard at Graville-Sainte-Honorine (Normandy).


[2] Historically, according to the Archives Nationales du monde du Travail (exposition 173 AQ), La Société was established by A. Behic, the President of the Messageries Maritimes.

 

[DensleyBlair]

From the Memoirs of Esmé Merivée, vicomte du Bessin

The Unione libérale—Accommodation of the bourgeoisie—Reminiscences on the start of a career​

At that time, in the year after the death of my beloved Marie-Hortense, I was much in the habit of busying myself by the accomplishment of a number of tasks, which might otherwise have been the preserve of the domestic staff. With the formation of the Union libérale, whose birth was a matter of not inconsiderable concern, and more generally motivated by a desire to put to bed certain artefacts of the past, I had been prompted to review a number of documents whose contents had not arrested my attentions since their creation some three decades prior. It was at this moment that I was occupied by the question of the accommodation of the bourgeoisie, whose energies Lévis had conscripted for the good of the movement. Their number gave support to our own ranks no end, but I was wary of their agitation, and on a series of occasions I was taken by the fear that these younger men, whose views were formed at a time of Republicanism, whereas my own had been radicalised by the question of the Succession, would in time come to inherit the legacy crafted by Lévis, myself and our former allies. The figure of Lécuyer in particular, whose lineage is far grander than my own, was prone to declarations in favour of sweeping measures of democratic reform, and furthermore was gripped by a great passion for the plight of the Poles in the question of their troubled relationship with the Russian Crown. While I did not communicate these desires publicly, privately I was quite concerned that it would be perhaps only a decade before the cultivation of a certain 'gentlemanly regard' for the welfare of the Kingdom would come to be viewed as an anachronism, and I was certain that, surrounded by acute personal tragedy and contending in my public life with the emergence of a new class of men, very soon my attempts to forestall retirement would be rendered futile, and I would be forced to return to the country permanently, to continue my support of His Majesty's cause from the privacy of Le Mesnil-Mervay.

There was some aspect of the fatal in the fact of my discovery at this time of a number of old treatises and correspondences, which I had given no thought since the first days of the June Monarchy. It seemed to me quite apparent that in the intervening three decades France had hardly moved forward in its struggle with the poor stewardship of the State, and I was arrested in particular by a number of statements made—grandly, and with no and of youthful naïvété—in letters written to the former King Philippe. The following diagnosis was made in 1830, at the moment of my first entry to the ranks of the political class, which I was much preoccupied by the matter of the Trial of the Ministers and other such affairs:

evolution may prosper only when it is settled in the favour of the whole nation, and not merely in the favour of the victors—yet this appears at odds with the view taken by some present, who hold that political participation is a privilege earned through sacrifice.
​

This, I reasoned with no lack of frustration, was precisely the problem whose solution I still strove towards; the nation was at odds with itself, riven by the pecuniary motivations of no shortage of ministers. Again, I discovered a parallel with those past days, when in coming across a letter from 1835 I asked:

Under the ministers of Philippe, ... had we traded the patronage of Charles' tyranny for a new patronage, of finance and ambition?
​

While I attended to the writing of new letters in the present time, to an expanded and diverse cast of interlocutors, these questions remained active in my mind ...

 

[Cloud Strife]

​

Excerpt from the Prince Royal's private journal;

... not without much difficultly, I set my mind to work reviewing proposals and making necessary corrections to the rural banking scheme. The requirement for a centralized, nationwide guarantor had to be balanced against the need for regional and local mutual banks to have a narrow focus on their issues. There was no straightforward solution to finding an adequate balance between these mutually competing interests. The arrangement that showed the most promise would be to maintain the individual character of each local mutual bank but require membership with a regional bank. Such regional banks would then be members of a nationwide entity that would function as a centralized clearing organization for the regional banks and have a mandate to maintain liquidity in the system. The primary purpose that having a nationwide entity would serve would be to ensure confidence in the integrity of the scheme, and to allow men of good character and even temper to exercise a suitable role in directing such a system for the mutual benefit of all involved.

Such current concerns among men of good character and even temper and the smallholders are converging in the south of France, a region unjustly neglected but with much potential given our natural interests in Algeria and the Mediterranean. Should the Suez venture succeed the possibilities will be multiplied beyond current estimates. When that time comes the Society for Agricultural Credit will be in a grand position to help both the smallholder and magnate take up this grand opportunity provided by opening up the Mediterranean to French commerce. The list of experts provided by M. Auberjonois will prove useful in finding persons with a similar vision as mine regarding these matters ...

 

[DensleyBlair]

Private – @m.equitum
​

Monsieur le Prince de Polignac—

My dear Polignac—I hope this letter reaches you in good health. I understand from the Moniteur that you have recently experienced much success in the dealings of the Messageries Maritimes, for which I must congratulate you.

Nevertheless, it is not for this reason that I write to you after so long away. You may be aware, Monsieur, that the circumstances surrounding my return to France were not at all happy; namely, at the start of this year I lost my darling wife of nearly forty years, Marie-Hortense. She was taken gravely ill during the final months of the last year, and I regret her decline was swift from that point on. Our final days, in first outside of London in Hampstead, and later at the baths at Malvern Spa, were happy, and I thank God that she passed on having regained some final measure of calm and lucidity.

No sooner had I returned to France a widower, however, than la famille Merivée was to experience its second tragedy; my daughter Marie-Joséphine, whom I have always treasured, joined me in my grief following the loss of her husband, your late brother the Prince Alphonse. I of course extend every sympathy to you, mon ami, and pray that this mutual occasion for grief – shared between our two houses – has not proven an insufferable burden.

It is to my lasting regret that I was not able to write to you sooner following this most tragic news. Hardly had I become acquainted with the Prince when I was spirited away to England; yet it was evident that, during their short earthly companionship, your brother made my daughter very happy, and I was much in the habit of recalling him with all of the fondness as I do my own son. His mathematical talents are of course well celebrated, but after the marriage it is my understanding that he discovered within him a tenderness hitherto unknown even to himself, and he was a loving father to his three children.

At the present time, my daughter and the children are resident with me, in Calvados at Le Mesnil-Mervay. If your schedule permits, and you find yourself headed towards the North, I would greatly appreciate the pleasure of your company at the estate. In times such as these, it is a great happiness to real old friendships. My hospitality is extended to you always.

Je reste, votre ami fidèle,

Bessin​

 

[Bioiron]

((@Qwerty7))

Spoiler: Letter to M. Bouchadon

Charles,

No apologizes necessary, I do not doubt your loyalty to the workers of Europe, I just have significant disagreements with your tactics.

It's not a question of Bonaparte's intention, but about the dynamics of the power and influence he wields. As I said, he has a dedicated clique of well of individuals surrounding him, and has not shown such a drastic commitment to republicanism that he'd endeavor to renounce, or even downplay his imperial titles. As I'll repeat, Bonaparte does provide a means to bring closer the date of revolution, but for that revolution to occur, the workers need a distinct party. However, as you say, I doubt we'll reach a consensus and I am willing to put the issue aside for the moment.

I do want to make it clear though, my desire to focus on the conservatives over the liberals this campaign is purely strategic, I find it largely pointless to make differentiates in disdain between non-socialist factions, to me the way we ought approach them all is on the basis of what will advance the revolution, if relative moral righteousness alone were the deciding factor, the revolution would have already triumphed.

Adrien

 

[ThaHoward]

Polonia's Evening

​

One carriage followed the next, each more impressive than the preceding. Some even had golden linings across the carriage, with elaborate carvings, either as a fashion statement of personal taste or their family crest. Jérôme felt a moment of pride swell in his chest as a major prosecution of Parisian and French notables qued up outside Bagnolet, driving past the vast fountain before making a stop before the main entrance. He remembered the tales of his father's masquerade ball of similar purpose, that time to support the cause of the Hellenics; in reality as a means of the opposition to unite and circumvent the watchul gaze of Charles X. While this ball indeed had some similarities, there were key differences. Other than this ball being just that, a ball where one did not have to hide beneath masks, was just that: a fundraiser and informal discussion of what was to named the 'Polish Question'. Albeit being held during a period of election it was indeed neutral of the usual fractionalism that currently dominated the nation until another session of the Chamber of Deputies was decided upon. Indeed faith had it that even the Prince of Polignac and the Minister of the Interior was invited - in stark contrast to the masquerade ball of old. Then they had to dance covered by masks and costumes to escape the watchful eye of Polignac, now he was among them. The Prince Royal would also be present, perhaps the greatest testimony of the the fusion of the Second Restoration and that of the June Monarchy: the two Princes of Polignac and Orleans in one room. However the keen eye would see that there was indeed an overweight of those of liberal and progressive attitude, this was only natural; the support for Poland was greater among the political left than right, moreover Jérôme simply had more contacts and sway in these circles.

The steward would thrust his staff into the ground when the guests entered the building and announce their presence and title. There was one Prince, a handful of Dukes, a handful of Barons and lower nobility, but most were monsieurs; among them bankers, financiers, politicians, dignitaires, industrialists, philantropists and an assortment of men of cultural profession. The greatest guest was of course the Prince Royal, he was made the guest of honor and Jérôme trembled when he greeted him and showed sincere gratitude for his uncle's donation of Bagnolet. In the reception there was two paintings dominating: one of Philippe VII and one of Louis Philippe Duc d'Orléans. Each would go up to Jérôme (dressed in his most exclusive white tie, complemented with his Legion of Honor and Order of Guadalupe along with a cane of pure gold and ivory) and his wife Elisabet, greet them. Jérôme knew a few from before hand, however most he had become acquainted in the weeks, or even mere days, in advance during the many banquets he attended to, or salon debates and other political events in order complete his political ambition. Following their formal introduction they were given a glass of champagne and proceeded into a room upstairs with a nice view over Paris.

Once every guest was upstairs they were led on into a ball room with an exhibition of paintings and real life photographs of both the current Polish war of independence - along with prior insurrections. Here they would each personally greet the 12 year old Duke of Lécuyer; Victurnien Lothaire. Here they mingled, spoke casually before the first dance of the evening were held.

​

Everyone entered the dining hall to the tones of Poland's anthem. The tables was covered in warm colors reflecting the spring that swept over France literally - and perhaps Poland figuratively - and bountiful flower arrangement in yellow and white.

On the menu was lightly salted, smoked venison, white wine steamed white fish, roasted sirloin of a calf and a mousse with fresh berries and fruits. To the main course it was served red wine from France, while a selected few were given the honor of tasting a Polish aperetif before the meal itself. A small orchestra played both French and Polish tunes to the dinner.

During the dinner itself many speeches was held. Some simply praising the host and the guests, but most speeches concerned Poland, with most announcing generous contributions to the cause. Jérôme himself held a rather lengthy and passionate speech on what he deemed the Polish plight, and stressed what he believed was the necessity of Polish independence or at the very least full autonomy. He however did not mention domestic politics, nor mention Luxembourg or Prussian Wallonia and Saarland. When someone was to hold a speech one man stroke several times on a major brass bell.

After three hours of dinner followed by cake and coffee avec, the guests were led into the main ball room to the tune of royal anthem. Here the main dances was held over the night. The guests could choose to remain during the dance after the initial customary dances, or retreat to backrooms for cigars and cognac (Jérôme was nervous the heavy smoking would forever stain the walls and furniture) or outside to the gardens for fresh air. Indeed some who had a drink or two went here to empty their bowels or endulge in more carnal vice.

When the ball had concluded after hours of eating, drinking and dancing, and all too many speeches and superficial talk the Lécuyer Foundation gathered the symbolic sum they hopedto get. Jérôme himself was ecstatic, so much that he spent the night in his wife's room the first time in many months. The placiers quarreled over the leftovers from the party, whilst most of it went to charity.

The next day Jérôme told his wife that they had been a poor hostess and host; his head was pounding and uttered a hon hon hon.

​

 

[Carol-Niko]

"Somehow I feel this was more about Monsieur Lécuyer than Poland, dear husband."

"This is politics, dear wife. When is it not?"

"True. True."

"Ah, the liberator comes. Give him your best smile."

 

[Nax24]

A Sham Election
​

Who is running for the Chamber in your district, workers of France? Are they capitalists, caring not about your views or beliefs, just wanting your votes to fuel their egos and pride? Are they prideful men, absorbed by their sinful desires and vanity, wanting your votes solely to further their ambition and nothing more? Are they deceivers, men of wealth and title claiming to be your friend for votes and stabbing you in the back when they get their seat?

Workers of France, let not these charlatans have the honor of having your support. Where are the men of virtue, of the common man, of the working man? The workers of France deserve such men, and all we get are vain, prideful, and wealthy men who do not understand your work and turmoil. Men who only wish to obtain office for pride and prestige, not for your betterment. If men of virtue and of humility are not running in your district, do not give them the honor of your vote. Do not show your support for the leeches that wish to see your chains attached, and their pride elevated to new heights. Support only those who support you!

M. Babeuf

 

[Eid3r]

Valence, Drôme​

The carriage had arrived early morning, the sleepy figure of the general gazing aimlessly at the scenery through the window, pestering against the poor quality of the roads, each bumps a reminder to the lack of comfort during these long campaigns. Not that the military man had grown soft, but the incessant travelling was getting on his nerves as too much politicking for a man still considering himself not a politician.

As they entered the fair city of Valence, in the department of Drôme, the general kept his gaze on the beffroi of the local cathedral, anticipating his visit with the Bishop of Valence, Monseigneur Lyonnet, for whom he reserved the reverence due to his status and prompted by the military man’s perfect catholic upbringing.

Shortly before the religious service, the general had a meeting with the local clergy, assembled under the auspicious leadership of the Bishop of Valence. During their exchanges, MacMahon reiterated the importance of the Catholic Faith, and its corollary incarnate, Holy Mother Church.

“As I was just telling our good Monseigneur, it is my most profound belief that Catholicism is the cornerstone of our national identity. From Charlemagne onward to our current King, France has behaved as the dutiful eldest daughter of the Church, and her devotion has been repaid in kind by the tireless work of the clergy, patient and benevolent weavers of our nation’s moral fabric. In fact, the very principles underpinning the moral light cast by our beloved France upon the world are those distinctively transmitted to us by the Apostles.”

The discussion continued along the same lines.

“As such, my esteemed Monseigneur, you will not find any words clouding the sun of my devotion to our national faith, for my principles and my filial devotion to our Catholic Faith is at the root of my character. While certain honeyed tongue would lead you to believe that speech was given to men to conceal his thoughts, I prefer the raw truth. Catholic I was born; Catholic I will die. Between those two points, I shall work tirelessly to bring some modicum of relief to the good citizens of France in the most direct application of our doctrine.”

 

[Vals]

The Lécuyer Ball

So this was it, Parisian Haute Société: Royalty, Businessmen, Politicians, Artists and everything in between; all wishing to be seen, heard and acknowledged for their oh so fine words. How full they could be of themselves.

Still he was not much better himself and it was not that it wasn't an enjoyable affair. Lécuyer knew how to be a generous host and it was quite good to see him again after all these years they had both spent in Mexico. Naturally there was the small sting to his pride as he thanked the former Colonel for allowing his stay at the Lécuyer Paris appartments but one must be able to look past such pettiness, surely the Colonel was a generous man who only meant good towards his friends, no matter how short that friendship was. Nay... It was his own fault for having let it come this far, to be reduced to living under another man's roof.

But what a magnificent roof it was this evening, and such exalted company. Though he had not yet seen them he was aware that the Prince Royal and Prince de Polignac were invited, if an opportunity arose there would most certainly need to be an introduction; particularly towards the latter as to thank him for help in publishing "In the Shadow of Trafalgar" this half-decade past, perhaps even strike up a conversation, certainly such an acquaintaince could be useful and after all they both shared common interest in developing the Marine to serve in furthering French influence and trade abroad.

But until then he spoke, he spoke to all who would hear: Of his time in the Navy, of Mexico, of the upcoming election and naturally of the ongoing situation in Poland. Clad in his immaculate dress uniform (still that of a Captain, as the promotion ceremony had not yet taken place) and adorned by a select few number of medals such as the Mexican Order of Guadalupe he surely made a respectable figure as he proclaimed his support for the cause of the Poles, yet at the same time urged caution. Though nothing would be more pleasing than to see the Prussians humiliated and the rightful place of Poland restored, France could not risk her relations with Russia and Austria, even for the sake of their Catholic brethren in Poland, especially if they could not carry the support of England and this "Lord Palmerston" of theirs. Diplomacy would have to be the order of the day, for now.

Still... In spite of the good wine and the interesting conversation there was something missing, an itch that needed scratching. As always Vallée could initially not quite put his finger on it, but as it occured every time he came to the same conclusion as he had a thousand times before.

”Messieurs, would you care for a game of cards?.”

 

[Sneakyflaps]

​

”I thank you all for having joined me here tonight.” Philippe began, having gathered the attention of the dozen or so most prominent landowners in the region. Having invited each and everyone here to Rambouillet for a most delicious dinner, after having spent the better part of the day out on horseback as they had hunted in the woods. It had been a good day, a good catch for most of the grouping now sitting here as they had enjoyed the lush forests under the warm summer sun as the election to the Kingdom raged all around them. Each day there would be new newspaper articles, trying to swing the hold of Paris one way or another, and the nation with it.

It was for this exact reason that Philippe had invited them here today. The rich and the powerful in the region for a meeting that would be equally important as any newspaper in the land. For it was here that the patronage of those men in the deputies sat, it was here that they would find funding for the finer things in life, and their continued career. “During these last many days… weeks even, we have been surrounded by a flurry of newspaper articles, a matter that I had sought to encourage on my own accord for I believe it to be good for the tranquility of the land that these young firebrands can find release in the newspapers rather than the streets. At least in the newspapers, we can ignore them as they believe they rile the nation with their wisdom.” The former President remarked, having full well done it himself just over a decade ago as he had taken to the pen, to the streets, in a most infamous campaign among the upper classes.

“And while these men, so full of passion, have filled the newspapers with their ideas of wisdom and insight, they have in part managed to grace the mark. There has been much talk about the farmers, about modernizing the French farms, to no longer having the peasant suffers tools of old as their craft. I agree with these sentiments, for the backbone of France is its agriculture. Yet what these passionate politicians fail to mention is the strength of this backbone. What keeps it standing tall is not the common farmer, what modernizes and leads the way in innovation is not the common farmer. It has never been the case and it never shall be the case.” La Marche commented, standing with his glass of wine in his hand as his eyes looked over the men and women here gathered, the candles flickering in the background as the servants stood ready to attend to the needs of any man or woman that so required refreshment.

“Rather, it is the estates, not the farmers that shall lead this charge. It is us that have the resources to modernize, something which I have sought to achieve through my life on my own estate. It rests with us to see France brought into the light. The common farmer, while no doubt good meaning as any Frenchman, know not of safe investment or modernization, for they rush for the quickest harvest, the quickest payment. No, it is with us as it has always been and always shall. This is where the politicians of Paris fail the mark, and why I have invited you all here today. So that we may discuss the best candidates to ensure proper taxes be lowered upon the larger estates, so that we may ensure that proper representation of our interest be put forth to the deputies. Only through good and wise measures by the government to foster the innovation of the landed estates, can the safety to invest and experiment be undertaken by France, and we must ensure that such a gainful position be brought forth for the betterment of the Kingdom. So I ask you all to join me now, to raise your glasses with me in a cheer for the landed estates, their future, and to join me in ensuring that our interest remain protected in the deputies in this coming election.” The former President finally finished, raising his glass.