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99KingHigh

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Salutations et bienvenue à Revolution and Reaction, a Victoria II Interactive AAR with the Concert of Europe II: Gloria Mod. For those participants of my previous IAAR, Albion and Empire, and older IAARs, such as Federation of "Equals", Shadow of the Andes, Edge of Europe, Sonderweg oder Anderweg?, Blood and Iron, and Power to the People, I happily welcome you back! And to those newcomers, I extend the same warm welcome and wish you the best of times.

Revolution and Reaction will explore the social, political, cultural, economic, and military elements of France from 1815 to whenever. Through usage of the excellent Concert of Europe submod, which extends the PDM timeline to 1821, we shall traverse the long 19th century, grappling with revolutionary ideologies, ancient ideas, imperialism, war, and a good awful mountain of baguettes. Revolution and Reaction's logistics seek to emphasize RPing über alles (dirty Germans) and most actual logistics are used only for elections. Basically, I want to give players as much freedom as possible to enjoy the setting under the purview of the rules. For further detail on how to join the game and the general regulations of this IAAR, please refer to the full rulebook below.

Although not mandatory, participation in IRC is strongly recommended. You can join the official RAR channel by going to https://kiwiirc.com/client/irc.theairlock.net and joining the RAR channel by typing "#RAR_Main". Without the quotations, that is. DensleyBlair can earn up to 1000000 PP by always being on IRC. Not an alternative fact.

The rules are a mandatory read, and all players must absolutely oblige the included content. (And a brief thank you to Firehound15 for all his help with the game's production. He will be my Deputy GM.)

IT IS NEVER TOO LATE TO JOIN! Blessed be Gibbons.



Full Interactivity Approved By the Grace of God by Mr. Capitalist and Qorten, on May 5th, 2017.


 
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99KingHigh

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[Revolution and Reaction]
Rules of the AAR

The Golden Rule: Civility (and unquestioning obedience to your Roi)

“By Decree of His Majesty, and the Laws of our divine Lord, all gentlemen in service to the Crown shall conduct themselves in a manner becoming of esteemed nobles and gentlemen.”

In Britain, it was the unassailable right of mankind to speak with a free tongue. But here (in a more civilised country), Mesdames et Messieurs, all players will conduct themselves with the utmost courtesy towards their fellow players, no matter how heated the debate or the argument becomes in-character. Those players who make ad hominem attacks on others, take actions beyond the regulations of the most glorious and universal Paradox laws, or destroy the boundary between IC and OOC with malicious intent — beware my wrath, for I am a cruel and jealous God. Insulting another player out-of-character (OOC) is worse than (gasp) speaking ill of the writings of Chateaubriand and (or) the lovely plumpness of His Majesty. So, for your own sake, do not do it. And, of course, the Court is here for the general enjoyment of players, and thus should that enjoyment be breached by the wrongdoings of a participant, fear my just hand of retribution. If I make a decree, if I pass a new commandment, if I invalidate anything, my judgement is to be considered absolute. IC may be liberal, but OOC is the Ancien Régime, and I am your Sun King. I shall, however, (in the interest of some new thought,) inform the community via IRC of my declaration, allow a brief IRC period of discussion (OOC), listen to the concerns of the populace, and come to a conclusive decision (that is, of course, if I’m feeling generous).

I have also appointed a Deputy GM (Firehound15) to help manage the game. Please give him the respect he deserves.

I am now going to quote the Thunder, Duc d’Hawk3.

“There is probably going to be some hard realpolitik in this thread, possibly even backstabbing or personal betrayal. I am asking you all, as players, to rise above this. If you don't or can't, don't participate in this AAR. I won't tolerate the Golden Rule being broken.”

INTRO I - Setting and Overview

Revolution and Reaction (RAR) is a “fully interactive IAAR” with the Concert of Europe mod, which is a timeline extension modification for the POP Demand mod. Concert of Europe extends the Victoria II timeline from 1821 onwards, and it is well done and deserves our general acclaim. Despite the timeline extension, Revolution and Reaction will begin in August 1815, and if by some freak accident of nature you haven’t already realized, we shall be playing the Kingdom of France, as well as any political incarnations of France thereafter.

As most former players of ABE are aware, I am not fond of overly-mechanical IAARs, especially in character development. For that reason I’m casting off the former class system. In this IAAR, players are allowed to roleplay any profession or individual in France; there are no restrictions as to what denomination of person you may occupy, as long as it is within the bounds of historical realism. Nonetheless, politician is still the recommended profession of the game, although we may consider other professions [officers, journalists, writers, foolish revolutionaries, musicians, etc] of equal importance, statistical relevance, and contribution to the quality of the game, particularly in the 19th century.

Returning players from past IAARs will know that revolutions and coups are not uncommon developments. In this regard, Revolution and Reaction will be unlike my previous IAAR as I expect domestic turmoil to be far more intense than in 20th century Britain. In order to reflect the new reality there are denoted further notes on this topic below.

Revolution and Reaction will require a considerable amount of engine work and bookkeeping, although (as always), I intend to focus the AAR on the substance of the game and the quality of the ICs. Player access to the engines and mechanism(s) of the game are deliberately restricted; I may occasionally detail some decision or peculiarity, or release a mechanism for deliberation or improvement. Players may, however, request IG screen-shots when they become applicable in 1821.

INTRO II - Character Creation

Name: Monsieur Leblanc
Born: 1769
Profession: Escaped Convict, Industrialist, and Revolutionary
Department: Pas-de-Calais


Background: Otherwise known as Jean Valjean, Monsieur Leblanc is in no way being used because I don’t know any other French people.

Note that all characters must have a department; this is useful for calculating local influence and weaving important information into election mechanics and updates. A few more rules:

  • You may not have multiple characters
  • You may not play as a person in a foreign country
    You may play as those residing as citizens in colonial possessions, or those in exile
  • You are more than certainly allowed (and encouraged) to play as non-historical characters.
  • You may play as historical characters (with the below exceptions) if you private message me a request.
  • You may not play as the following characters:
    • Any member in the immediate or proximate royal family (Count of Artois, Duke of Berry, Duke of Orleans, etc)
    • Any member in the immediate or proximate imperial family (Napoleon, Napoleon II, or any scions of formerly regal Bonapartes and their families, etc)
    • Any member of the incumbent council, including Talleyrand. See Chapter 4 for the incumbent government.
    • The President of the Chamber of Deputies
    • The Keeper of the Seals of France (Chancellor of France)
  • Take NOTE: Historical players will have no empirical or preferential advantage over non-historical players. The inclusion of their persons is for RP enjoyment.

Chapter 1: The Monarchy of France (and the Royal family).

After the defeat of Napoleon in the War of the Sixth Coalition and the Hundred Days, Louis XVIII of the House of Bourbon is firmly on the throne of France and has once again been endowed with considerable powers. We shall discuss his political prerogatives in the next chapter when we analyze the Charter of 1814, but first some general matters to discuss as to the origin of his power and the rules of the monarchy. The first and most important matter of business is the role of the King of France, which for the immediate and foreseeable future, is entrusted primarily to myself and the Deputy GM. This is not a permanent regulation; players that demonstrate a consistently dedicated and esteemed quality of writing may be offered the position. It is equally possible that the GMs will retain the sole right to IC as the King or any other monarchical incarnation.


The next matter is the origin of the power of the monarch. Although the Ancien Régime is no more and liberal principles have been injected into French society, Louis XVIII has managed to assert the providential nature of his power. His power, therefore, derives from divine right. This is an important philosophical point to understand when we move to Chapter 2.

Each member of the immediate and proximate royal family will have their own “character page,” which will inform the player on the political sympathies and other notable information for each player. For example, Louis XVIII will be more amicable toward the Doctrinaires (see Chapter 5) than the Ultras (see Chapter 5), whereas the Count of Artois would be more sympathetic to a Ultraroyalist government. The person of the King is not irrelevant.

Chapter 2: The Charter of 1814 (Constitutionalism vs Absolutism)
After some shrewd political management, Louis XVIII was able to ascend to power without any conditions of constitutional law officially impressed upon him. Instead, it was agreed unofficially that King Louis would establish a constitutional law upon his own prerogative, thereby fastening France’s new legal structure to the divine right of King Louis. The subsequent document, the Charte constitutionnelle du 4 juin 1814, is the rudimentary constitution of the Kingdom of France. But the word constitution may be too strong; the Charter of 1814 is weak, contradictory, and is oft-ignored by legislative act and royal ordinance alike. It is less of a constitution and more of a normal act that can be freely revised without special conditions.

Below is the Charter of 1814. There are certain revisions that have already been enacted. The version below is thus included with my annotations in brackets.


CHARTER OF 1814

Public Law of the French
  1. Frenchmen are equal before the law, whatever may be their titles and ranks. [A very much de jure notion].
  2. They contribute without distinction, in proportion to their fortunes, towards the expenses of the state.
  3. They are all equally admissible to civil and military employments. [Not true at all in practice; a chief concern for reformers is the preferment of titled noblemen to almost all positions.]
  4. Their personal liberty is likewise guaranteed; no one can be prosecuted nor arrested save in the cases provided by law and in the form which it prescribes.
  5. Every one may profess his religion with equal freedom, and shall obtain for his worship the same protection. [Protestants are currently the subject of unofficial persecution by Catholic royalist “gangs” and local committees.]
  6. Nevertheless, the catholic, apostolic and Roman religion is the religion of the state.
  7. The ministers of the catholic, apostolic and Roman religion and those of the other Christian sects alone receive stipends from the royal treasury.
  8. Frenchmen have the right to publish and to have printed their opinions, while conforming with the laws, which are necessary to restrain abuses of that liberty.
  9. All property is inviolable, without any exception for that which is called national, the law making no distinction between them. [A major question for conservative royalists is the degree of re-appropriation of the property of aristocratic emigres.]
  10. The state can require the sacrifice of a property on account of a legally established public interest, but with a previous indemnity.
  11. All investigations of opinions and votes given prior to the restoration are forbidden. The same oblivion is required from the tribunals and from citizens. [Again, a practice not widely observed as mobs seek those of imperial sympathy to murder.]
  12. The conscription is abolished. The method of recruiting for the army and navy is determined by a law.
Form of the Government of the King

13. The person of the king is inviolable and sacred. His ministers are responsible. To the king alone belongs the executive power.
14. The king is the supreme head of the state, commands the land and sea forces, declares war, makes treaties of peace, alliance and commerce, appoints to all places of public administration, and makes the necessary regulations and ordinances for the execution of the laws and the security of the state.
15. The legislative power is exercised collectively by the king, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of the Deputies of the departments.
16. The king proposes the laws. [A formality; the King may propose laws of his own accord, but most laws are drafted by legislators and thereafter formally “proposed” by the King].
17. The proposition for a law is sent, at the pleasure of the king, to the Chamber of Peers or to that of the Deputies, except a law for the imposition of taxes, which must be sent first to the Chamber of Deputies.
18. Every law shall be freely discussed and voted by the majority of each of the two chambers.
19. The chambers have the power to petition the king to propose a law upon any subject whatsoever and to indicate what seems suitable for the law to contain.
20. This request can be made by either of the two chambers, but only after having been discussed in secret committee; it shall be sent to the other chamber by that which shall have proposed it, only after an interval of ten days.
21. If the proposal is adopted by the other chamber, it shall be laid before the king; if it is rejected, it cannot be presented again in the same session.
22. The king alone sanctions and promulgates the laws.
23. The civil list is fixed, for the entire duration of the reign, by the first legislature assembled after the accession of the king.
Of the Chambers of Peers

24. The Chamber of Peers is an essential part of the legislative power.
25. It is convoked by the king at the same time as the Chamber of the Deputies of the departments. The session of the one begins and ends at the same time as that of the other.
26. Every meeting of the Chamber of Peers which may be held outside of the time of the session of the Chamber of 27. Deputies, or which may not be ordered by the king, is unlawful and of no validity.
28. The appointment of peers of France belongs to the king. Their number is unlimited: he can at his pleasure alter their dignities, appoint them for life, or make them, hereditary.

29. Peers have entrance to the chamber at twenty-five years and a deliberative voice only at thirty years.
30. The Chamber of Peers is presided over by the chancellor of France, and in his absence, by a peer appointed by the king.
31. Members of the royal family and princes of the blood are peers by right of their birth. They sit next to the president; but they have no deliberative voice until twenty-five years of age.
32. The princes can take their places in the chamber only upon the order of the king, expressed for each session by a message, under penalty of invalidating everything which may have been done in their presence.
33. All the deliberations of the Chamber of Peers are secret.
34. The Chamber of Peers has jurisdiction over the crimes of high treason and attacks against the security of the state, which shall be defined by law.
35. No peer can be arrested except by the authority of the chamber, nor tried in a criminal matter except by it.

Of the Chamber of Deputies of the Departments

36. The Chamber of Deputies shall be composed of the deputies elected by electoral colleges, whose organization shall be determined by law. [See the Legislature section for more on elections and requirements, which were revised in June 1815.]
37. Each department shall have the same number of deputies that it has had up to the present time.
The deputies shall be elected for five years and in such a manner that the chamber may be renewed each year by a fifth.
38. No deputy can be admitted to the chamber unless he is forty years of age and pays a direct tax of one thousand francs.
39. Nevertheless, if there cannot be found in the department fifty persons of the requisite age, who pay at least one thousand francs of direct taxes, their number shall be filled up from the largest taxpayers under one thousand francs, and these shall be elected together with the first.
40. Electors who meet for the naming of deputies cannot have the right of suffrage, unless they pay a direct tax of three hundred francs and are not less than thirty years of age.
41. The presidents of the electoral colleges shall be appointed by the king, and are ex-officio members of the college.
42. At least one-half of the deputies shall be chosen from among the eligibles who have their political domicile in the department.
43. The president of the Chamber of Deputies is appointed by the king, from a list of five members presented by the chamber.
44. The sittings of the chamber are public, but the request of five members suffices for it to form itself into secret committee.
45. The chamber divides itself into bureaux in order to discuss the propositions which have been presented to it by the king.
46. No amendment can be made in a law unless it has been proposed or consented to by the king, and unless it has been sent back to the bureaux and discussed there.
47. The Chamber of Deputies receives all proposals in regard to taxes; only after these proposals have been accepted can they be carried to the Chamber of Peers.
48. No tax can be imposed or collected, unless it has been consented to by the two chambers and sanctioned by the king.
49. The land tax is consented to only for one year. Indirect taxes can be established for several years.
50. The king convokes the two chambers each year: he prorogues them, and can dissolve that of the deputies of the departments; but, in that case, he must convoke a new one within the space of three months.
51. No bodily constraint can be exercised against a member of the chamber during the session nor in the preceding or following six weeks.
52. No member of the chamber, during the course of the session, can be prosecuted or arrested upon a criminal charge, unless he should be taken in the act, except after the chamber has permitted his prosecution.
53. No petition can be made or presented to either of the chambers except, in writing. The law forbids any personal presentation of them at the bar.
Of the Ministers
54. The ministers can be members of the Chamber of Peers or of the Chamber of Deputies. They have, besides, their entrance into either chamber, and they must be heard when they demand it. [
See the Minister section for more detail.]
55. The Chamber of Deputies has the right to accuse the ministers and to arraign them before the Chamber of Peers, which alone has that of trying them.
56. They can be accused only for acts of treason and peculation. Special laws shall determine the nature of this offence and shall fix the method of prosecution.
Of the Judiciary

57. All justice emanates from the king. It is administered in his name by judges whom he appoints and whom he invests.
58. The judges appointed by the king are irremovable.
59. The courts and regular tribunals actually existing are continued. They shall not be in any wise changed except by virtue of a law.
60. The existing commercial court is retained.
61. The justice of the peace, likewise, is retained. Justices of the peace, although appointed by the king, are not irremovable.
62. No one can be deprived of the jurisdiction of his natural judges.
63. In consequence, extraordinary commissions and tribunals cannot be created. Provost-courts are not included under this denomination, if their re-establishment is deemed necessary.
64. Criminal trials shall be public, unless such publicity should be dangerous to order and morality; and in that case, the tribunal shall declare it by a judicial order.
65. The system of juries is retained. Changes which a longer experience may cause to be thought necessary can be made only by a law.
66. The penalty of confiscation of property is abolished and cannot be re-established. [Again, see above for the controversial issue.]
67. The king has the right of pardon, and that of commuting penalties.
68. The Civil Code, and the laws actually existing which are not in conflict with the present charter, remain in force until legally abrogated.
Special Rights Guaranteed by the State

69. Persons in active military service, retired officers and soldiers, pensioned widows officers and soldiers, retain their ranks, honors and pensions.
70. The public debt is guaranteed. Every form of engagement made by the state with its creditors is inviolable.
71. The old nobility resume their titles. The new retain theirs. The king makes nobles at will, but he grants to them only ranks and honors, without any exemption from the burdens and duties of society.
72. The Legion of Honor is maintained. The king shall determine its internal regulations and its decoration.
73. The colonies shall be governed by special laws and regulations.
74. The king and his successors shall swear, at the solemnizing of their coronation, to observe faithfully the present constitutional charter.
Temporary Articles

75. The deputies of the departments of France who sat in the Legislative Body at the time of its last adjournment shall continue to sit in the Chamber of Deputies until replaced. [This means the pre-election legislature.]
76. The first renewal of a fifth of the Chamber of Deputies shall take place in the year 1816, at the latest, according to the order established in the series. [It is taking place in August 1815.]
77. We command that the present constitutional charter, laid before the Senate and that Legislative Body, in conformity with our proclamation of May 2, shall be sent forthwith to the Chamber of Peers and that of the Deputies.

Constitutionalism and Absolutism are two primary mechanics and modifiers in the initial stage of Revolution and Reaction. As France moves by the nature of government and policy in either direction the balance between Constitutionalism and Absolutism will shift. For so long as France is a monarchy this shall be the primary dichotomy. Shifts towards either position will trigger modifiers; you can imagine a shift towards Absolutism might improve the ability to levy tax and wage warfare, but harm the popular confidence and stability of the nation. In other governmental types the modifier will default to neutral and a new dichotomy will begin. You can consider this similar to the Hearts of Iron “sliders.”

Chapter 3: The Legislature, Elections, and Voting

The legislature of the Kingdom of France is a bicameral institution divided between the elected Chamber of Deputies and the ennobled and appointed Chamber of Peers. After the royal ordinances in June, the Chamber of Deputies has 402 members and the Chamber of Peers has 156 members. In order to be eligible for election, according to the June ordinances, candidates for the Chamber of Deputies are required to be at least twenty-five years old (reduced from fourty) and pay a direct tax of 1,000 francs. The legislature shares the power to propose and enact legislation with the King of France, and a statute must pass both Chambers before presentation before the Monarch for consideration of ratification. Players may elect to play a character in either Chamber of the Parliament; just note the qualifications before creating a character, and perhaps see the list of peers provided below if you wish to adopt the peerage for your created character or play a historical character. [Not yet added. Also need to add list of departments.]


List of Departments and their Seats ("Nombre actuel.") in 1815.

The President of the Chamber of Deputies is appointed by the King. The Keeper of the Seals of France (Charles Louis François de Paule de Barentin) is currently the Chancellor and leader of the Chamber of Peers. These positions are not practically ministerial, and should be considered similar to the Speaker of the House.

If you have just read the above charter, you will know that the original electoral system (1815-1817) was mixed-voting and two-round indirect, involving a convoluted mess of departments and arrondissements. For further detail on the original system, see: The Electoral System in France during the Bourbon Restoration, 1815-30. The suffrage excluded about 99% of French citizens and required that an individual be twenty-one years of age (reduced from 35) and pay a direct tax of 300 francs. In 1815, the eligible population in the indirect elections is about 75,000. Ironically, it can be considered that much of that eligible population is now a wealthy bourgeoisie, which is likely to be skeptical of monarchy and the economic agrarianism that accompanies aristocracy. Firehound15 has been kind enough to design an electoral engine for the original electoral system; the engine will be reformed (obviously) as electoral rules change.

Voting in Revolution and Reaction is based upon Political Power (PP), which is the numerical input in the electoral machine, and a reflection of your character’s influence and power in legislative voting and general elections. All players begin with 1 PP. Political power can either decrease (penalties) or increase (bonuses). Political Power can be increased in the following ways:

  • appointment to ministerial positions,
  • in-character posts of consistent quality and quantity
  • specialized bonuses (delegated by me) as a result of certain achievements
Political Power can be penalized in the following ways:
  • loss of electoral power or ministerial position
  • as a product of failure to IC
  • specialized penalties (delegated by me) as a result of certain failures.
During elections, PP is distributed to political parties, and inputted into the electoral engine. Every election additional PP is distributed to the final tally of each political party according to the quality and quantity of election ICs by the party members. This is very often the conclusive decider of election results, and always the decider in close elections. Political party PP will also be affected by modifiers as the result of happenings during the previous update.

For the Chamber of Peers, party PP will also help determine what the distribution of new peerages and appointments will be according to His Majesty. These will help change the composition of the upper chamber.

All election updates will have an example ballot for you to copy. If you wish to change your vote, please do not edit your previous post. Create a new ballot and a new post. It makes my life easier.

Chapter 4: Ministers of the Crown

Ministers to His Majesty the King are the effective government of France. These ministers are appointed from both Chambers of Parliament and constitute a formal “council.” The so-called “Prime Minister” is the President of the Council. The King, not the legislature, appoints Ministers; this is important! The ‘informal’ leader of a political party who wins an election for his faction may very well not be appointed to the Presidency of the Council or even to the Council. All appointments are at at the discretion of His Majesty, who bases his decision on his personal sympathies, political realities, and external factors. Nonetheless, the leader of the victorious political faction has the highest probability of becoming President of the Council.

The responsibility of the government is to propose legislation and direct the majority of the state’s policy; it may perform this through legislative statute in the Chambers or through royal ordinances and proclamations. In both cases, the King’s consent is essential, and no one should consider the ministers and the government autonomous of the regal presence. Please ask for the King's opinion in IC form. Below is a list of ministerial positions and governmental departments as of August 1815 in order of importance and with the incumbent holders.

President of the Council (Prime Minister): Charles Maurice, Prince of Talleyrand
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Charles Maurice, Prince of Talleyrand
Minister of Finances: Joseph Dominique Louis
Minister of the Interior: Étienne-Denis Pasquier
Minister of Justice: Étienne-Denis Pasquier
Minister of War: Laurent Gouvion, Marquis of Saint-Cyr (resigned and slot filled)
Minister of Police: Joseph Fouché

The government shall make their policy in-thread (budgets, recruitment, etc), although they may, if they wish, PM a policy to me. Typically private message is best served for foreign policy and clandestine operations.

Chapter 5: Political Parties, Newspapers, and Royal Sympathies

Almost as soon as Napoleon was evicted from France, informal political parties began to develop from former conspiratorial royalist groupings and independent interests around France. At the moment, the “parties” are undefined and loose factions, but I imagine they will quickly coalesce around the typical concept of parties. In the formal historical approach to Restoration parties, there were two discernible factions; the Ultraroyalists and the Doctrinaires. Both political parties will also have access to newspapers, which players can use to interpret events or launch political attacks outside the Chamber.

The Ultraroyalists are the reactionary voice of the electorate, craving for the privileges of church, crown, and aristocracy that dominated France before the Revolution. The Ultras are opposed to certain liberties of the Charter of 1814 and the encroachment of liberalism on the Ancien Régime. Ultras tend to be skeptical of capitalism and urban development, and favor the preferentialism of agrarian nobility. In the royal family, the Count of Artois (Monsieur Charles), is the most articulate voice in favor of ultra-royalism. The Ultras have two major newspapers, La Gazette and La Quotidienne.


A typical Ultra
The Doctrinaires are a far more diverse group of factional interests. For the most part, the Doctrinaires are conservative and moderate royalists who favour gradual reformism, but the faction also includes liberal royalists who support the Orléanist cause. The grouping is amicable to bourgeois interests and the aristocracy engaged in mercantile activities. King Louis XVIII is generally disposed to the moderate and conservative Doctrinaires. The Doctrinaires have a scattered media presence with reserved influence over the anti-Bourbon Le Censeur, but no major publication that reflects their liberal and moderate royalism. They should probably make one.


A typical Doctrinaire
The rest of political activity is centered around radical liberalism, Bonapartism, and republicanism. These three groups are eligible to enter into either Chamber, but the atmosphere for considerable opposition is dangerous as the White Terror rages. Le Censeur is the most effective mouthpiece for anti-Bourbon material.


A typical everything else
New political factions may be made, just please private message me for approval before posting. Nothing outside the bounds of historical reason, s'il vous plaît.

Players, of course, may play characters with whatever political disposition they please so long as it is within the bounds of historical realism.

Chapter 6: Culture and IC in France

In the 19th century, Paris was the center of the arts, and great men of culture were often executors of political power (i.e Chateaubriand and Hugo). I place considerable esteem and reward on well done in-character writing for political works, and I intend to expand the purview of the reward to larger cultural works. Players that scribe literature of an admirable quality, write music (shoutout to Edge of Europe and the opera), or perform any other cultural acts that constitute great IC will be rewarded with bonuses. Albion and Empire had some great satire and sporadic cultural writing, so let’s keep up the good work!

Chapter 7: Revolutions, Coups, and Insurrections
There is no formal engine for insurrections in Revolution and Reaction; this is an intentional decision and I prefer to keep it arbitrary and amicable to RP. If a revolt occurs in-game, I will judge it's validity in terms of the RP and either include it or exclude it from the game. Alternatively, the actions of role-players will either inspire revolution or insurrection. Typically, revolutions and insurrections will require a few features, generally elite defection and poor management of opposition. Ways to prevent regime change include stronger rule of law, management of non-systemic and systemic opposition, and elite unity (player unity on the incumbent state structure). Militancy and consciousness will obviously be inputed into any considerations of insurrection. A player coup, which would have to be declared, is (obviously) more in the hands of the player, but its success requires the same tenants of elite support.


Chapter 8: Miscellaneous Rules

“Godmodding” or “making stuff happen” is against the rules. You cannot declare something to have happened and expect it to occur in-game. For example, you cannot say there are riots in Paris and expect there to be riots in Paris. Similarly, overt "metagaming" (the practice of taking into account information unbeknownst to your character) is not allowed.

You also may not appropriate anyone else’s character without their consent. You may not kill a character that is not your own, though I explicitly reserve the right to kill any character for any reason.

No campaigning outside this thread.

Only human characters, please. No elephants or walruses allowed.

I always reserve the right of veto.

Any post noted with ((Secret)) is known only to the involved parties.

REMEMBER TO BOLD YOUR VOTES
 
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99KingHigh

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Aug 29, 2011
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Table Des Matières

Thread Essentials
Rules
Royal Family
Character List

Chamber Composition
General Literature

National Statistics (I)
National Statistics (II)
Charter of 1830

Military Matters
General Staff

Passed Legislation




Chronology

Book 1: The Bourbon Restoration (1814/5-1830)





The Reign of His Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVIII, King of France and Navarre



Talleyrand Ministry (1814-1815)
Chapter 1: The White Cockade

Dhuizon Ministry (1815-1818)
Chapter 2: Introuvable
Chapter 3: Réaction à la Réaction
Event 1: A Matter of Princes and Bankers
Event 2: That which sustains
Event 3: When in Rome

Chapter 4: The Massacre of the Ministers

Marmont Ministry (1818-1819)
Event 1: Decazes, Master of France
Event 2: Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle
Event 3: A Most Unusual Affair
Event 4: Crime and Punishment
Event 5: The End of the Occupation
Event 6: To be, or not to be, a Regicide
Event 7: Lamarque's Speech

Decazes Ministry (1819-1820)
Event 1: An Unwanted Presidency
Event 2: Noblesse Oblige
Event 3: The Split of the Doctrinaires
Chapter 5: Les impatients and Les circonspects
Event 4: A Night at the Opera
Event 5: The Two Attacks
Event 6: The Fall of Decazes

Valence Ministry (1820-1821)
Event 1: The Affairs of Europe (I)
Event 2: Banquet of Remembrance
Event 3: The Affairs of Europe (II)
Event 4: Dieudonné
Event 5: Congress of Laibach (I)
Event 6: Congress of Laibach (II)
Event 7: Death of Napoleon
Chapter 6: L'Orde Ancien
Chapter 7: Montjoie Saint Denis!

Sully Ministry (1821-1828)
Event 8: The Appointment of the Ministry
Chapter 8: The Stirrings of St. Louis

Congress of Verona (I)
Congress of Verona (II)
Expédition d'Espagne
Battle of Irun (I)
Battle of Irun (II)

Battle of Sigüenza (I)
Battle of Sigüenza (II)
Chapter 9: The Hundred Thousand Sons of St. Louis
Chapter 10: Viaticum


The Reign of His Most Christian Majesty, Charles X, King of France and Navarre




Chapter 11: Vive le Roi!
Chapter 12: Quelque peu Theatral
Chapter 13: The Troubles of April
Chapter 14: Don Quichotte
Chapter 15: Master of the House

Berstett/Moncey Ministry (1828-1830)
Chapter 16: The Rising Tide

Saint-Fulgent Ministry (1830)
Chapter 17: Domine Salvum Fac Regem


Three Glorious Days
(June 25-July 2)

Reaction 1: The Ordinances of St. Cloud

Revolution 1: ALLONS! ENFANTS DE LA PATRIE!
Reaction 2: ALLONS ARMEÉ CATHOLIQUE!/Revolution 2: LE JOUR DE GLOIRE EST ARRIVÉ!
Reaction 3: CONTRE NOUS DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE

Revolution 3: CONTRE NOUS DE LA TYRANNIE!
Revolution 4: L'ÉTENDARD SANGLANT EST LEVÉ!
Revolution 5: Entendez-vous dans les campagnes!
Reaction 4: Entendez-vous dans nos campagnes Les cris impurs des scélérats!
Revolution 6: MUGIER CES FEROCÉS SOLDATS? ILS VIENNET JUSQUE DANS NOS BRAS!
Reaction 5: Qui viennent jusque dans nos bras Prendre nos filles, nos femmes!
Revolution 7: AUX ARMES, CITOYENS!
Revolution 8: FORMEZ VOS BATAILLONS!
Revolution 9: MARCHONS, MARCHONS!
Revolution 10: QU'UN SANG IMPUR!
Revolution 11: ABREUVE NOS SILLONS!
Revolution 12: AMOUR SACRE DE LA PATRIE

Revolution 13: UE VEUT CETTE HORDE D'ESCLAVES!
Reaction 6: Ô mon peuple, que vous ai-je donc fait?
Revolution 14: DE TRAITRES, DE ROIS CONJURES?
Chapter 17: La Parisienne


Book 2: The June Monarchy (1830-1850)




The Reign of His Majesty, Philippe VII, King of France



Durand Ministry (1830-1831)
Chapter 1: The Charter of 1830
Event 1: Trial of the Ministers
Chapter 2: Juste Milieu
Affairs of Europe I: Lamennais, L'Avenir, and the Belgian Annexation

Inside Republican Paris: Saint-Simonism and the Associations
Chapter 3: Première élection

Armentiéres Ministry (1831-1832)
Chapter 4: Le règlement de Armentiéres

Ministerial Instability: Talleyrand/Decazes/Mortier (1832-1835)
Chapter 5: Pears and Doctrinaires
Legitimism After the Vendée
Event 1: Infernale

Broglie Ministry (1835-1836)
Chapter 6: The September Laws

Barante Ministry (1836-1838)
Chapter 7: Les Trois Couleurs Sont Revenu
Chapter 8: The Old France and the New
Chapter 9: Great Men and Small Men
Chapter 10: Sickness of the Century

Duval Ministry (1838-1840)
Chapter 10: Sickness of the Century

Rohan/Larousse Ministry (1840-1846)
Chapter 10: Sickness of the Century
Chapter 11: Députés in Disguise

Second Barante Ministry (1846-1849)
Chapter 12: Extract from the Souvenirs of the Comte de Morny
Chapter 13: Soldier of Three Colors
Event: Nous ouvre la barrière!


Moncey/Gagnon Ministry (1849-1850)
Event 1: Por elle un Français doit mourir!
Event 2: Chant des Ouvriers
Event 3: May Days

Chapter 14: Erreurs Mortelles

February Revolution
Revolution 1: ALLONS! ENFANTS DE LA PATRIE!

Reaction 1: La Liberté rouvre ses bras!/Revolution 2: LE JOUR DE GLOIRE EST ARRIVÉ
Reaction 2: On nous disait: soyez esclaves!
Revolution 3: CONTRE NOUS DE LA TYRANNIE
Reaction 3: Soudain Paris, Dans sa Mémoire
Anarchy: Dual Power
REVOLUTION and REACTION: REMEMBER LÉCUYER!
Revolution 4: Downfall

Book 3: The Second Republic (1850-1853)



Provisional Government (1850)
Event: Socialisme
Chapter 1: Springtime of Nations
Chapter 2: Month of Nadeau
Chapter 3: La Démocratie

Provisional Barrot Ministry (1850)

Chapter 4: Of the Gauche Dynastique

CONSTITUTION OF THE SECOND REPUBLIC

August 15: Confiscation of the Assembly (I)
August 15: Confiscation of the Assembly (II)
August 15: Confiscation of the Assembly (III)
August 15: Confiscation of the Assembly (IV)

August 15: Confiscation of the Assembly (V)

Chapter 5: Lèze-Nation

His Excellency, President de La Marche



Barrot Ministry (1850-????)
Chapter 7: Reactionary Autumn
Chapter 8: Dio E Popolo
Event: Novara
Event: Clubs and Associations
Chapter 7: La République, servie pour le petit-déjeuner
Chapter 8: Duc de Bleus Sombre

Event: LE CHANT DES GIRODINS
Event: LE CHANT DES GIRODINS (II)


June Days
Reaction 1: REMEMBER LECUYER

Revolution 1: Par La Voix Du Canon d’Alarmes
Reaction 2: Hasten Not
Revolution 2: La France Appelle Ses Enfants
Reaction 3: Changarnier's Decree
Revolution 3: Allons Dit Le Soldat, Aux Armes!
Revolution 4: C’est Ma Mère, Je La Défends.
Reaction 4: Blues and Reds
Reaction 5: Come What May

Chapter 9: After the Storm

Event: The Referendum of 1852
The Prolonged Chambers, Assembled
Event: The Presidency, Prolonged
Chapter 10: Requiem pour la République
CONCLUSION: The Memory of the Republic


Book 4: The Third Restoration (1853-1866)




Supplement 1: Liberal Legitimism and Democratic Legitimism
Supplement 2: The Restoration and the European Order

The Reign of His Most Christian Majesty, Henri V, King of France and Navarre


Charter of 1853

De La March Ministry (1853)
Chapter 1: Le Retour des Princes
Chapter 2: Henri V le Dieudonné
Chapter 3: Charter and Elections

Descombes Ministry (1853-1856)
Chapter 4: L'ordre Social

Supplement 3: Workers and the Urban Environment

Changarnier/Bessin Ministry (1856-1858)
Chapter 5: Les Blancs
Chapter 6: Le Fête Electoral
Chapter 7: The Crisis of October

Second Descombes Ministry (1858-1863)
Chapter 8: Le Statu Quo

Moncey Ministry (1863)

Chapter 9: The Grandees

Lévis Ministry (1863-????)
Chapter 10: Le Crépuscule des Vieux

The November Revolution

Book 5: The Third Restoration (1866 - ????)



His Excellency, President Louis Napoléon Bonaparte



Chapter 1: The Liberated
Chapter 2: Liberté, égalité, fraternité

Social Updates
Inside Paris (I)
Iside Paris (II)
Inside Paris (III)
Inside Paris (IV)
Inside Paris (V)
Inside Paris (VI)

Inside Paris (VII): Clubs and Associations





 
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99KingHigh

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La Famille Royale

(In Exile)​

La Liste des Joueurs
--
(In order of birth)

(dead or retired)

 
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99KingHigh

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La composition des Chambres





Littérature générale
Publications and Press
Speeches
Battle Reports
Reflections and Narratives

Memorandums
Organizations
 
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99KingHigh

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CHARACTER CREATION IS OPEN

The date is the 14th of July, 1819
 
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Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget

Père Franciscain



c. 1812


Born on April 27 1762

Saint-Jean-le-Comtal, Gers


Ordained priest of the Holy Roman and Catholic Church (1785)

Admitted in the Third Order Secular of the Franciscan Order (1786)

Wandering friar (1786-1789)

Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Auch (1789 - 1801) (Position abolished)

Bishop of Montauban (1807 - )

Deputy of the Gers (Ultraroyalist) (1815 -)

Personal Confessor of the Count of Artois (1815 - )



Early life (1762-1779)

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget was born on April 27 1762 in Saint-Jean-le-Comtal. Second born son and fourth child of Henri Gustave du Bourget and Églantine Descôteaux, he had a quiet upbringing in the Gers, attending school first in Saint-Jean then in Auch.

While his family was not rich, his father, a soldier in the Royal Army, provided for his education and for the basic needs of the family, which comprised 11 surviving siblings.

When his father was badly injured in the siege of Pondicherry in 1778, Charles-Henri formally took charge of the familial farm until the return of his elder brother, Ernest Guillaumin du Bourget, which was at the time in service to the Duke of Saint-Aignan.

This year at the head of the family had a lasting impact of the young Charles-Henri, which strengthened his commitment to the cause of the poor and whose hardship crystalized his faith.

Seminary years (1779-1785)

In 1779, du Bourget was admitted to the Séminaire d'Auch, where he excelled in theology and developed a religious philosophy marked by staunch conservatism, monarchism and rigorous asceticism. He did travel abroad to assist Cardinal François-Joachim de Pierre de Bernis with various dealings in Rome, but took part in no formal business given that the Cardinal disdained the young du Bourget sympathies toward the Jesuits.

Back in Auch in 1781, he completed his ecclesiastical education without ever travelling abroad again, developing a strong affinity for Gallicism and a moderate disdain for the byzantine politics of the Roman Church.

Travelling priest (1785-1789)

Ordained priest in 1785, du Bourget acted as a wandering parish priest amongst the various parishes of the Archdiocese of Auch. In his capacity, he was quickly worried by what he saw as a decay in the purity of the faith among the general population.

The abuses which were to culminate in the bloody French Revolution draw is ire, as he actively promoted asceticism as a way toward the true faith and a just living. Always friendly to the condition of the poor and the peasantry, he was seen as a moderate influence in the waning days of Louis XVI's reign in the Gers.

The Revolution and what followed (1789 - 1804)

At the time of the King's overthrow, du Bourget was acting as Archdiocesan vicar to the Archbishop of Auch, Louis-Appolinaire de La Tour du Pin-Montauban.

The clergy, which has stood firm behind the monarchy, was paying the price for centuries of privilege and was raked from inside by dissension toward which stance to adopt toward the new administration of the realm.

When the Archbishop of Auch exiled himself in 1801 following his staunch opposition do the Constitution civile du clergé, a large part of the archdiocesan clergy took to the roads of exile with him. While he opposed the measure, du Bourget saw his service to the parishioners as his first and foremost duty. He therefore stayed behind, working diligently to temper the ire of the population and preserve the frayed influence of the church in the region. This episode would forever taint his view of those who abandoned their duty during these troubling times.

The Empire (1804-1815)

During the years of the Empire, du Bourget manoeuvered skillfully to avoid crossing the authorities. Never far from contestation movements and the royalist underground, he always appeared to be driven by the events rather than having a hand in them. During those years, he became profoundly moderate figure to the population of the Gers, always striving to rein in popular discontent by negotiating on behalf of the "bons gens" with the authorities and being seen by both parties as their ally.

He was named Bishop of Montauban in 1807.

The Restoration (1815 - )

With the Restoration of King Louis XVIII, du Bourget was largely pressed by various interests in the Gers to seek a greater role in the affairs of the State.

Correspondance:

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Count of Berstett (1)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Préfêt of the Nord
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Duke of Piombino
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy of Yonnes
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Marshall de Moncey
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Archbishop of Reims (1)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Count of Berstett (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Archbishop of Reims (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Duke of Richelieu
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Prince of Polignac
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Préfêt of the Nord (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy of the Seine
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Prince of Condé
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy of the Seine (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Prince de Henrichemont
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Duke of Piombino (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Comte de l'Isle Jourdain
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Baron de Roybon
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Préfêt of the Nord (3)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Marshall Saint-Cyr
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Marshall Saint-Cyr (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy of the Seine (3)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Comte Decazes
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to Jacques Henri Mallet
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Prince of Condé (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Comte de l'Isle-Jourdain (2)
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Marquis de Valence
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to Henri-Jules de Bourbon

General ICs:

On the road to Paris
Campaining in the Gers
The Confession of Bon Adrien Jeannot de Moncey
Campaining in Corrèze
On religious counsel to Lothaire Lécuyer in Toulouse
On becoming Confesseur to the Count of Artois
Campaigning in Paris
Campaigning in the Gers (2)
The Funeral of the Prince of Condé - Notice
The Funeral of the Prince of Condé - Part 1
Campaigning in Boreaux
The Funeral of the Prince of Condé - Part 2
Campaigning in Lille
The Funeral of the Prince of Condé - Part 3
The Funeral of the Prince of Condé - Part 4 - Discussion with Valence
Campaigning in Paris (2)
Campaigning in the Gers (3)
Sermon on the importance of joining the armed forces of the realm
The Most Christian Society of St. isidore the Labourer - Creation
A dinner with the Comte de l'Isle-Jourdain
On the defamation of Notre-Dame-de-Paris by Bonapartists
The Most Christian Society of St. Isidore the Labourer - Famine of 1818
The Most Christian Society of St. Isidore the Labourer distributes bread

Publications:

Mon Dieu, Mon Roy, Ma Patrie : A treatise on primary education in the Kingdom of France
Dieu est son Droit : A treatise on the Divine Right of Kings
Open letter to the inhabitants of the Gers by the Bishop of Montauban
Gazette de France : The national decay of morality
Gazette de France : De la maintenance des routes et des chemins
Gazette de France : The Dilapidation of the Crown's and Church's Patrimony : The liberal solution to everything
Gazette de France : The Seven Deadly Sins : The Slothfulness of the Comte de Dhuizon
Gazette de France : Le Pain de l'Alliance nouvelle et éternelle
Gazette de France : The Duke of Berry struck down by the dagger of liberal republianism

Chamber of Deputies:

Petition to his Majesty the King on the need for reform in the matters of National Education of our youth
Debate on the exclusion of the Deputy for Toulouse (1)
Debate on the exclusion of the Deputy for Toulouse (2)
Debate on the Budget for 1815 (1)
Debate on the Budget for 1815 (2)
Debate on the Budget for 1815 (3)
Debate on the Budget for 1815 (4)
Debate on the Budget for 1815 (5)
Debate on the Budget for 1815 (6)
Debate on the famine
Debate on the Electoral Reform Act
Debate on the Electoral Reform Act (2)
Debate on the financial situation of clergymen
Debate on the Electoral Reform Act (3)
Debate on the famine (2) and agricultural reform
Debate on the famine (3)
Debate on the exclusion of the Deputy for Isère
Debate on the outlawing of the Veteran's League
Debate on the Murder of the Duc de Berry

Not attributed:

Open letter about the proliferation of open letters and reactions to open letters
A play about the Comte Décazes
L'Oriflamme : "Fear not hungry masses for in 10 years time agricultural reform will feed your dead bodies"
The Grand cabinet and the affair of the missing brioche
 
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MastahCheef117

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A painting of the comte de Dhuizon, begun shortly after the second restoration and completed in early 1816.

Name: Auguste Philippe, comte de Dhuizon
Born: 16 July 1768 (aged 47)
Party: Doctrinaires (conservative faction)
Profession: Aristocrat, member of the Chamber of Peers; sometime army officer
Department: Loir-et-Cher
Background: Born a year and a half after the hero of the Battle of New Orleans – fought just a few months ago – Auguste Philippe is the son of Jacques-Henri (1725 – 1791), a friend of the late King Louis XV and a noted conservative in the king's court. Auguste Philippe, like all good men of the nobility, was raised in the Catholic tradition and became a humble servant of a terrible God. Being the son of a conservative noble enamored with and a friend and advisor of the King of France, Auguste became instilled with the notion that the only good way to rule any country was in the name of God – and to exercise prudence yet continual firmness, particularly when dealing with more sensitive matters which would quickly serve to be the undoing of Louis' grandson and successor.

Auguste Philippe attended the University of Paris as he grew older and enjoyed studying philosophy and the classics alongside the typical education of mathematics and the other requisite and basic sciences. By this time tensions in France had reached a boiling point, and two days before his twenty-first birthday the Bastille was stormed by the Parisian rioters seeking powder for their newly-secured munitions. As he saw the head of Captain de Launay paraded through the streets at the tip of a pike, Auguste realized, to his distaste and perhaps even his horror, that the threat of mob chaos and violence was not only very real, but the true enemy of man and God alike.

In his last days Jacques-Henri made known to his son his distaste for the reigning King and his inability to properly deal with the newly-monied who now openly jockeyed for political power as the militias effectively seized control of Paris. The division in the National Assembly, however, proved dangerous more to the King than to the people they claimed to represent, and the collapse of the absolute authority of the throne was effected before too long. By the time the Constitution of 1791 was introduced, Jacques-Henri had died from an unknown illness, leaving Auguste to claim the title of comte de Dhuizon. Dhuizon found himself, at this early age, a supporter of the monarchiens, and later of the Feuillants, and took a seat in the National Constituent Assembly as one of the faction's more conservative members. Dhuizon lacked the hatred his father had for Louis XVI, but remained skeptical of his dedication to the new system in France, and his suspicions were confirmed after the infamous Flight to Varennes ended in disaster. Dhuizon took temporary leave from the National Constituent Assembly to receive a commission as a colonel in the Army to help secure the public peace in the capital. Serving under General Mortier, the marquis de Lafayette, he witnessed, one day after his twenty-third birthday, the massacre on the Champ de Mars. Horrified by the violence, yet even more strongly committed to strict constitutionalism as a result, he returned to the National Constituent Assembly, only for it to dissolve shortly thereafter. During the chaos of August 1792, as the fédérés and National Guard stormed the Tuileries, Auguste made his escape from Paris with the woman with whom he was engaged (Charlotte Isabelle, the daughter of a nearby baron), fleeing first to Prussia and, later during the final months of the Revolutionary Wars, to Great Britain (which became the United Kingdom in 1801).

This period served as his formative years. Dhuizon continued his studies of political philosophy, entrenching within him the ideas of divine right, strong and extremely limited parliamentary government, and aristocratic tradition above all, while also still championing the concepts of innate rights among all people, causing some reactionaries and ultraroyalists to discount his commitment to the cause of liberation and restoration in France (some even accused him of Bonapartism). He returned from exile to Paris in 1814 one of many nobles who had barely escaped the tyrannical Revolution with their lives. Recognized by Louis XVIII for his commitment to the monarchy and his service before the overthrow of his elder brother, Dhuizon was provided a minor stipend to compensate for his losses in wealth and property as a result of the Revolution. When Napoleon returned to metropolitan France in March the following year, he again offered his services as an army colonel to the Bourbon regime, serving without too much distinction but still being noted for his determination. With the second (and hopefully final) restoration of the Bourbon regime to power, Dhuizon remains a staunch ally and defender of the royal family, and is a leading member of the conservatives within the Doctrinaire faction, sitting in the Chamber of Peers since 20 July.

Positions and titles (in chronological order, starting in 1815):
Member, National Constituent Assembly (1789 – 1791; 1791)
Colonel, National Guard (1791)
Comte de Dhuizon (1791 – present)
Colonel, Royal Army (1815)
Member, Chamber of Peers (1815 – present)
President of the Council of State/Prime Minister (1815 – 1817)
 
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TJDS

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Victor Durand, Président du Conseil des Ministres
b. 23 October 1779; Lille, Kingdom of France
Public Official, Political Writer, Merchant, Industrialist
Doctrinaire

Victor Henri Louis Marie Durand (23 October 1779 - XX-XX-XXXX) was a French politician, public official and political writer. He was a leading Left Doctrinaire and one of the voices of moderation in the Chamber of Deputies during the French Restoration period. His time in the Cabinet of King Louis XVIII was marked with far-reaching reform to French society, including matters of education, the economy and suffrage.


Victor Durand was born in the family mansion just outside Lille to Henri-Marie Durand, a businessman and small landowner, by his wife Louise Germaine de Outremont. Victor’s early life was dominated by food shortages in France following the adoption of laissez-faire policies by the Ancien Régime in 1774, as the Durand Family grew abundantly rich from Henri-Marie’s grain trade imported via the Dutch Republic and Le Havre; this meant that young Victor could be sent to one of the best boarding schools in France at a young age, having already displayed a far reaching interest in history and ancient Greek.

The Durand Family, although practitioners of a trade usually described as the “the trade by the most cruel enemies of the people”, survived the Revolution and much of the subsequent tumult without much loss, with Victor being hardly disturbed in his education, as his boarding school was in Royalist agrarian lands far from the disarray and violence of Paris. Finishing his education at the boarding school in 1797, Victor Durand’s academic ambitions were severely restrained with the abolition of French universities through a 1793 Revolutionary Decree, however, with assistance from his father’s Dutch business associates, Durand secured a place at the Leiden University in the faculties of Law and the Humanities. During his studies in the Netherlands, Durand became genuinely interested in politics and polity as the political debates on the form of the Batavian Republic’s liberal constitutions raged in the debate clubs of the old university. After he finished his studies in the Netherlands, Victor Durand returned to France to support his family and marry. He was successful on both accounts, becoming a Judge on the Nord Departmental Tribunal and marrying Elise Catherine de Papineau in 1806, with whom he would have four children.

As a judge on the Nord Tribunal, he made a name for himself as a prudent and moderately liberal practitioner of the law, which, combined with his ties with and knowledge of the Batavian Republic, made him a suitable candidate for the government of the newly founded Koninkrijk Holland, a French puppet state headed by Koning Louis-Napoleon, after the Emperor abolished the ineffective and independent-minded Batavian Republic. Appointed to the Ministry of Justice in 1806 and at various times holding the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of the Interior, Durand became a chief advisor and friend of Louis, who had become loved by the Dutch people and Durand himself for his genuinely good character and personal interest in the lives of his subjects. During his service in the Cabinet of King Louis, Durand was knighted as Commander in the Dutch Order of the Union and was made Officer in the Legion of Honour for his services to the Bonapartes.


When Napoleon, annoyed by his brother’s independence and Dutch-ness, moved troops towards Holland to force Louis to accept the annexation of his kingdom, Durand advised Louis to abdicate, as the puppet state was neither in the militarily or economically able to sustain conflict with any nation, but when Louis, citing his duty towards the Dutch people, refused to do so, Durand remained loyal. The subsequent 80,000 men strong French intervention would annex Holland without much resistance in 1810, with both Louis and Durand going into refuge.

Durand spend the next three years in exile at the Austrian Imperial Court, having been offered asylum by the former Ambassador to the Netherlands, Prinz Klemens von Metternich. There he would return to his hobby and most beloved subject, history, and write his magnum opus, L'Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans, a trilogy focusing on the economic and diplomatic aspects of this great struggle between imperial and diplomatic factions and the side struggles in France and the Low Countries.

With the death of Henri-Marie Durand and the defeat of Napoleon’s Grande Armee in Russia, Victor decided to return to the Durand family estate and lands outside Lille, where he would assume a prominent position in the city through his inherited fortune, which also included various estates, his father’s old grain trading venture, partial ownership of the Anzin Mining Company and shares in Lille’s upcoming textile industry. He immediately declared himself a royalist with the fall of the Empire and met King Louis XVIII, following a visit to Lille, and was rewarded for his loyalty with the office of Prefect of the Nord Department on 25 October 1814. He subsequently remained faithful to the Bourbons throughout the Hundred Day, believing them to be the only ones capable of delivering a stable France accepted in the Europe of Monarchs. Believing his duty to France transcended the departmental politics of Nord, he stood for and won a seat in the Chamber of Deputies for Nord in 1815.

Victor Durand is now one of the few graced liberal public officials remaining after the defeat of Napoleon and understands that although the Charter of 1814 protects many of the civil rights of the French citizens, the ultraconservatives vying for revenge in the corridors of power do seriously threaten the stability and power of the Restored Monarchy. Durand would therefore work to protect of the Charter and advocate liberal economic policies, while vigilantly protecting the national interests of France in the new restored Europe, both in the Department and the Chamber.

Durand quickly rose to prominence as main spokesperson for the Cabinet and the Left Doctrinaires in the Chambre introuvable. His defence of the Richelieu Budget and his clear opposition to any amendments to the Grand Education Petition assured him of much influence among both wings of the Doctrinaires and, which was cemented by his Manifesto for Loyalists and Moderates in the 1817 General Election. For his services in the Chamber of Deputies and his experience as Préfet and Minister in the Netherlands, Durand was offered to the Ministry of the Interior, which he quickly accepted. Durand would subsequently resign from his position as Préfet, as his new position would prevent Durand from returning to Lille to fulfill his position there.

His time in office as Minister of the Interior was as short as he was unpopular with the wider public. His reforms, including electoral reform, far-reaching infastructure and economic stimuli and education reforms, woulld forever change the socio-economic landscape of France, but the acclamation for his work came only after he had been forced to resign in the Spring of 1818. Greatly angered and at times depressed by the decision of King Louis XVIII to fire him resulted in a self-imposed exile to his home in Lille, where he resumed his duties as Prefect of the Department. During his time as Prefect, he worked and reform the Department to become the springboard of the industralization of France, while also expanding his personal fortune to rival that of the highest dukes and richest bourgeosie in Paris.

When he once again returned to Paris to lead the French Philhellenic Society, he had become a hero of the left and had long been redeemed for his short Ministry. He quickly again took the stage as a leader among the Leftist Opposition to the Ultraroyaliste Ministry of De Sully. Indeed, after the disastrous 1824 General Election, where the Ultraroyalistes, living on the victory in Spain over Revolutionaries and using illegal methods, such as bribing and gerrymandering, defeated many of the leading figures of the Doctrinaires, save Durand. With Durand leading the Parliamentary Opposition, he, together with his ally the Marquess d'Armentieres, started rallying the Left behind a single banner to finally defeat De Sully and his increasingly Ultraroyaliste and unpopular government in the next general election. They succeeded and with the 1827 General Election came a hung parliament. Charles X, an ultraroyaliste monarch, saw his hand forced and appointed Durand as Minister of Foreign Affairs in a new unpartisan Cabinet, hoping thereby to limit the Left's reformism and seeking to dim the rising star that was Durand. Although he proposed no large scale reforms during his term as Foreign Minister, he successfully lead the extradition of French troops from Spain and worked with the United Kingdom and Russia to liberate Greece from the Ottoman Empire, his term in office would later be described as unimaganitive but adequate.

However, the King, seeing a chance to return the Seals of Office to his Ultraroyaliste Allies fired Durand and his left of centre colleagues in what could only be described as an uneducated move on the King's part. The subsequent Ministry, which lacked both the support of the Chamber and the People outside it, would double down on the unpopular proposals of the De Sully Ministry, while burning bridges with all their moderate allies. This would culminate in the the coup attempt by King Charles and his Ministry with the Ordinnances of Saint Cloud, which would directly lead to the Three Glorious Days and the establishment of a constitutional monarchy under King Louis-Phillipe I. Durand, who would take a leading role in the struggle against King Charles and his cronies, would, after firstly establishing the Executive Comittee of the Revolutionaries and the Provisional Government after the defeat of Charles, was appointed Prime Minister as a result.

General Information:
Born: 23 October 1779; Lille, Kingdom of France
Profession: Public Official, Political Writer, Capitalist, Industrialist
Political Affiliation: Centre Gauche (1830 - Present), Chartist (1827 - 1830), Doctrinaires (1814 - 1830)
Department: Nord
Alma mater: Leiden University
Spouse: Elise Catherine Durand (née de Papineau)
Issue: 4 Children; 1 Son, 3 Daughters
Religion: Roman Catholicism
Honours and Decorations:

Officier de la Légion d'honneur (Kingdom of France - 1808)
Commandeur van de Orde van de Unie (Kingdom of Holland - 1808)

Public Positions held:
Le Département Nord:

Juge de la Tribune (Judge) 1803-1806
Préfet du Département (Prefect) 1814 - 1817; 1818 - Present

Kabinet van het Koninkrijk Holland:

Minister van Justitie (Justice) 1806-1810
Minister van Financiën (Finance) 1807; 1809
Minister van Binnenlandse Zaken (Interior) 1808; 1809
Chambre des Députés
Député du Nord (Deputy) 1815 - Present
Chef de l'Opposition (Leader) 1824 - 1827
Conseil des Ministres
Ministre de l'Intérieur (Interior) 1817 - 1818
Ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Foreign Affairs) 1827 - 1830, 1831 - Present
Président du Conseil des Ministres (Prime Minister) 1830 - 1831

En Société française:
Membre du Conseil d'Administraion de Le Dioclétien (Trustee of Le Dioclétien) 1815 - Present
Président de la Société Philhellénique française (President of the French Philhellenic Society) 1821 - 1827
Maitre Maçon de la Loge Suprême de France (Master Mason - Secret) 1824 - Present


Significant Acts sponsored:

Bibliography:

L'Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans - 1812, 1813
I - Reformation & Contrareformation: The Origins of the War and the Bohemian Powder Keg
II - Destruction on a New Scale: European Interventions and German Intrigue
III - The End of Destruction and a New Dawn: The French Role reviewed and the Treaty of Westphalia
An Essay on The Feeding, Works and Reproduction of Population - 1815
An Essay on The Need to Restructure French Education - 1815
Manifesto for Loyalists and Moderates - 1817
Manifesto for Loyalists and Moderates - 1824
An Essay on a State with Society - 1824
Manifesto of the Chartists - 1827
 
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loup99

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Name: François-Jacques Ratinet
Born: 19th of October 1789 (age 25)
Party: Independent
Political Affiliation: Republican, radical, anti-Bourbon and anti-Bonapartist
Profession: Revolutionary, author
Department: Seine
Biography: ((WIP))
 
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Louis Joseph de Bourbon
Title : Prince of Condé, Duke of Bourbon and others, also prince du sang
Age : 78
Profession: Aristocrat, extensive land owner and extensive wealth
Court position: Grand Maître for Louis XVIII, peer of France
Department: Oise
Political alignment: Ultraroyalists
Bio:

Louis Joseph de Bourbon was born on August 9, 1736, as the only son and heir to Louis Henri de Boubon, at then the present Prince of Condé though refered to as the Duke of Bourbon. Belonging to the cadet branch of the house of Bourbon, he was a prince du sang from birth, and until the age of four was known as the Duke of Enghien. Louis Joseph was however quick to be orphaned as his father passed away in 1740, making the four year old the new Prince of Condé, followed by his mother’s death one year later in 1741 upon which he was placed in the care of his paternal uncle, Louis, Count of Clermont.

Louis Joseph had a normal aristocratic life, at the age of 17 in 1753 he married Charlotte de Rohan, daughter of Charles, prince de Soubise, at Versailles. Together with her he had three children, the oldest was a daughter named Marie who died young. Following her came Louis Henri Joseph, Duke of Bourbon, and lastly he fathered another daughter, Louise Adélaïde.

A year before Louise’s birth, he bought the Palais Bourbon from Louis XV. The Palais the Bourbon was to become his home in the following year as the Prince turned it from a country house into a monumental palace. Adding the neoclassical gatway and front to the palace and enlarging the grounds in 1768 by purchasing the Hotel de Lassay.

His family joy was hoever to be limited as his wife died in 1860, upon which he began an adulterous relationship with Maria Caterina Brignole, Princess of Monaco. Their relationship was to fill most of the remainder of his life. By 1769 she had set up her home in the Hotel de Lasssay which was followed by a fallout with her husband.

At the outbreak of the French revolution, the Prince of Condé supported the monarchy, his family, and raised an army that was to be named the Army of Condé. Later it was nicknamed the Princes´ army due the position of many in the army, such as Condé himself, his grandson, the Comte d’Artois along with the dukes of Angoulême and Berry. The army of Condé was to see some success in battle but failed to achieve their goal of a Bourbon restoration and by the end of the first coalition, the Prince of Condé travelled to England in exile where he was married to Maria in 1798. Here he would spend the remainder of the war living together with his wife, son and grandson from time to time.

Condé would not return to France until the defeat of Napoleon where upon he would resume his position as grand maître now to Louis XVIII. Upon his return some of his lands and estates were restored, including the Palais Bourbon, which had much to his dismay been altered far too much to resume its position as a primary residence. Instead he would rent out the majority of the Palais to the Chamber of Deputies, while he himself would live in the Hôtel de Lassay, now eager to see the rest of his rights, fortune and lands restored.
 
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Firehound15

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Arnaud Alexandre Saint-Maurice de Loritz
6ème Comte de Berstett et Chevalier du Saint-Esprit

c. 1820

b. August 7th, 1768
Strasbourg, French Alsace

Positions Held:

Land Surveyor (1793-1798)
Deputy to Archduke Joseph, Palatine of Hungary (1798-1814)
Non-Peerage Count (1805-)
Ultraroyaliste Candidate for the Chamber of Deputies from Bas-Rhin (1815)


Known, commonly, as
Alexandre de Berstett

Biography:
~ 1768-1815 ~
Born in Strasbourg, near his family’s estates in northern Alsace, Alexandre was a very infrequent visitor to Versailles, even as he came of age. His family, while possessing a certain stateliness, were never significantly involved in court affairs, and, as Noblesse d’Epeé, contributed the vast majority of their service to the government in the form of military leadership. For instance, Alexandre’s own father, Arnaud, served in both the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years War, first as an aide-de-camp, and later as a commander in his own right.

Alexandre, however, was not particularly interested in following the military lifestyle of his family, and instead commenced studies at the University of Paris. Despite being acknowledged for his intellect, the academic lifestyle had also failed to suit his tastes, and after only one year, Alexandre returned to Alsace, where he focused on the management of his family’s estates. His success in the role received the attention of local magistrates, with whom he was very briefly invited to work. Unfortunately for the young nobleman, this door to civil service would be quickly shut by the establishment of the French Republic and the beginning of the Reign of Terror.

With the destabilization of society throughout France, the Berstett Family - setting aside Alexandre’s estranged uncle, Jean-Martin - left for the Holy Roman Empire. Rather than staying in the Palatinate with his family, however, Alexandre travelled to Austria, where he attempted to find work at the Emperor’s court. Initially, there was not a significant desirability in a young, inexperienced French émigré, and as such, he began to contemplate either a return to his family or entry into military service.

Ultimately, he would choose neither, as by a stroke of luck Alexandre made the acquaintance of Archduke Joseph, who had rather recently been been made Palatine of Hungary. At the Archduke’s suggestion, Alexandre travelled to Hungary, where he took an administrative post surveying for the Crown. After five years of successful work and a scandal involving the Palatine’s previous deputy, “Graf Berstett” (as became known in Austria) was elevated to the post. He would then go on to serve as a close advisor and confidante of the Palatine for nearly sixteen years, before - much to the Archduke’s disappointment - returning to Alsace.

Upon returning to France, Alexandre was confronted with surprising news - that Napoleon had, upon the death of his father, given his uncle (who was a strong supporter of Bonaparte,) the title of Comte, rather than allowing it to pass to Alexandre, its rightful holder. This resulted in a peculiar situation in which there temporarily existed two holders of the title (a product of official recognition of Napoleonic titular grants). The issue was resolved without significant strife when, upon the death of the ailing Jean-Martin, Alexandre succeeded his version of the title. While this technically made Alexandre both the sixth and seventh Count of Berstett, he refused to acknowledge the unlawful seizure of his hereditary right, and insisted that he be recorded as only the sixth.

Despite finally reclaiming his title, Alexandre was unable to return to the management of his familial estate. Indeed, the return of Napoleon and the beginning of the Hundred Days cast him as a political outsider. From Alexandre’s perspective, he had spent over twenty years awaiting the restoration of the Bourbon Monarchy, and as far as he was concerned, Napoleon had directly violated his family’s integrity by interfering their laws of succession. Because of this, he became a vocal opponent of Napoleon and even briefly attempted to ferment his own Vendee-style rebellion in Alsace-Lorraine. While this was not at all successful (due, in some part, to his lack of military experience), his bravery and loyalty to the Bourbon Monarchy would earn him the endowment of a knighthood in the Order of the Holy Spirit shortly after the Second Restoration.

While Alexandre is not a traditionalist in the sense that some of his Ultraroyaliste allies are, he is undoubtedly a conservative, favoring an interventionist, morally upright society. After nearly twenty-one years in Austria, he has grown to admire their particular brand of monarchism, and desires a French government with a similar practical approach to governance. Additionally, he is a vocal proponent of returning confiscated and redistributed lands to members of the nobility, as well as guaranteeing privileges to those who remained loyal to the monarchy. It is in order to promulgate and argue in favor of these positions - as well as implement those matters of administration learned in Hungary - that he has decided to run for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies representing his home department, Bas-Rhin.

_____________________________________________________________________


c. 1790


Coat of Arms of the Count of Berstett,
displaying the ribbon of a Knight of the Holy Spirit.


List of the Counts of Berstett:

B. 1768 / T. 1805 / D. ???? - Arnaud Alexandre Saint-Maurice

B. 1742 / T. 1805 / D. 1814 - Jean-Martin Henri Amadieu (Uncle)
B. 1736 / T. 1758 / D. 1805 - Jean-Philippe Arnaud Auguste (Father)
B. 1710 / T. 1739 / D. 1758 - Arnaud Maurice Reinald (Grandfather)
B. 1679 / T. 1714 / D. 1739 - Charles Arnaud Juste (1st christened w/ French name) (G-Gran.)
B. 1658 / T. 1699 / D. 1714 - Heinrich Reinhold Johann (G-G-Gran.)
B. 1633 / T. 1664 / D. 1699 - Heinrich Arnold (G-G-G-Gran.)

(Previously, Reichsritters)
 

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Laurent de Gouvion,
marquis de Saint-Cyr, Maréchal de France


The Marshal at the Battle of Polotsk
Name: Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr
Born: April 13, 1764
Profession: Member of the Chamber of Peers, Commander of the VI Corps and 2nd Division.

Background: The future Marshal of France was born in Toul, Three Bishoprics. He went to Rome when he was eighteen in order to study painting, but, although he continued his artistic studies after his return to Paris in 1784, he never adopted the profession of a painter. In 1792 he was chosen a captain in a volunteer battalion, and served on the staff of General Custine. Promotion rapidly followed, and in the course of two years he became a general of division. He commanded the center division of Jean Victor Marie Moreau's army in the Rhine Campaign of 1796, aiding in the celebrated retreat from Bavaria to the Rhine. In 1798 he succeeded André Masséna in the command of the army of Italy. In the following year he commanded the left wing of Jean-Baptiste Jourdan's army fighting in Germany; when Jourdan was succeeded by Masséna, he joined the army of Moreau in Italy, where he distinguished himself in face of the great difficulties that followed the defeat of Novi. Moreau disliked Saint-Cyr for his sense of righteousness and incorruptibility. Moreau also accused him of not supporting his brother generals though General Ney and Davout often thanked him for support after battles.

When Moreau, in 1800, was appointed to the command of the army of the Rhine, Gouvion Saint-Cyr was named his principal lieutenant, and on May 9 gained a victory over General Kray at Biberach. He was not, however, on good terms with his commander and retired to France after the first operations of the campaign. In 1801 he was sent to Spain to command the army intended for the invasion of Portugal, and was named grand officer of the Legion of Honour. When a treaty of peace was shortly afterwards concluded with Portugal, he succeeded Lucien Bonaparte as ambassador at Madrid.

Saint-Cyr was a stoic in an age of pragmatism and glory and was not an enthusiastic supporter of Napoleon's Empire. His refusal to sign the proclamation of congratulation for declaring the birth of the empire resulted in his name not being included in the first list of Marshals, while commanders such as Lannes, Bessières and Soult who had not had independent command experience were included. In 1803 he was appointed to the command of an army corps in Italy, in 1805 he served with distinction under Masséna, and in 1806 he was engaged in the campaign in southern Italy. When he returned to Paris to protest his treatment in Naples, Napoleon sent him back to his post on pain of death. He took part in the 1807 campaigns in Prussia and Poland, and in 1808, in which year he was made a count, he commanded an army corps in Catalonia; but, not wishing to comply with certain orders he received from Paris, he resigned his command and remained in disgrace till 1811.

On the opening of the Russian campaign, Saint-Cyr received command of the VI Corps, and on August 18, 1812 won a victory over the Russians at Polotsk, in recognition of which he was made a marshal but without being awarded a baton of command. The Russians, under Barclay de Tolly, were burning everything as they retreated back towards Moscow, and had just burned nearby Smolensk. It was just prior to the victory at Polotsk on the banks of the Daugava river, however, that Oudinot was wounded, and thus Saint-Cyr assumed his command. Saint-Cyr distinguished himself at the battle of Dresden, August 26–27, 1813, and in the defense of that place against the Allies after the battle of Leipzig, capitulating only on November 11th, when Napoleon had retreated to the Rhine. In this year, Saint Cyr's relation with the Emperor warmed as Napoleon commented that Saint Cyr had no match in all of the marshalate and was the equal of Napoleon himself in defense. On the day he received his long overdue baton he wrote a lengthy letter to his wife and true to his character he devoted only one line to his promotion.

After the Hundred Days and the coming of the Bourbon Restoration, he was created a Peer of France, and in July 1815 was appointed War Minister. His agitation for mercy in support of his good friend, Marshal Ney, has strained his relations in some Royalists circles, which lead to his resignation from the Cabinet.

After putting down disturbances in Tolouse, Saint-Cyr would quickly resume his old office, as War Minister, had even be granted a Marquisate by the King.
 
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Mikkel Glahder

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Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey
Born: 31st of July, 1754
Died: 20th of April, 1842 (Aged 87)
Positions: Marshal of France, Duke of Conegliano,
Baron of Conegliano, Peer of France
Profession: Marshal of France, Peer of France
Biography: Bon-Adrien was born in either Palise or Moncey in 1754. His father was a lawyer from Besançon and it was ultimately his father who procured his dischargement twice when the boy eager to join the French army signed up. Whilst he tried to adhere his fathers wishes and studied law, this zeal ended quickly and he entered the corps of Gendarmerie de la Garde in 1774. A regiment where the ordinary soldier had the rank of sub-lieutenants. In 1778 he became a second lieutenant of dragoons in the Legion of the volunteers of Nassau-Siegen, even though he quickly took leave. In 1782 however, he returned and by the time he embraced the principles in 1791 he was a captain.

He participated in the War of the Pyrenees and in a few months, he rose to become the commander-in-chief of the Army of the Western Pyrenees and it was largely his victories that made the Spanish government sue for peace. Although victorous on the battlefield, the government suspected that he was a royalist sympathizer and he was resigned of his commands in 1799.

After the coup of 18 Brumaire he became relevant again when Napoleon brought him back into service, and during the Italian campaigns he led a corps into Switzerland into Italy, passing through the Gotthard Pass with ease. He became inspector-general of the Gendarmerie in 1801 and became Marshal of France when Napoleon assumed his imperial title.

Although he served in the Peninsular war and won victories in Valencia, Ebro and the Second Siege of Zaragoza, he refused to participate in the Invasion of Russia, thus having no place within the Grandee Armée. When France herself was invaded however, he once more defended his Emperor's right to be emperor at the battle of Montmartre.

In 1814 he supported Louis XVIII and was made a peer of France. He remained neutral during the Hundred Days and is currently doing his best to survive.
_______

Positions since 1815:
Minister of War: 23rd of September 1815 - December 1816
Minister of War: 13th of October 1818 - December 1819
Minister of War: February 1828 - June 1830

_______
Family:
Wife:
Charlotte Prospère Remillet (Married in 30th of September 1790)

Children:
Anne-Françoise (Born 18th of July 1791, Married in 1818 to François-Louis Bourlon de Chevigné)
Bon-Marie de Moncey, Comte de Moncey (Born 9th of November 1792, Married in 1820 to Bernadine de Beauvillier (Born 1803)).
Bon-Louis-Napoleon (Born 31st of July 1802, died 22nd of November 1805)
Jeanne-Françoise-Hélène (Born 12 of August 1807, Married in 1824 to Alphonse-Auguste Gillevoisin Duchesne)
_______
 
Last edited:

Shynka

the Pope
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Name: Louis Francois, comte de Saint Germain
Born: 8th of May 1766 (Aged 49)
Party: Ultraroyalist
Department: Pas de Calais
Profession: Aristocratic leech and large scale shipping proprietor

Background:

Uninspired, unambitious and reluctant to embrace change, the count of Saint Germain has been throughout his life serving as the baggage to greater men. Together with this father he was one of the few to lead the flight from France upon the first sparks of social unrest. Throughout the terror of the Revolution and the subsequent Empire he would at first travel Europe, using his relative youth and late bachelorship to father bastards of every creed. As France begun spilling out, very much towards his new whereabouts, he decided to settle down in England, where after his father’s death he married a daughter of a fellow exiled Count. His father in law hated him, but had very limited choice. The daughter was plain, boring and altogether a dreadful human being, but her father happened to have the wits about him to evacuate some of his wealth from France before it all completely collapsed. A few fortunate deaths later, and while still in exile, the Count was in possession of an admirable fortune, which he spent patriotically and honourably by profiteering on the war waged against his homeland.

Returning to France in the baggage train of the victorious armies after the ultimate defeat of Napoleon, the Comte with little hesitation resettled from Saint Germain to Calais, where to this day he grows his wealth and demands that every grain of earth stolen from the late Count of Saint Germain by the revolutionaries be returned to him, tenfold.

An enormous admirer of the Duke of Artois, the Count entered politics to both further his own agenda and to have an excuse for a break from his dull wife and dimwit sons. Vehemently opposed to the ideas of revolution, the rights of man and the renaissance onwards in general, the Count seeks to once and for all extinguish the dangerous flame sparked in the late 18th century, returning France to the tranquillity he so enjoyed in his childhood.
 

99KingHigh

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[NOTE: The King's biography is posted. Royal family member biographies will be posted throughout the day. Everything at the moment is WIP. IC will commence once the first update is posted.]
 

LordTempest

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Alain Augustin Tremblay

Journaliste Politique ~ Candidat ~ Dilettante et Bourgeois Par Excellence

Information General:

Name: Alain Augustin Tremblay
Date of Birth: 18th September, 1790 (25)
Place of Birth: Montréal, Province of Quebec.
Current Residency: Paris, France.
Religion: Catholic
Profession: Journalist and aspiring Politician.
Political Affiliation: Pro-Doctrinaires (Moderate)
Social Class: Bourgeoisie
Alma Mater: Académie de Paris (Sorbonne)
Fluent in: French, (Parisian and Québécois) English, German and Latin


Bio: WIP
 

naxhi24

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Name: Nathanaël Barrande, comte de L’Isle-Jourdain
Born: July 15, 1790
Party: Independent
Profession: French Peer

Bio: Nathanaël was born to a noble family in Le Gers during the first year of the French Revolution (his date of birth is a day after the one-year anniversary of the storming of the Bastille). His family was from a long line of French nobility, some members claiming that the Barrande family were descendants of the Capets, the rulers of France long before the Bourbons took power (though odds are, this is not the case and is simply aristocratic boasting). His father was a member of the Second Estate's delegation to the Estates General, and witnessed the beginnings of the revolution.

When Nathanaël was two, the National Assembly overthrew the monarchy and established a Republic. His father, fearing for his family, sent Nathanaël and his mother to Britain. Nathanaël's father though, did not make it to them. A year later, the Reign of Terror set in, and the elder Comte de L'Isle-Jourdain was one of the terror's victims. The land the Barrande family owned was confiscated by the National Assembly. With that, Nathanaël became the new Comte de L'Isle-Jourdain It was in Britain though that Nathanaël received his education. He learned French at home, and English at school. When Nathanaël was nine, Napoleon had asserted himself as leader of France, and when Nathanaël was fourteen, Napoleon became Emperor. Nathanaël remembers fondly the British soldiers marching off to fight against the country he never knew.

When Napoleon was defeated after the Hundred Days, Nathanaël was forced home. He had already graduated university and had been taught the proper-bearings of a noble of his rank. Yet, for all his education, he never felt French in any regard. He was not raised during the Ancien Regime, all he had known was his home was in revolution or ruled by some usurper Emperor. He did not even know what his old-home looked like in Le Gers. Yet, he soon found himself back in the Barrande estate. He would be summoned to be a Peer, one of the younger members of the Chamber that was recently established. He would serve the government of a country he was not raised in, observe politics he does not understand, and be around French people while not really feeling French...