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((PRIVATE -- @99KingHigh))

From the Office of the President

Georges-Eugene Haussman
Department of the Seine


Your request to borrow 75 million francs on the authority of the city of Paris, to be utilized for reconstruction, is hereby approved. Please find enclosed the necessary authorizations and documentation.

For the Republic,

Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte
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Missive to the President of France
((Private - @etranger01))

Your Excellency,

Firstly let me congratulate you on overthrowing the tyrannical monarch and restoring liberty in France.

Secondly, I am pleased to report that order has been restored in Marseille, the revolutionary committees have been dissolved with only sporadic violence once your troops arrived. The city of Marseille thanks you for your swift action in regards to restoring legality and protecting our freedoms from the mob.

Raymond Joseph Vannier
Préfet des Bouches-du-Rhône
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Excerpt from the diary of Lièvremont, duc de Fleury, November 19th, 1866:

"Legitimism and Orléanism shall figure in the history books as the passing winter of an era. 1789 was its réveille, 1830 the solstice. In 1866, that first flower of spring blossomed. Fusion lives eternal in the hearts of Men."
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The flight from Paris had been quick.


The King had wanted to stay, to remain steadfast, to remain firm in his resolve; he had refused to be his grandfather, and yet was now suffering the same fate as him...


...a second humiliation, one more stinging than the first. At least then he had been but a child, unaware of the circumstances surrounding their departure.


But at least he had fought, fought for his throne, for his rightful place as God's chosen sovereign - and yet, like spoiled brats, his children, the people of France, had turned on him, on the Monarchy, on God, for yet another time.


In time they would see the error of their ways, in time they would cry for his return, and he would answer. It was his duty. God had given it to him, and he could never forego such responsibilities; and he would be merciful...to those who deserved it...and quick to punish the proverbial Judases, the men who tore down the Monarchy, who had forsaken God.


But for now, the King waited - he had done so for decades before, and he would do so again.

Je suis France. France c'est moi.
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((Private -- @TJDS))

From the Office of the President


In light of your distinguished service under the previous regime and your stated interest in the issue, I have decided to appoint you presiding chairman of an extraordinary commission to resolve the issue of labor disputes and laborers' rights within French industry. You shall oversee a deliberative body comprised of labor leaders and prominent industrialists, to be nominated by their respective bodies and approved by this office. Your commission shall be tasked with putting forward suggestions regarding necessary reforms. These suggestions will be reviewed directly by myself. Godspeed.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte
Deschamps addresses the Free City of Paris, or what he controls of it.

"Soldiers, Comrades, Workers. We have achieved something great today. We have liberated our country and our city from the Moneyed Aristocrat. We can not, we must not, and we will not allow King nor Emperor to assert himself over our city ever again. The blood of the martyrs that ran through this city demands that, at least.

We have fought tooth and nail for our Free City, too much has been sacrificed for us to abandon the gains we have made. Yet, we must not endanger the fragility of this state that we have fought to liberate. We can not repeat the failures of 1850, and allow our Republic to become compromised by the forces of reaction. Respect the new Order, Comrades, but do not explicitly endorse it until it has proven itself to care for the workers and people of Paris.

Do not allow the new Order to erase the memories of those who died in the name of revolution. Fight for our rights. Fight for each other. Fight for Paris. Our struggle is only beginning, Comrades. It is of critical importance that the momentum that we have built does not dissipate. Pamphleteers, your work to spread our message is only beginning. Carpenters, your work to build a social revolution has not begun yet in earnest, despite what you may think. Laborers, your work to confederate the means of labor starts now. The respect that the workingman has fought so bitterly for must be ensured, our demands must be respected, and our lives and livelihoods must be honored.

Vive le France. Vive le revolution. Vive le ville libre!"

The Demands of the Working Class of the New Republic

The working class men and women of the new Republic, who were the main catalyst in overthrowing the vile and hated Bourbon monarchy and who spilled the most blood in Paris and across France, see fit to petition the new Republican government of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte and his fellow Republican allies for the following:

1. A nationally enforced minimal wage for all working men and women that is high enough to guarantee the ability for all workers to provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families.

2. The right to organize into trade unions, as seen in nations like the United Kingdom where many of the Republicans spent years in exile, in order to allow workers to collectively organize and bargain for better standards and rights to their managers.

3. The right to strike in favor of better conditions for workers in a workplace and laws that ensure the Republic does not side against such strikes and be unable to utilize force against such strikes.

4. The right for all workers to a safe and secure work environment free of danger, injury, and death

5. The right to receive adequate compensation for injury enough to ensure the worker can provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families for the period of recovery

6. The right to an eight-hour workday for all workers

[X] Arthur Veil
[X] Charles Bouchardon
[X] J.-A. Gai

[X] - Emile Deschamps

((Private -- @Sneakyflaps))

From the Office of the President


In light of your proprietorship of substantial industrial assets, including assets valuable and necessary to the French nation, I have put your name forward as the leader of the industrial delegation to an extraordinary commission to resolve the issue of labor disputes and laborers' rights within French industry. This shall be a deliberative body comprised of labor leaders and prominent industrialists, to be nominated by their respective bodies and approved by this office. Your commission shall be tasked with putting forward suggestions regarding necessary reforms. These suggestions will be reviewed directly by myself. Godspeed.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte


((Private -- @naxhi24))

From the Office of the President


In light of your substantial investment and writings on the issue, I have put your name forward as the leader of the labor delegation to an extraordinary commission to resolve the issue of labor disputes and laborers' rights within French industry. This shall be a deliberative body comprised of labor leaders and prominent industrialists, to be nominated by their respective bodies and approved by this office. Your commission shall be tasked with putting forward suggestions regarding necessary reforms. These suggestions will be reviewed directly by myself. Godspeed.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte
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Deschamps' associates share the following Decree from the French Revolution in the streets of E. Paris, a brief post-script is added to it.

"The National Assembly decrees that hereditary nobility is for all time abolished, and that consequently no one whosoever shall use or be addressed by the titles of prince, duc, comte, marquis, vicomte, vidame, baron, chevalier, messire, ecuyer, noble or any other similar title.
Every French citizen must use only the real surname of his family. He may no longer wear livery or cause it to be worn or possess armorial bearings. In church, incense will be burned only to honour the deity and will not be offered to anyone, be he never so high.
No body or individual will be addressed by the titles monseigneur and meisseigneurs nor by those of excellence, altesse, eminence or grandeur. However, no citizen may choose to make the present decree a pretext for defacing monuments placed in churches, charters, titles and other documents of importance to families, property or the embellishments of any public or private building; nor may anyone at all proceed with or require the implementation of the provisions relating to liveries and to armorials on carriages before July 14th (for citizens resident in Paris) or before the expiry of three months (for those living in the provinces).”
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The Bourse reacts very badly to the news of the composition of the industrial commission—there is a severe selloff on December 5—and the haute banque consider demanding higher rates on the 75 million loan.
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Private - @m.equitum

To the Prince de Polignac

Your Highness - As you are almost certainly aware the recent events in Paris and victory of Monsieur Bonaparte over the erstwhile Ministry has seen numerous charges of treason brought against former ministers involved in the hostilities which have rocked the capital of our fair nation over this past week. Whereas I shall not speak to the guilt nor innocence of anyone else, I have had the fortune to be acquitted by the court of charges brought against me and my conduct as Minister of the Marine. In all it's mercy the courts and new Government has bestowed upon me the gift of life, relieving me of the Ministry and allowing me an honourable retirenment.

Whereas that may be it ofcourse brings with it an abrupt end to our mutual partnership regarding the Société des forges et chantiers de la Méditerranée. I have no reason to believe my successor will choose not to continue the profitable relationship enjoyed between yourself and the Ministry, but I find it prudent to inform you of this by my own hand.

As such it is my intention to retire from the capital as I suspect there is little sympathy nor use for me in Paris. Before returning to Brittany and considering my future I seek only to consider that of my son Joseph, who I humbly ask you continue to show your patronage towards.

I thank you for the kindness you have shown myself and my family. I wish you the best in the future in the hope that we may one day speak again.

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A letter to Bourchardon is penned by Deschamps.

Comrade Bouchardon ((@Qwerty7)),

I hope my correspondence finds you well and with a high revolutionary zeal in Lyons. The Free City has mostly been deestablished since the arrival of Bonaparte, yet I have kept the L'Association des Travailleurs Francais mobilized, for I believe that our struggle for a Worker's Revolution has not yet been realized.

I understand that you have urged the Free Cities to accept the new Order under Bonaparte, and I am inclined to do the same, to an extent. My friend, I am most afeared that the future of French Socialism lie not in the violent revolution that we championed under the reign of Henri, but in possibilist rheotric and politics, something I believe that you are far more suited to than I. My temperament is not conducive with reform, sadly.

However, I remain ever committed to the cause of revolution and worker's rights. I intend to remain in Eastern Paris as the President of L'Association des Travailleurs Francais, and continue to agitate and work for the respect that the French workingman deserves. I would welcome you in my struggles, if you so desire. Yet if you wish to stay in Lyon, I fully understand, for we must build socialism in all French cities and prefects, not just in Paris.

Vive le revolution.


From the Office of the President

It has come to this office's attention that diverse speculation has arisen regarding the forthcoming industrial commission. Such speculation is entirely premature and out of alignment with the truth of the matter. In order to restore a measure of calm, the composition of the Advisory Commission on Commerce and Labor shall be announced henceforth:

M. Henri Germain shall serve as presiding chairman of the commission.

M. Achille Bonhomme shall serve as chief labor representative, and M. Arthur Veil shall serve as his deputy.

M. Philippe de la Marche shall serve as chief industry representative, and M. Adolphe Eichthal shall serve as his deputy.

Finance Minister Rouher and his deputy shall sit on the commission as non-voting members to provide the members with necessary information.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte
A Funeral for Martyrs
Thousands of onlookers lined the streets of Paris as the massive procession consisting of the National Guard, Mobile Guard, 14th Regiment, and veterans of the Army of Algeria marched past. Despite the devastation and ruin, the people of Paris turned out to honor the heroes of the November Revolution. It was not just a funeral for General de la Rhone and Jerome de Lecuyer but a memorial for all the martyrs of Paris who died to bring freedom to France and usher in the Third Republic.

As the caskets made it to the Luxembourg Gardens, Domadeaux spoke to the masses. “Today we honor two men who sacrificed their lives for the liberty of the French people.”

“Jerome de Lecuyer was a tireless fighter for liberty from a long line of heroes whose name has become synonymous with French liberty. Jerome honored the Lecuyer legacy by championing reform, freedom of speech, and the right to vote for every Frenchmen despite tremendous opposition. He could have lived a comfortable life as a minister under the Bourbon regime and passively offered token resistance to their reactionary machinations but instead he risked his safety and position to fight for the people of France. Jerome de Lecuyer lived and died like a lion. Remember Lecuyer! Remember the Lion of Liberty!"

The crowd echoed back REMEMBER LECUYER! in deafening unison.

Domadeaux thought back on his acquaintance with the late Lecuyer. They had their political differences, but they got along cordially and always agreed on the importance of the military. Lecuyer had even been kind enough to speak at a meeting of the Paris Coalition Napoleonienne. He had hoped to seduce Lecuyer to their side and was gravely disappointed when Lecuyer fought against the mob in the June Days and pledged loyalty to the Bourbon regime. But Domadeaux had known Lecuyer’s heart and in the end he proved Domadeaux correct.

“General de la Rhone was one of the finest soldiers France has ever produced. He dedicated his career to the glory of France and brought it to the far-flung deserts of Algeria. But he was not just a soldier, he was a fighter. Even in the darkest hours, the general was an eternal beacon of hope. His determination never wavered, and he was always certain the cause of liberty would win out in the end. He always inspired me, and I am proud to have been his friend. De la Rhone made a fortune but risked it all to state the truth. Truth was always paramount to him and he never blunted his words. Despite his age, General de la Rhone fought in the frontlines of the revolution to see his lifelong dream fulfilled. Let his life be an example to us all and let his martyrdom inspire us to perform great deeds in the name of liberty.”

Tears filled Domadeaux’s eyes as he remembered his old friend. Oh, that crazy bastard! How many times did Domadeaux warn him to stay out of trouble? But Rhone was never one to play it safe. That’s why everyone admired him. Domadeaux would miss the old general and wished he was still around to guide them. Who would be able to replace him?

After many speeches from various dignitaries and blessings from clergy, the ashes of Lecuyer and de la Rhone were interred in the Pantheon. Construction of two statues of their likenesses began at the Place de le Concorde.

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The orchards at Le Mesnil-Mervay, summer 1866.

It had been three weeks since the Vicomte du Bessin had made his daring journey back from Paris to Rouen, and from Rouen to the safety and comfort of the family farm. There had been no summonses from Paris, nor did it seem that France remained on the verge of collapse. Through change, the good order of things had endured, and the world of the Republic was much like the previous world of the restoration.

In retirement at Normandy, Bessin had been able to indulge in one long abandoned pleasure: reading. He had been employed in the active service of the Second Restoration without pause for the entirety of the past decade, and in those years little time had been reserved for much except state papers, diplomatic reports and the pages of the Parisian presses. During the previous republic, Bessin had entered the Academy and, aside from his duties in the Senate, gave much of his energy to the work of the
lettriste. His periods of literary activity, on the whole, fell outside of those periods for which he had been in government. He had published his first works in the Twenties and Thirties, entered ministerial life in the Forties, published again in the Fifties, and then after the death of the senior Lévis finally assumed the role that he had long anticipated: elder statesman of the Legitimacy.

Recalling his youth in Lisieux, and later those obscure days in the law libraries at Rouen, Bessin thought of his deep affection for the republic of letters. It was as an historian that he had first ventured to make his name, and, with some naïvété, had as a much younger man intervened on a number of occasions in the world of political philosophy. But he had little to say on these weighty subjects now, and could not conceive of the arrogance that would be required in order to believe his personal philosophical inclinations at all relevant to the world of political thought.

On the bookshelf in his study, Bessin kept his most treasured editions. Over the years, he had built up his collection of political treatises, philosophical and theological tracts, historical monographs and other such important works. But rivalling these volumes in their number were countless novels and anthologies: the French Humanists; the Romantics from England, Germany and France; the singular works of Cazal, whose estate he had executed as a young man; Balzac's Human Comedy; the all encompassing Memoirs by Chateaubriand.

More and more, Bessin grew convinced that it was these works, far and above the sober efforts of academics and amateurs alike, which told the true history of their times. Gradually, the idea dawned on him: This would be his final project, the collection of his life's testimony!

In the Autumn of 1866, Bessin began work on his own Memoirs, which were to become the singular task of his last years. This would be a sweeping work, the account of a life lived against the backdrop of France's most turbulent years, from his birth in the last year of the 18th century up until the present day. No detail left uncovered, no idea left unconsidered – and, why not, no innuendo left untouched. Optimistic, perhaps, to embark upon such a task at the age of sixty-seven; he did not know how many years he would have left to devote to writing.

No matter, this would be his legacy. Political projects were here one day and gone the next; diplomatic victories reversed at the slightest disturbance. But over the past seven decades, Bessin had borne witness to Europe in all of its glory and scandal. This would be his gift to those who came after.
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((Private -- @99KingHigh))

From the Office of the President

Eugene Rouher
Ministry of Finance


As regards our previous conversation on future government loan offerings and the necessity for the democratization of credit, please find enclosed the relevant authorizations for the implementation of the policy. All future offerings should be public in nature, rather than restricted to extant avenues of high finance.

Moreover, please direct your department to offer the Interior Ministry its full cooperation on the matter of the national assets.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte


((Private -- @Andre Massena))

From the Office of the President


You are hereby charged with assuming control of the properties and assets described in the foundational decrees, and with assessing their value, and with distributing those properties and assets in accordance with national interests and for the benefit of the people. The Finance Ministry shall provide its full aid in your endeavor. Remind all involved that this most necessary program will take place under strict scrutiny.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte

P.S. Marie asks you for dinner Tuesday next, do let us know if you can attend.
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The Republican Project
By Jean-Éloi Charbonneau, Minister of State

Our long, yet fruitful, exile has left many in the nation confused, nervous, and ignorant of the Republican project and her faithful defenders who have been bound in the embrace of our champion, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, the Prince-Liberator, the Provisional President. Many in the Bourse and the working class quartiers alike shake with trepidation, to say nothing of the West who have not ever surrendered up their white flags. I endeavor then, in this editorial, to right the misunderstandings and allay the fears. Herein, I shall state clearly and forcefully the parameters of our beliefs, our actions, and the goals which drive us in all our actions.

The republican party, like our fathers before us, is revolutionary in method, liberal in principle, secular in thought, and amicable in practice. We are revolutionary in method in that we stand with the people and her institutions against the despotism of the King and other repressive institutions and seek reform and democracy through the pursuit of any and all means. We are liberal in principle in that we seek to establish the reign of liberty in France in all aspects of life; in the press, in the associations, in the protection of private property, in market relations, and in education. We are secular in thought in that we defend the rights of all Frenchmen, seeing only our common nation, and defend the right of the Catholic and the Jew, the Protestant and Theist, to profess and live the truth of their lives. We are amicable in practice in that we seek at all times to maintain the social peace and to deal with our neighbors abroad, and opponents at home, fairly and with fraternal kindness.

We seek to accomplish in France three fundamental goals which must be done, or we shall continue in the course of this century’s bloody history to lurch from violent disaster to violent disaster. The first of these goals is to end forever the heavy repression of the state. Long have we watched the shameful exertions of despotism within France in this century. The press have had no freedom, free associations of our countrymen have been suppressed, and the army, the most noble and heroic institution of the people, has been set upon the people with bloody sword and musket. Our government shall be liberal, tolerant, and amicable in our policy and we shall seek to encourage the liberty and free debate of the nation. The second of these goals is to establish in fullness the democratic society. We have by the might of the republican army won the universal suffrage and never again shall our people surrender it. Our constitution shall guarantee the right of every Frenchman of the age of twenty-one and older to vote without any restrictions as was promised by the murdered Constitution of 1852 which we have taken inspiration and guidance from to develop a new document to better govern this nation.

Our final and most difficult goal is the abolition of class antagonisms. We must through liberty, democracy, social and industrial reform, and the restoration of French glory wipe away the class antagonisms which have spilled so much blood in this century. We will by our policy and our victories end the war of the rich against the poor and the poor against the rich by establishing a regime of equality. We shall not as the socialists demand restrict or abolish the private property or the marketplace. The free market and the inviolable institution of private property have proven to be the greatest method of human development yet discovered. Further, the right of private property is a natural right of man and to deny him his right to property beyond the strictures of the law is the same as to deny him his right to breathe, to vote, or to speak. Rather, we shall encourage and establish harmonious relations between employer and employed. We shall improve working conditions. We shall extend prosperity and wealth to those previously left behind. We shall revitalize our rural life and economy. We shall rebuild and improve the health and living conditions of our cities. We shall invest in the education and transportation of France. By these means and a thousand more shall we at last reconcile the whole of France to itself. The National Aspiration, the universal suffrage, is the first step of this path which is the true path of our party and of the Nation. This is what we have called the National Renewal and it is our most precious and righteous goal.
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Constitution of the French Republic 1866
Proposed to the Nation by Provisional President Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte

I. This constitution is created and promulgated by the Provisional President of the French Republic in the year of 1866 and approved by the French people via a national referendum to guarantee to all Frenchmen liberty, equality before the law, the fraternity of the nation, the prosperity of France, the preservation of the social order, and the stability of the political system.

II. The French Republic is democratic, one, and indivisible.

III. It recognizes rights and duties anterior and superior to all positive laws.

IV. Its principles are liberty, equality, fraternity. Its basis is family, labor, prosperity, and public order.

V. It respects the nationality of foreign states, as it causes its own to be respected.

VI. Reciprocal duties bind the citizens to the republic and the republic to the citizens.

VII. It is the duty of the citizens to love their country, serve the republic, and defend it at the hazard of their lives, to participate in the expenses of the State, in proportion to their property; to secure to themselves, by their labor, the means of existence, and by prudent forethought provide resources for the future, to cooperate for the common welfare by fraternally aiding each other, and in the preservation of general order by observing the moral and written laws which regulate society, families and individuals.

VIII. It is the duty of the republic to protect the citizen in his person, his family, his religion, and his prosperity, and to bring within the reach of all that education which is necessary to every man; it is also its duty, by fraternal assistance, to provide the means of existence to necessitous citizens, within the limits of its resources, by giving relief to those who are unable to work and who have no relatives to help them.

In light of these fundamental principles, and the guidance and blessing of Providence, the Nation hereby Proclaims:

Chapter I: Sovereignty

Art. 1. The sovereignty exists in the whole body of French citizens. It is inalienable and imprescriptible. No individual, no fraction of the people can arrogate to themselves its exercise.

Chapter II: The Rights of the Citizenry of France

Art. 2. No person can be arrested or detained, except as prescribed by law.

Art. 3. The dwelling of every person living in French territory is inviolable and cannot be entered except according to the forms and in the cases provided against by law.

Art. 4. No extraordinary commissions or tribunals may be established for the purpose of exercising civil law, in any capacity or under any name whatsoever.

Art. 5. The penalty of death for political offences is abolished.

Art. 6. Slavery cannot exist upon any French territory. Slavery is the greatest of moral evils and it is the duty of the Republic and the Citizens of the Republic to prosecute and oppose the slave power wherever it is found.

Art. 7. Every man may freely profess his own religion and shall receive from the State equal protection in the exercise of his worship. The ministers of the religions at present recognized by law, as well as those which may be hereafter recognized, have the right to receive an allowance from the State.

Art. 8. Citizens have the right of associating together and assembling peaceably and unarmed, in order to petition or manifest their ideas by means of the press or otherwise. The exercise of these rights can only be limited by the rights or the liberty of others, or for the public security. The press cannot in any case be subjected to censorship.

Art. 9. All citizens are equally admissible to all public employments, without other reason of preference than merit, and according to the conditions to be determined by law. All titles of nobility, all distinctions of birth, class or caste shall have no effect on law.

Art. 10. All descriptions of property are inviolable; nevertheless, the State may demand the sacrifice of property for reasons of public utility, legally proved, and in consideration of a just and previous indemnity.

Art. 11. The Constitution guarantees to citizens the freedom of labor and of industry. Society favors and encourages the development of labor by gratuitous primary instruction, by professional education, by the fairness of rights between the employer and the workman, by institutions for the deposit of savings and those of credit, by agricultural institutions; by voluntary associations, and the establishment by the State, the departments and the communes, of public works proper for the employment of unoccupied laborers. Society also will give aid to deserted children, to the sick, and to the destitute aged who are without relatives to support them.

Art. 12. The unilateral and unlawful confiscation of property may never be reestablished.

Art. 13. The public debt is guaranteed. Every species of engagement made by the State with its creditors is inviolable.

Art. 14. All taxes are imposed for the common good. Everyone is to contribute in proportion to his means and fortune.

Art. 15. No tax can be levied or collected except by virtue of the law.

Art. 16. Any Frenchman who has attained the age of 21, who is in the enjoyment of his civil rights and liberties, is granted the powers of voting by secret ballot in all manners of elected office or national referendum, without any other requirement.

Chapter III: The Executive

Art. 17. The French people delegate the executive power to a citizen, who shall thus have the power granted by the French public to represent them and shall receive the title of President of the French Republic.

Art. 18. In order to be elected as president, one must have been born on French soil, to two French parents, or to at least one French parent, in the final case having been domiciled within France for a minimum of five years. As well, he must have attained the age of thirty.

Art. 19. The election to the Office of President shall occur the first weekend of June after every sixth year.

Art. 20. The President of the French Republic shall be elected to a six-year term. The President can be elected to any number of terms.

Art. 21. Should the office of the Presidency fall vacant due to the death of the incumbent or his resignation or removal from office, fresh elections will be called for within three months, during which time the Speaker of the National Assembly shall serve in his stead. Should the President be temporarily unable to fulfill his duties, and his presence be required by an emergency, as determined by a two-thirds majority of the National Assembly, a caretaker President appointed by that same resolution shall serve in his stead, until such time as the President submits notice of his ability to resume service to the legislature.

Art. 22. Following each election, the records of each department shall be transmitted to the National Assembly, and if there be a clear winner by simple majority, be declared President of the Republic. In cases where there is no winner by simple majority, there shall be a runoff between the top two finishers.

Art. 23. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the French Republic.

Art. 24. Before entering upon his functions, the President of the Republic shall, in the presence of the combined legislature, take an oath of the tenor following: "In presence of the Almighty, and before the French people, represented by the National Assembly, I swear to remain faithful to the democratic Republic, one and indivisible, and to fulfill all the duties which the Constitution imposes upon me."

Art. 25. The President shall faithfully promulgate, execute, and administer the laws and legally-established bodies of government as established by the National Assembly.

Art. 26. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the French Republic, and of the National Guard and any other armed force; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the Minister in any of the executive Ministries, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the French Republic, except in cases of impeachment.

Art. 27. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the National Assembly, to make treaties, provided a majority of the National Assembly concurs.

Art. 28. The President has the right to veto any legislation passed by the National Assembly, including the budget, but his veto may be overturned by a two-thirds vote in the National Assembly.

Art. 29. He shall appoint ambassadors, ministers, and all other officers of the French Republic, which shall be established by law. His ministers and officials may be removed by a two-thirds decision of the National Assembly.

Art. 30. The President shall have the sole power to initiate a call for a declaration of war, but this must be approved in the National Assembly.

Art. 31. The President shall be chief diplomat of the French Republic and shall have sole discretion over matters of foreign policy; except in matters of war or in matters pertaining to the budget, for which the National Assembly reserves its powers.

Art. 32. The President and all civil officers of the French Republic shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, non-enforcement of laws; or other high crimes and misdemeanors. They are considered impeached if so declared by three-fifths of the National Assembly, and their case referred to the Court of High Justice for trial.

Art. 33. The President and any Ministers which he has appointed by law reserve the right to propose legislation in the National Assembly and to address the National Assembly and Council of State at any time but do not possess the right to vote in either body.

Chapter IV: The Council of State

Art. 34. There shall be a Council of State, whose members shall swear to uphold the Constitution and its strictures. It shall be composed of 24 Councilors.

Art. 35. The members of this Council shall be appointed by the President for an unlimited term, contingent on their good behavior, provided that they have also been confirmed by two-thirds of the National Assembly.

Art. 36. The President can at any time remove a member of the Council of State.

Art. 37. The members of the Council of State may be dismissed by a resolution of two-thirds of the National Assembly.

Art. 38. The Council of State shall be consulted upon all bills or laws proposed by the National Assembly, which, according to law, must be presented for their previous examination. It shall prepare the rules of public administration, and will alone make those regulations with regard to which the National Assembly have given it a special delegation. It shall exercise over the public administrations all the powers of control and of superintendence which are conferred upon it by law. The law will determine the other powers and duties of the Council.

Art. 39. The Council of State shall provide its commentary and recommendations to the President as well as to the National Assembly.

Chapter V: The National Assembly

Art. 40. The legislative power will be vested in the citizens of France, who will exercise that power through the fair election of parliamentary representatives. All powers not specifically allocated elsewhere by this constitution, or by parliamentary statute, shall devolve to the National Assembly.

Art. 41. The National Assembly shall be comprised of 565 delegates elected from across France, who shall be obligated to represent all of France, rather than the districts which have elected them.

Art. 42. The Departments of France shall be divided into electoral districts, from each of which one delegate is to be elected. The districts shall be created by the President with the advice and consent of the National Assembly.

Art. 43. 500 seats in the National Assembly shall be elected from the departments by arrondissement election. All arrondissements will be granted representation.

Art. 44. 65 seats shall be granted directly to the various cities of France, who shall elect those delegates in addition to any others to which they might be entitled.

Art. 45. Any man who has attained the age of 25, and who possesses his civil rights and liberties, may stand for election to the National Assembly.

Art. 46. An individual shall not be permitted to serve in the National Assembly while holding an active military office, civil service post, a position on the Council of State, the Presidency, or a ministry concurrently.

Art. 47. The elections for representatives shall be by districts, and by secret ballot. The electors shall vote at the chief place of their district; nevertheless the district may be, from local causes, divided into several subdivisions, under the forms and in conformity with the conditions to be determined by the electoral law.

Art. 48. The National Assembly is elected for the period of three years, to be then wholly renewed. The elections to the National Assembly shall take place on the first weekend of June every third year.

Art. 49. The National Assembly shall elect a Speaker of the National Assembly from among their members who shall ensure orderly and fair debate and conduct. Should they fail to do so within thirty days of meeting, new elections will automatically be called.

Art. 50. The Speaker of the National Assembly may decide in which order items of the session shall be addressed and in which order legislation and debates shall occur. Emergency legislation, the budget, and tax proposals shall take precedence whenever possible. Legislation proposed by the President of the Republic or by his lawfully appointed ministers shall take precedence whenever possible.

Art. 51. Any member of the National Assembly has the right to propose legislation.

Art. 52. The National Assembly has the sole power of taxation, contingent upon the Presidential veto.

Art. 53. The National Assembly has the sole power to create the budget of the French Republic, contingent upon the Presidential veto.

Art. 54. The National Assembly cannot initiate a declaration of war, but must approve by majority vote a proposition of war presented to the National Assembly by the President, at which point war shall henceforth be declared by the President.

Art. 55. The persons of the delegates are inviolable. They cannot be pursued, accused, nor condemned, at any time, for opinions uttered within the National Assembly. They may only be accused, held, tried, or convicted by the Court of High Justice.

Art. 56. The presence of half the members, and also one over, is necessary to vote on any law.

Art. 57. Should seats in the National Assembly become vacant, elections will be held to fill those seats the coming spring unless general elections are scheduled for that year.

Chapter VI: The Administration of the Interior

Art. 58. The division of the territory into departments, arrondissements, districts and communes shall be maintained. Their present limits shall not be changed, except by law.

Art. 59. There shall be—1st. In each department an administration composed of a Commissioner of the Republic, a general council, and a council of prefecture. 2nd. In each arrondissement, a Deputy Commissioner. 3rd. In each district, a district council; nevertheless, only a single district council shall be established in any city which is divided into several districts. 4th. In each commune, an administration, composed of a mayor, his assistants, and a municipal council.

Art. 60. The National Assembly may remove a Commissioner of the Republic in the same process as a bill or law, contingent upon the Presidential veto.

Art. 61. A commune may petition the National Assembly if they wish to deviate from the structure of communal government previously detailed, on historical or cultural grounds, and the National Assembly may approve such a petition by a simple majority.

Art. 62. It is the right of every French citizen to be locally represented in his area of residence, as such, the positions and members of the General Councils, District Councils and Municipal Councils, as well as Mayors, shall be elected by the local citizens.

Art. 63. The duties and responsibilities of the General Councils, District Councils and Municipal Councils shall be decided at a later date by laws passed by the Parliament of the French Republic.

Chapter VII: The Judiciary

Art. 64. All justice is dealt in the name of the French people from which power the laws of France have been written.

Art. 65. All proceedings of the judiciary shall be open to the French public, unless they be deemed a danger to public order or the security of the French state, at which point they may then be held out of sight from the public.

Art. 66. Trial by jury shall be guaranteed in all cases of a criminal matter.

Art. 67. All rulings on charges made, lest they be in the High Court of Justice, on account of political offense, or upon offences committed by the press, remain the sole purview of the Jury, who shall both rule the verdict and the punishment as proscribed within the law, but must first take advice from the judge presiding.

Art. 68. The Justices of Peace, their assistants, Judges of first instance and of appeal, along with the members of the Court of Cassation, Magistrates and the Court of Accounts shall be appointed by the President of the Republic, the appointment of which shall be legislated by the first National Assembly, and may in future be altered by the President if he receives a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly.

Art. 69. The Justices of Cassation and Appeal may only be removed from their office by the President of the Republic after consultation with the Court of High Justice and approval by a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly.

Art. 70. The councils of war and that of the revision of armies by land and sea, along with maritime tribunals and tribunals of commerce along with any other special tribunals already existing, shall remain in their present organization and function until such a time that a law of the Republic with the approval of the National Assembly decree otherwise.

Art. 71. A court of High Justice shall be convened, who shall have the sole preview of passing judgement onto the President or any sitting member of the National Assembly, from which rulings there shall be no appeal, on any accusation of criminal charges, breaking of laws or other instances of similar cases, in which a normal law court would otherwise take precedence.

Art. 72. Every three years judges shall be elected to the Court of High Justice, the French Courts shall each elect two judge of reputable reputation, after which representatives of each of the General Council within a region shall convene, and approve or deny the candidature of the judges, to a maximum of five judges per region, after which from the President of the Republic and the National Assembly shall each appoint three Judges to take seat for the coming three years, with the President of the Republic appointing the High Justice who shall chair the Court of High Justice.

Art. 73. No judge of the Court of High Justice, once appointed, may be removed by any temporal power save his own in case of retirement, or that of a majority within the Court of High Justice if he stands accuse of a grave crime.

Art. 74. The judges approved by the General Councils of France, but not selected by the either the President or National Assembly, shall constitute the Jury who shall take part in each ruling and case handled by the Court of High Justice.

Art. 75. A special tribunal, the Court of Arbitration, shall be selected each three years, consisting of a total of eight members, four appointed by the High Court of Justice from among its jury, and four appointed by the President of the Republic, to decide upon all cases in which there shall be conflict of privilege or duty between the executive and legislative authorities.

Art. 76. Any ruling made by the Court of Arbitration, may be reviewed by the Court of High Justice, who may then issue comment on the ruling.

Art. 77. Any accusation of incompetence, abuse of power, or other official malfeasance may only be levied by the members of the National Assembly, or the law courts of France, and the judgement in such accusations may only be passed by the Court of High Justice.

Art. 78. Any French citizen shall have the right of appeal twice, in which a new judge and jury shall rule upon his or her case, without prior prejudice or account of prior ruling, unless otherwise stated by the Constitution.

Chapter VIII: Amending the Constitution

Art. 79. The Constitution can be amended at any time by a two-thirds majority of the National Assembly and confirmation through a national referendum.

Chapter IX: The Public Forces

Art. 80. The public force is instituted for the purpose of defending the State against enemies from without, and to ensure, internally, the maintenance of order, and the execution of the laws. It is composed of the National Guard, of the army by sea and by land, and of any other armed body established as military by law.

Art. 81. Every Frenchman, save in exceptions determined by the law, owes to his country his services in the army and in the National Guard. The privilege for every citizen to free himself from personal military service, shall be regulated by the law of recruitment. The National Assembly shall legislate the extent of such service as required by law.

Art. 82. The organization of the National Guard, and the constitution of the army, shall be regulated by law.

Art. 83. The public force is essentially obedient. No armed force can deliberate.

Art. 84. The public force employed to maintain order in the interior can only act upon the requisition of the constituted authorities, according to the regulations prescribed by the legislative power.

Art. 85. A law shall determine those cases in which the state of siege shall be declared, and shall regulate the forms and determine the effects of such a measure.

Art. 86. No foreign troops can be introduced into the French territory, without the previous assent of the National Assembly.

Chapter X: Special Regulations

Art. 87. The Legion of Honor is maintained; its statutes shall be revised and made to accord with the Constitution.

Art. 88. The territory of Algeria and of the Colonies is declared to be French territory, and shall be governed by their separate laws until a special law shall place them under the provisions of the present Constitution.

Art. 89. The National Assembly confides the trust of this present Constitution, and the rights it consecrates, to the guardianship and patriotism of every Frenchman.

Chapter XI: Transitory Arrangements

Art. 90. The provisions of the codes, laws and regulations now in force, and which are not in contradiction with the present constitution, shall remain in force until otherwise provided by law.

Art. 91. All the authorities constituted by the present laws shall continue in the exercise of their present duties until the promulgation of the organic laws which relate to them.

Art. 92. The law of judicial organization will determine the particular mode for the appointment and first composition of the new tribunals.

Art. 93. All acts of the Provisional President and Government done in the course of the Revolution and in the purpose of the National Salvation are deemed to have been lawful.

Art. 94. The first election of a President of the Republic shall take place in conformity with the special law (passed by the united Assembly), in regards to the date, and under such conditions as the Constitution proclaims, the law no later passed than on the 10th of November 1867.
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Coupvray, Île de France

Henri was sitting in his study when a great wail filled the air, coming from the entrance of the chateau, followed by hysterical sobbing that tore his heart in two. In that moment, Henri knew what had happened. Lecuyer was dead. He muttered a brief prayer for the recently deceased and grabbed his cane, hobbling his way towards the front door. There he found Daphnée prostrate on the floor, her tears staining the floor, as a messenger awkwardly stood nearby offering words of comfort.

Without a word, Henri knelt beside his wife, ignoring the pain it caused his injured leg. He wrapped her in a comforting embrace as she pressed her face against his chest. He was glad his children were already asleep, for they did not need to see their mother in such distress He knew that the next few months would be painful for them as they mourned the passing of one dear to them both. Letting his wife seek comfort in his arms, he looked over her shoulder at the messenger who was still standing there awkwardly. He extended his hand, taking the message and then motioning to the man that he was dismissed.

Once left alone in their grief, Henri struggled to his feet, his body straining to support Daphnée. Grabbing his cane again, he guided her to their bedroom, where they sat together on the edge of their bed for what seemed hours, simply holding on to each other without a word said between them. Eventually his wife tired and her sobs subsided, so he eased her into bed. Her face was still red from all the crying, but she fell into slumber soon enough.

Once his wife was finally asleep, Henri crept from the room and returned to his study. Once there, he read the message by candlelight. It confirmed some of what he already suspected, as well as new revelations that would require careful thought as he plotted his path forward. Lecuyer was dead, as he had known the moment his wife had cried out. Bonaparte had landed in France and the army had defected shortly after. Not a surprise since the King had ordered them to massacre French citizens without reason, and the Bonaparte name held much sway in France even after all this time. The King had fled, along with the entire royal family, and in the power vacuum Bonaparte had risen to power, taking over leadership of the provisional government that Henri had provided arms to. Pure chaos, but hopefully the bloodshed would finally end and the people would be given the voice they deserved, as the late Lecuyer had envisioned.

Henri could not help but give a slight chuckle at how events had proceeded. If his father were still alive today he would surely have been greatly distraught to see his son help bring about the end of the monarchy and usher a Bonaparte into power. Unlike his father though, Henri had never been a stooge of the monarchy. Surely he understood its value, and under a more enlightened monarch he would expect France to have flourished, but old mistakes had been repeated and another Bourbon was now sent into exile. Now the question was what was to come.

The greatest concern in the coming days was the socialists and far-left republicans that had latched onto Bonaparte during the end of the Second Republic. If they had their way, a reign of terror would follow, one that would see men such as him at the guillotine, their property pilfered and families murdered. It would seem then that the only man capable of holding them at bay was Bonaparte himself. His father would have hated the idea, blinded by his hatred for the Bonaparte family, but Henri saw the value in it. From what Henri understood of him, the “Prince-Liberator” as he was now called hadn’t done anything tyrannical or radical during his time in power during the Second Republic. The accounts of his efforts in America were even praiseworthy. If there was even a chance this man could provide stability to France or even unite it after so much upheaval, it was worth the risk. His father had once rallied to the June Monarchy when his true loyalty remained with the main line, so now Henri would follow in his footsteps and rally to Bonaparte even though his preference remained for a monarchy. Perhaps in time he would even find himself won over fully to the Prince-Liberator’s side as his father had been won over by the Orleans. Whatever best served France best.

For now, he had some letters to write. The next few months would be crucial in deciding the fate of France. A stable government needed to be formed, one free of the radical and violent inclinations of both the far left and right. When the time came, Henri knew he had to step into the fray if able. All he needed were some likeminded allies who would serve as the voice of reason in this new government, whatever form it took.

* * * * *

((Private - @Sneakyflaps ))

Votre Altesse, Prince de Condé,

It was with great relief that I received words that you had not only survived the chaos that encompassed Paris, but had been called upon to aid in making important policy decisions for this provisional government. I do not know what the ultimate goal of our Prince-Liberator is, or what fate eventually awaits us nobility, but I pray this is at least a sign that we will have a place in this new republic.

Indeed, it is our place in this new France that concerns me most. I grew up watching the exploits of you and my father as you both forged a path through the turbulent times of the Second Republic. While I have my doubts another restoration is anywhere on the horizon, and perhaps that is for the best after the actions of our former king, there is still a need for men of reason to provide stability in this new government once it is formed. I feel the call at this time, as surely as my father did during the Second Republic, to speak up for those who do not wish for France to fall down the path of violent radicalism.

I do not know if you ultimately seek a more permanent role in this future government, or if you even intend to stay involved in politics at all; my father often spoke of how the Second Republic drained him of all will to stay in politics. Yet you more than any other have experience traversing such dangerous territory. I hope it is not too much to ask for advice or guidance in the days ahead, for surely it will be greatly needed.

Regardless of what you ultimately choose to do, I hope that we may be able to work together going forward.

Know that you are always welcome at the Château de Coupvray, as well as the hôtel de Rohan-Montbazon if God has been kind enough to spare it.

- Henri de Rohan, Prince de Rohan

* * * * *

((Private - @m.equitum ))

Votre Altesse, Prince de Polignac,

I pray that you are well and that the events that shook Paris have not caused you too much distress. I heard that you were in Paris as they transpired and can only imagine the horrors you must have witnessed. The king was most merciless in crushing the protests, and the radicals were quick to attempt to turn the protests into something much more sinister. Good men died those days, and now the rest of us must pick up the pieces.

I bring this up because I am curious as to what you intend to do in the coming days. Perhaps you intend to seek a quieter life outside France, assuming those in power let you, or to retire to your estates in peace? Or do you intend to stay involved in the nation’s politics once a new government is formed, provided you are able? It would be good to see a man of your morals providing sound advice in contrast to the insatiable radicals that will soon rear their ugly heads.

As for myself, I find now to be the time to step forward into the political realm. We will need good men willing to stand for moderation and sound judgement in the coming days. When that time comes, I hope that I will hear your voice alongside my own.

Know that you are always welcome at the Château de Coupvray, as well as the hôtel de Rohan-Montbazon if God has been kind enough to spare it.

- Henri de Rohan, Prince de Rohan

((Private - @Michaelangelo))
Monsieur de Rohan,

I hope this letter finds you well and does not come as too great a surprise to you. Similarly, I hope that you have not forgotten my acquaintance, being introduced through Monsieur de Conde several years ago as we were. While my motivations for contacting you are many, I hope that we will be able to discuss certain matters with which France will be dealing in these letters. Hearing only pieces of information from Berlin as I have been, I worry greatly for the security of our country.

What thoughts do you have on the matter? I believe it would be naive to imagine the monarchy's return when it has lost all dignity in the eyes of the people, but my opinion is that of a man who has not been in France for years. Am I wrong to believe that our only option henceforth is a republic? And if I am not, what must we do to ensure that it not fall victim to jacobinism?

Again, I hope that you and your family are in good health and have found safety and security.



((Private - @Firehound15 ))

Monsieur de Montvicq,

I admit I was surprised to receive your letter. I do indeed remember you through our mutual friend, the Prince de Condé, although I must have seemed a child at the time and thought I would likely not have left much of an impression. I am fortunate that I was not in Paris when recent events occurred, and thus avoided the worst, although I have lost my father-in-law to the street warfare that plagued the city for days. I will miss him dearly, but there is a time to mourn and a time to act.

That you would seek my advice on such a subject is a great honour, and I will do my best to convey my opinion on the matter. You are not alone in your concerns for France. Our former king (and I do stress former) may have well irreparably damaged the image of the monarchy as an institution. I do not expect to see yet another restoration in my lifetime, or at least as long as Henri lives. We will have a republic now, or if Bonaparte decides it, an empire. Those of us who once supported the monarchy must now choose either exile, and thus be seen as being party to the tyrannical actions of the king, or to work within this new system. The latter seems the only choice if we wish for a stable France.

I expect once the new government takes form, one that may well be shaped to work against us, we must be ready to stand strong and provide a voice of reason in government. There are many in France who care not for the radical ideas of these socialists that will soon be clamouring for power and attempting to tear up the very fabric of our society. They need people to represent them that will provide a more moderate view. I intend to be one of those people, and I hope there will be others that share a similar mind that I may work with to ensure France does not succumb to Jacobinism as you so fear.

I have already reached out to a few friends and associates to gauge their thoughts on the matter, and your letter tells me there are others like us doing much the same. I expect we may find that there are still some of us who while once loyal to the monarchy, now find ourselves cast adrift after heinous actions of our former king and thus willing to stay in France and seek our fortunes in this new republic.

If you choose to return to France, know that you are welcome at the Château de Coupvray. I would invite you to my home in Paris, the hôtel de Rohan-Montbazon, but I’d refrain from staying in the capital until things have settled down.

- Henri de Rohan, Prince de Rohan
Domadeaux's eyes glazed over as he pored over another account ledger deep into the night. They had been weeks at the task at unthreading the Orleans' vast financial conspiracy, yet there was so much work left to be done. He was well-acquainted with bookkeeping from his career as a winemaker, but this was a completely different beast. Domadeaux felt like he was trapped in Lewis Carroll's Wonderland, which he had recently read. How deep did this rabbit hole go?

His eyes began to close before he jolted back awake. Oscar had urged Domadeaux to return to their normal sleeping schedule but he had put him off, saying he needed to finish the task Bonaparte had given him in addition with his other duties as Provisional Minister of the Interior. But perhaps Oscar was right. He probably should end his work earlier tomorrow and enjoy the night with Oscar. Perhaps he would even dine with the Bonapartes. But that was tomorrow. Or actually tonight, he supposed...

He glanced over at Rouher, who continued diligently at his task. A sour man, and Domadeaux did not care for him. But Domadeaux had to admit that he was extremely competent and vigorous.

"They should be called the Orleans Crime Family," Domadeaux joked.

Name: Jean-Bernadon Sémen "Vipsanius" Clary.
Born: 17th of May 1840. Pau, Pyrénées-Atlantiques.
Residence: Paris.
Profession: Jurist-practicant, National Guardsman.
Affiliation: Republican.

Bio: Jean-Bernadon was born as just Jean, as were his older brother, his father, all his paternal uncles, grandfather and so on. When he reached the age of one Bernadon was added to his name, age of 17; Sémen.

His father, while having no formal education, was a prosecutor in Pau, while his mother came from a lineage of winemakers. At the age of 14 Jean was, by his father Jean, secured an apprenticeship with a local attorney, expected to take a law degree as his brother Jean.

This was, however, not to be. After a falling out with his family (over a young maiden) he ran off to Paris at the age of 17. There his southern dialect and temper was a constant source of mockery and he was often portrayed as that wild Occitan or Gascon. Jean, however, maintained that "I am Béarnaise" (not to be confused with the cholelestrol rich sauce that would much later be invented).

Fascinated by the tales of the Wars of the Revolution and Napoleon (and his father who served in the Grande Armee until the very last 100th day) he applied for ecole de polytechnique. Unfortunately due to his temper he was not suited and instead applied to the foreign legion. There, albeit starting as a private, he was in 1860 commissioned as a lieutenant, and in 1863 he returned to Paris as a Captain.

There he pursued a law degree, barely passing in 1866 due to overly focus on festivity and the fairer sex. Speeking of which, in 1866 he won the hand of a 17 year old maiden and they married in August. She was the daughter of a man of new wealth.

Whilst in Paris he enrolled in the National Guard and remained a Captain there. He was soon given a place to practice his degree before he could be taken up to the Bar. Life was well.

Then all exploded.

Jean was never much into politics, but got increasingly interested and radical under the promises made by Union Libéral. And while he was not allowed to vote, he said if he was so he would vote Republican. He joined associations under the new laws, and celebrated Lincoln in the streets. The general council of Seine and their cause was dogmatically pursued. Jean was ready to take up arms.

The resignation of Lécuyer, the massacre of civilians and the Provisional Government proved to much. Action had to be taken, and that now!

He and the National Guard elected officers, and inspired by the semantics of the first revolution by Lécuyer they called eachother 'citizen'. Instead of goodbye or au revoir they said "with fraternity". They adopted Roman names, hence Jean's fourth and last name. Under Arc de Triomphe they pledged for the Provisional Government. There he said:

"My persuasion do not align with theirs.
Republican both in principle and conviction,
I will to my deathbed fight all royalists and enemies of the Provisional Government."
Then Paris went dark. Communications was cut, Henri shelled and massacred the city.

It seemed a hopeless fight. But Jean, his fellow Guardsmen and Citizens fought the enemy while politicians made announcements. This was a civil war - a fight to liberation of France or her demise. By bravery, leadership and necessity (sheer loss of officers) Jean was soon made Colonel.

The fighting in and around Hotél de Vîlle was fierce, if not just as in the East. With the loss of both Lécuyer and Rhône doom was near. But their resolve stiffened, and then in their hour of despair the Prince-Liberator rode in. Jean cried, was this a new dawn for France?
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