Ballot: Republican (Bonapartist)
[Sycophant of the Legend: +2 PP]
[Assembly (Herault)]
-Jean Francois Domadeaux
[Sycophant of the Legend: +2 PP]
[Assembly (Herault)]
-Jean Francois Domadeaux
-
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Ballot: Fusionist (Orleanists)
[Guardian of the Crown: +3 PP]
[Assembly (Indre-et-Loire)]
- Nemours
[Guardian of the Crown: +3 PP]
[Assembly (Indre-et-Loire)]
- Nemours
Ballot: Fusionist (Sombre Blue)
[Impeccable Royalist: +1.5PP]
[Senate - District VI (Morbihan, Brittany)]
- Louis de Rohan, Prince de Guémené
[Impeccable Royalist: +1.5PP]
[Senate - District VI (Morbihan, Brittany)]
- Louis de Rohan, Prince de Guémené
Ballot: Fusionist (Legitimiste)
[Le Réactionnaire: +2 PP]
[Aude]
- J.P.H. Lièvremont
[Le Réactionnaire: +2 PP]
[Aude]
- J.P.H. Lièvremont
The Lie of the Liberal Fusion
Jean Francois Domadeaux
Jean Francois Domadeaux
"Fusion" is the idéologie du jour. All around France, well-dressed notables prance about, shouting about the joys of Fusion. The Fusion will produce a liberal, constitutional monarchy that the people of France will love eternally and will produce an unending string of prosperity and victory. Or so they say.
Yet, when one looks closer, they can see these promises of a liberal, constitutional monarchy are obviously a lie. The two main figures in this hypothetical "Fusion" would be the Comte de Chambord and the Duc de Nemours. We have already seen the Duc de Nemours in power. Despite hailing from the more "liberal" branch of House Orleans, Nemours was an arch reactionary during his brief reign of misrule as regent. So incompetent and avaricious was his rule that the people of France overthrew him in a day. Yet now Nemours professes to be the foremost proponent of liberty and order. How can we trust this man when he neither provided order and tried to crush every expression of liberty when in power? A leopard never changes its spots, or so I was told.
Now what about the Comte de Chambord? Less is known about what actions the count would take if he were to be crowned king as the Fusionists plan. We know he is the grandson of the late Charles X, the reactionary tyrant extraordinaire. Of course, grandsons often do not take after their grandfathers, but this is something to consider. More worrying is what the comte de Chambord represents. Chambord is the manifestation of the principle of legitimism. Legitimism is the belief in the divine and absolute right of kings, the uninterrupted succession of kings by birth since Hugh Capet, and the triumph of tradition over innovation. These principles are incompatible with a liberal, constitutional order that the Fusionists promise us. The Bourbon kings have shown us time and time again since 1789 that they cannot co-exist with modern, popular rule. Why should another Bourbon king be any different?
The ascension of Chambord to the throne would inevitably lead to clashes between the adherents of liberty and the adherents of reaction amongst the monarchist camp. This clash would spiral further out into a battle between popular and divine rule. Once again we would see blood in the streets of Paris. Simply put, the triumph of Fusion would mean the destruction of France.
Regardless of your opinion on whether a republic, monarchy, or empire is the best form of government to lead France, it is clear that the Fusion between Orleans and Bourbon is not the answer. Do not be swayed by the sweet words of the charlatans.
Last edited:
Later than evening.. ((Joint IC with @Lyonessian ))
Jérôme enjoyed the dinner, he had mostly invited the couple over as he had become fascinated over this peasant turned notable. He had his qualms accepting a Legitimist into the house of the Lécuyers, but one time had to be the first. This Lièvremont was an interesting figure, born as a peasant and then married the daughter of a count and made a name for himself. Jérôme had come to fascinate the lower classes after his encounter with the Mobile Guard, he would never be one of them, but he could at least try to understand them better. Their world was very different, where Jérôme had grew up in the richer areas of Paris and various estates and summer retreats in Spain, Switzerland and Italy, men such as Lièvremont had been in the field breaking their backs under hard honest labor. Under the dinner they exchanged pleasantries, and Jérôme liked that Lièvremont seemed to have an equal, if not greater, thirst and appetite than Jérôme. He also grew fascinated of his wife, however he would not make a scandal.. yet. The two couples, and the Duchess, exited the dinner hall and entered into one of the many living rooms, or rather salons, of the estate. What greeted them at first was an open bar. Jérôme filled the glasses of the two men with Cognac, and Louise Anne filled the glasses of the women, with whatever they were drinking. In the salon there was the famous painting of his father’s last charge. It might be a bit off putting for a legitimist, but this was in the home of the Lécuyers.
“So dear Lièvremont, how do you find Paris?” Jérôme opened up, ready to turn the pleasantries into something more exciting and potentially dull; politics.
“It is a welcome change of my former surroundings, monsieur. When I first arrived here during the last years of the June Monarchy, it seemed quite dastardly: the smell, mostly. Having come from a picturesque village and then moved into Narbonne, which is quite a provincial town, I had not seen much, and the chaos of the city confused me. As I found friends, and began to encounter the more pleasant side of the city, however… I began to acquiesce to this unstoppable train of urban life.” Lièvremont gazed into the glass of cognac as if reminiscing his youthful impressions and how much they had changed… before gulping down the cognac within. “I gather you are a more… natural Parisien than me, monsieur. Am I right?”, and he laughed discreetly.
“Jérôme swirled his cognac glass as Liévremont spoke, he was always fascinated by the Cognac as it swirled around for whatever reason, taking his time to stare into it, and slowly breath in its scent. “You may indeed call me a natural Parisien, but we Lécuyers have always been scolded by the others in Paris. My brother was the exception, but he was more of an Orléans in spirit and etiquette”, he said and even if he always scolded his brother for just that, he realized just how much he missed him. Jérôme lowered his voice, bowed down so the women could not hear him, “but Paris is like a good mistress. Full of life, vigor and spirit. But she is double edged, one step in the wrong direction and she either got you by your privates or your head. The recent events are proof to that”, Jérôme said as one of the servants came in with two carafels, one of white and one of red. Jérôme would not have a reputation for being a poor host.
“Interesting considerations, monsieur”, Lièvremont said as his gaze turned to the servants and received the glass from one of their hands. “Treacherous… quite an adjective to think of when applied to a city, but it does so well apply to Paris. I admit to a few cheery nights around East Paris specifically, when I was a single man. Met rowdy folks in those parts, but all of them had this sort of working class pleasantness, naïf, as one may call it. I recognize it in my friends from the countryside as well. I did not think that a tragedy such as the June Days could have occurred…” and he paused as if lost in thought. “But I suppose these men have lost sight of those who could influence them best, such as the clergy or the nobility, and in so doing, went straight into the socialists’ embrace.”
He slouched, as if finally comfortable in the room, regardless of its luxury. “Monsieur Lécuyer, do thoughts such as these also haunt your mind as they do mine? You are an honourable man with some proximity to the common man… do you also think that they are in danger as long as this nation keeps making mistakes?”
“Please, call me Jérôme”, he said while he pondered over the words of his guest. He sighed and look into one of the paintings that told the glorious, yet tragic, conquest of Algeria, the burial of Comte Damrémont to be specific. “I do not know if I am proximity with the common man, is there any workingman that can enjoy such luxuries?” he asked rhetorically, but not in a superior way. “They may be in danger as long as the nation do mistakes, but I believe their acts during the June Days are the tragic results of two events, if you may call it that. First of all it is the plight of the workingman and the unemployed, I can’t imagine how it must be, but their plight is real. Why else would they turn to insurrection”, Jérôme then clenched his hand around his glass while his knuckles paled. “Then there’s the other reason, and that is of men of privilege and ambition, men such as Dubois who take advantage of their plight and the instability of this system, to throw Paris and all of France into chaos for their own petty gains”, he realized he started to sound like a bitter man, and before he ruined the mood he asked his guest another question. “now tell me, how did you come such a long way? From being a farmer sweating under the sun, to marrying such a fine woman?”
“Well, Jérôme… I am sure your career in the Army has put you in contact with men of all sorts, hence my hasty conclusions. I am also sure you may be familiar with stories such as mine, which nevertheless end in much minor honours than the ones I myself have received.” He looked at Hélène, who seemed to thoroughly enjoy madame’s hospitality on the far side of the room. “She’s as jovial as my Hélène, Jerôme. You are also as fortunate as myself in that regard, I say.” And then offered his host a sincere smile.
Elisabeth de Lécuyer.
“I admit to not having much experience in the romantic life of the peasant who tends to his fields, having been uprooted from it so soon. See, Jérôme, my family is but one of those who could find ways to advance in a more peaceful France. My grandfather received land grants which were expropriated by the Revolution, and my family’s legacy being so linked to the Church, we became second-class people in our own home. I was born just before the Restoration, when my father got the lands back. Generations of Lièvremonts toiled incessantly and finally I was of the first generation to reap the rewards. Family is everything to me, in part because of this personal debt I feel towards them.”
Lièvremont now was at the same time worried he would bore his host, but also taken aback, in a positive manner, that a Lécuyer would prove interested in stories such as his, given his own fame as a Legitimist nonetheless.
“Well, as for myself, I had to apply myself to manual labour only until I was 16. Mother convinced father that my talents would be best applied to the Church, so I went to the seminary at Narbonne. Needless to say, my behaviour isn’t most suited for the priesthood.”, and he sipped from the glass as if to make a point. “So I took to writing. My writing took me to the attention of the bishop, and the bishop made me an acquaintance of the comte d’Hautpoul… Hélène’s father. I met her when she was 17 and I was a mature bumpkin just ready to go to Paris and serve in the Assembly. The rest, as the wise men say, is history.”
“A young damsel them, I can see why you went for it” Jérôme said, laughed and clapped his shoulder. “But an interesting story, it is a highlight of how far hard work and dedication can get you, that we are not bound by our born station in life, but our own labour can bear fruits. Of course, there is many who need help to achieve their full potential”, Jérôme said and poured more cognac to both of the men and reflected over his guest’s remark regarding the Army. “True the Army have men of all walks of life. That is perhaps what I enjoy the most with it, you’ll command men who are the sons of aristocrats, bankers and fishermen, and men who hail from Alsace to Brittany and Occitania. They are all united in their pledge to their service to the nation. The Mobile Guard is an especially fascinating group, perhaps the greatest achievement of this Republic. Be sure to visit one for their clubs”, Jérôme said as he raised up and made a joke about he could not know if would fall over from all the liquor or from missing one leg.
The ladies retreated to their own chamber, for gossip Jérôme guessed, he had never really understood women. He escorted Lièvremont into the room that was only meant for the finer messieurs. The room was full of luxuries a painting of King Philippe along Lafayette, and even a portrait of Napoleon, one of the portraits his father had spent his last money on to gain as a conscript in the Grande Armee. “Do you smoke?” he asked Lièvremont, but before he could answer he said “of course you do, every man smoke. Have this cigar”, he said as they sat down and lit their cigars. “I understand you were in the thick of the battle during the Insurrection, how was it?”
“Bloody and smoky”, Lièvremont curtly said. He laughed at the side of his mouth, certainly recognizing this was no answer at all, but that Jérôme, being an Army man, would understand the gist of it all. “I originally departed from our Hôtel, believe it if you will, because the bread was late for delivery.” And he roared in laughter, which echoed in the luxurious room.
“Well, of course soon we found out the extent of the chaos. I made for the Assembly where I could catch up on the news and the events of the day, but something… impelled me to see the brunt of the battle in person. A few friendly deputés, mostly former Army men themselves, wanted to be closer to the action themselves, so, finding strength in numbers, I joined them. The guards were letting proven loyalists move freely, so there was no trouble in that. I first caught sight of the horrible events of the rebellion nearby the Hôtel de Ville… the cannons had began to fire. How sweet their music, Jérôme! I came closer to the fighting as our men gained ground and entered the Boulevard du Temple, and finally the Place de la Bastille.” Then Lièvremont’s gaze went blank, and he seemed to stare at an unknown being floating somewhere in mid-air. A few seconds of silence ensued…
“I only became involved in the fighting then and there. I hadn’t had the chance to shoot for years, but it came back to me naturally. Sometimes it haunts me, Jérôme, but I know it was for the best… so that Paris would never have to live through this chaos again. I was never a soft speaker, and some men heard my warnings from the second floor of a café. We pushed the rebels into the Bassin de l’Arsenal by the force of gunpowder and sharp bayonets. Terrible and awesome sights, all mixed up.” He snapped out of the haze. “I understand your Mobile Guard were decisive in those days as well. I pray you tell me of your own experience too”, as he inhaled long and soothfully from the cigar.
There was something different to hear the raw tales of war and battle from a civilian, he sympathised with the man and didn’t even dare to think over the horrors the insurgents faced as the professional soldiers of the 14th and other regiments, and the savages of the Mobile Guard, mowed them down brutally. “Battle”, he said as he pondered over his words, “is a strange phenomena. At the time your mind close out everything that is not important, and focus on one thing and one thing only, to do your duty and what you are trained to do. Men such as you have my thanks, and that of the Armed Forces. Joining us in the fray, giving us moral and material support”.
Jérôme sipped from his cognac and patted at his cigar, he coughed and flushed it down with some wine. “What can I say? I did my duty, but there was more to it. My brother was brutally murdered, it was in a way personal but of course it never hindered me in doing my duty for my country. For you it may seem chaotic, and trust me the battles itself were chaotic. But there was a sense of calm over the whole ordeal. It was quite simple in a way. We secured Palais-Luxembourg and secured the Senators while the Condé-Dragons secured Palais-Bourbon. There a few blocks away from us the insurgents were gathering, we knew what they were to do. They were to attack us, and they did after we evacuated the Senators to the protest of many senators, some said they were to stay so that “the socialists among us can see the Army slaughter the mobs”, and Deflandre tried to run away to the barricades!
“Then the expected attack came, it was a bloody mess but we had done our duty. We withdrew, and counterattacked and attacked our way into Hotel de Ville and the Bastillle, street by street, block by block. But I have an offer to you, I understand that you are a man of the pen, and I like your sense of style. I would like to make an offer to you, that you either write a series, or a book or whatever, regarding the June Days, or that you write a biography of my brother”, Jérôme said and gazed into the former peasant, and looked for a response of some sort.
Lièvremont’s eyes lit up. “I am most grateful for your words, Jérôme. I understand our acquaintance is a recent one, but you have been a most gracious host and a terrific conversational partner, so it is very valuable to receive such compliments. I don’t know if the Lécuyer family takes part in readership of L’Union or Journal des Débats, but these newspapers have recently published an excerpt of my first essay on the June Days. Perhaps you are familiar with them, though, since I had no knowledge you had appraised my style before. To sum it up, this series of essays will contain a recollection of personal and received knowledge on the rebellion, as a means to immortalize the heroes of France. I believe your own experience and accurate memory of the battle shall prove very valuable to me in the writing of this work, Jérôme, which, of course, shall include the heroic deeds of your brother as well. These essays are to be published as a book within the year.”, and he sipped from the cognac, excited about this partnership to come.
“I would like to further our conversation on this and many other topics, Jérôme, though the night grows late. Hélène has been taking full advantage of the social season in Paris, and of the hustle that the Constituent Election has given to the city… would an invitation to one of our soirées at the Hôtel d’Hautpoul be desirable to you and madame?”
“It would be most welcome Lièvremon”, Jérôme said and shook hands with him “I hope for your success in the Constituent Election, and to a prosperous partnership”, after chatting for a while the two men walked out, Jérôme for his part was rather swaying and swinging while he sang hymne à la liberté. They met with the women and they parted ways. Jérôme stayed up and chatted with his sister in-law, he had to take care of her. Jérôme went to his private chambers with his wife and told her that they were to meet the Lièvremonts at a later occasion. Elisabeth said she looked forward to meeting Hélène again, Jérôme agreed but did not dare to say it out loud.
As the Lièvremont couple entered the carriage and Hélène predictably waxed glorious about madame’s finesse and hospitality, Jean-Paul was thoughtful. What a character, this Jérôme. His circle of friendships in Paris had been, so far, mostly guided by political principle; it amounted to a most loyal clique with similar interests and goals. For the most part, Jérôme was half within, half outside such circle of friendships, but the man was personally quite intriguing. It would be a great chance to defeat his own obstinacy to make a different kind of friend, this time.
Wife of Lièvremont in pink.
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Ballot: Fusionist (Orleanists).
[One legged, guardian of Joachim's legacy].
[Seine].
- Jérôme de Lécuyer.
[One legged, guardian of Joachim's legacy].
[Seine].
- Jérôme de Lécuyer.
Ballot: Fusionist (Orleanist)
[La Plupart des Distingués, +2PP]
[Senate - Same province as last time, XI or something]
~ Maréchal de Moncey
[La Plupart des Distingués, +2PP]
[Senate - Same province as last time, XI or something]
~ Maréchal de Moncey
A speech given in several towns in rural Bretagne
The matter of the constitution remains a pivotal one, just as important as it was two years ago. Ever since the first constitutional assembly proposed its constitution of compromise, we have been forced to witness the effects of its numerous flaws and contradictions. It took only two years for this constitution to become unworkable and in need of rewriting. This speaks to the weakness that lies at the heart of this Republic. The Republic was formed in a time of strife, done in haste and with little forethought. Now we have had time to dwell on the mistakes made and correct them. This time we must do it right.
At the time, I was supportive of the constitution, for it seemed a collaborative effort, one designed to take into account the views of all Frenchmen. While a noble goal, it also produced a constitution at war with itself. Those who wanted a strong executive pushed for a President with much-needed powers, while those favouring a strong Parliament sought to see various powers put at the disposal of that body. Each achieved their aims in part, creating a mish-mashed balance of power that only served to confuse all those in power as to who can actually do what. There have been countless debates over every minutia of the constitution, from who has the power to declare war to who can enact legislation. These are questions that deserve clear answers, for a constitution containing vague wording and with multiple interpretations only breeds disorder.
Now that I have an opportunity to look back on things, it is no surprise this constitution failed to serve the needs of the French people. From its onset, the odds were stacked against it. The Provisional Government attempted to sway things in their favour by barring all those with previous experience in government, removing those most qualified to understand the details needed in a constitution. This not only deprived the constitutional assembly of potentially its most qualified men, but prevented the French people from having the freedom to send their chosen representatives to the body. How could such a constitution represent France when part of France was not allowed to participate? This time everyone shall have a voice, for there is no exclusion clause to produce a biased result. This constitutional assembly shall properly represent the will and interests of the French people.
As for what form this new constitution should take, the time for compromise is over. We cannot afford contradictions and loopholes. We need a constitution clear in intent, supported by a majority of Frenchmen. The Girondins and Bonapartists already attempted such with their proposed constitution, for if the Party of Order was consulted on it, I was not informed. Well if they do not believe that all sides must be consulted, then compromise is no longer possible anyway. It is your duty as voters then to ensure you elect good men committed to producing a constitution with a clear purpose and written to benefit you. We must unite behind a common front for the interests of all Frenchmen.
That is why you must vote for representatives of the Party of Order. Again and again, the members of the Party of Order have stood up for those in the provinces against the radical tide sweeping through Paris. Good men in the National Guard, Mobile Guard, and the Army stood against the violent radicals to ensure you would not have your voices silenced yet again. Lecuyer, a name surely even you have all heard, gave his life for you good men and women. Just as his father before him, we were told to remember Lecuyer. Well I ask that you remember his son now too. Remember the brave men of the National Guard, Mobile Guard, and the Army who fought for you. Remember those who stood up in times of crisis to preserve peace and order. But most importantly, remember that you have a voice and you can make use of it. On election day, cast your vote for the Party of Order and ensure that France will be freed from this violent cycle it has been drawn into. Merci.
The matter of the constitution remains a pivotal one, just as important as it was two years ago. Ever since the first constitutional assembly proposed its constitution of compromise, we have been forced to witness the effects of its numerous flaws and contradictions. It took only two years for this constitution to become unworkable and in need of rewriting. This speaks to the weakness that lies at the heart of this Republic. The Republic was formed in a time of strife, done in haste and with little forethought. Now we have had time to dwell on the mistakes made and correct them. This time we must do it right.
At the time, I was supportive of the constitution, for it seemed a collaborative effort, one designed to take into account the views of all Frenchmen. While a noble goal, it also produced a constitution at war with itself. Those who wanted a strong executive pushed for a President with much-needed powers, while those favouring a strong Parliament sought to see various powers put at the disposal of that body. Each achieved their aims in part, creating a mish-mashed balance of power that only served to confuse all those in power as to who can actually do what. There have been countless debates over every minutia of the constitution, from who has the power to declare war to who can enact legislation. These are questions that deserve clear answers, for a constitution containing vague wording and with multiple interpretations only breeds disorder.
Now that I have an opportunity to look back on things, it is no surprise this constitution failed to serve the needs of the French people. From its onset, the odds were stacked against it. The Provisional Government attempted to sway things in their favour by barring all those with previous experience in government, removing those most qualified to understand the details needed in a constitution. This not only deprived the constitutional assembly of potentially its most qualified men, but prevented the French people from having the freedom to send their chosen representatives to the body. How could such a constitution represent France when part of France was not allowed to participate? This time everyone shall have a voice, for there is no exclusion clause to produce a biased result. This constitutional assembly shall properly represent the will and interests of the French people.
As for what form this new constitution should take, the time for compromise is over. We cannot afford contradictions and loopholes. We need a constitution clear in intent, supported by a majority of Frenchmen. The Girondins and Bonapartists already attempted such with their proposed constitution, for if the Party of Order was consulted on it, I was not informed. Well if they do not believe that all sides must be consulted, then compromise is no longer possible anyway. It is your duty as voters then to ensure you elect good men committed to producing a constitution with a clear purpose and written to benefit you. We must unite behind a common front for the interests of all Frenchmen.
That is why you must vote for representatives of the Party of Order. Again and again, the members of the Party of Order have stood up for those in the provinces against the radical tide sweeping through Paris. Good men in the National Guard, Mobile Guard, and the Army stood against the violent radicals to ensure you would not have your voices silenced yet again. Lecuyer, a name surely even you have all heard, gave his life for you good men and women. Just as his father before him, we were told to remember Lecuyer. Well I ask that you remember his son now too. Remember the brave men of the National Guard, Mobile Guard, and the Army who fought for you. Remember those who stood up in times of crisis to preserve peace and order. But most importantly, remember that you have a voice and you can make use of it. On election day, cast your vote for the Party of Order and ensure that France will be freed from this violent cycle it has been drawn into. Merci.
Party: Fusionist (Legitimist)
[Saint Germain Incarnate +3 PP]
[Assembly]
[Maine-et-Loire]
[Saint Germain Incarnate +3 PP]
[Assembly]
[Maine-et-Loire]
Amboise, Indre-et-Loire
At a banquet thrown at the château at Amboise, Nemours gives his thoughts on the coming election to his guests, among them industrialists, nobles, and prominent townsmen and gentry from the surrounding area. The edited speech is published in the Fusionist and Orleanist papers;
"The hour of decision is upon us. Let France chose the path of measured change, of greatness, and of valor.
"I have chosen to stand in the coming election because the Democractists have betrayed their own experiment, they have failed to construct a society where all Frenchmen can enjoy the fruits watered by their blood, sweat, and toil. It is with some irony that we have become the true 'Republicans,' in the sense of a devotion to civic duty that the Romans and other forebears held so dearly. But we are not Rome, this is France and France must be set upon the correct, true path; the path which will reconcile our glorious past with the needs of the present, in preparation of the future.
"We must hold the political organs of this current manifestation of the French state accountable to the great truths which sustain our nation. The disorder of the past two years, which was perfectly encapsulated by the June Days and the Jacobian attempt to co-opt the Democractists into their cause at the behest of the Caesarians, must be put to a swift and definitive end. This gift of suffrage must be used to return an overwhelming and decisive majority in favor of the forces of good governance.
"Across the country a legion of candidates of order seek your blessing to be anointed its champions in the coming Consistent Assembly. These are men of devotion to the principles which have made this nation great. They are men of virtue as opposed to men devoted to social engineering. The Democractists and Caesarians, in their pursuit of shaping a society through naked force, have forgotten that change for the sake of change is itself not a social virtue; indeed, the practitioners of social engineering can be men so self-centered as to be lacking in social responsibility.
"The national institutions cobbled together by those forenamed forces have created an unworkable, unaccountable, and opportunistic system that represent as regression in progress. It is an institution where society is encouraged to support the impossible and ignore the reality of disastrous possible triggered instead.
"In seeking to reinvent the proverbial wheel, the shapes of the institutions inflicted upon the people of France forget, or willfully ignored, a fundamental principle;
"Basic truths cannot change and once a man of insight or guidance from Providence expresses one of them, it is never necessary, no matter how much the world changes to reformulate them. This is immutable, true everywhere, throughout all time, for all men, and all nations.
"Instead of allowing man to create plenty, they rationed plenty to oblivion. Instead of championing the free expression of ideas, having failed to convince the public they resort to sophistry. They allowed their darkest fears to become public policy and we are all suffering for it, rich and poor, high and low, all in the same boat. Yet there is hope, together in this proverbial ship of state, we are given the opportunity to row forward and free ourselves from the shackles of disorder.
"Use your voice. Speak loudly. Head to the ballot box so that we may steer the ship of state on the proper course."
At a banquet thrown at the château at Amboise, Nemours gives his thoughts on the coming election to his guests, among them industrialists, nobles, and prominent townsmen and gentry from the surrounding area. The edited speech is published in the Fusionist and Orleanist papers;
"The hour of decision is upon us. Let France chose the path of measured change, of greatness, and of valor.
"I have chosen to stand in the coming election because the Democractists have betrayed their own experiment, they have failed to construct a society where all Frenchmen can enjoy the fruits watered by their blood, sweat, and toil. It is with some irony that we have become the true 'Republicans,' in the sense of a devotion to civic duty that the Romans and other forebears held so dearly. But we are not Rome, this is France and France must be set upon the correct, true path; the path which will reconcile our glorious past with the needs of the present, in preparation of the future.
"We must hold the political organs of this current manifestation of the French state accountable to the great truths which sustain our nation. The disorder of the past two years, which was perfectly encapsulated by the June Days and the Jacobian attempt to co-opt the Democractists into their cause at the behest of the Caesarians, must be put to a swift and definitive end. This gift of suffrage must be used to return an overwhelming and decisive majority in favor of the forces of good governance.
"Across the country a legion of candidates of order seek your blessing to be anointed its champions in the coming Consistent Assembly. These are men of devotion to the principles which have made this nation great. They are men of virtue as opposed to men devoted to social engineering. The Democractists and Caesarians, in their pursuit of shaping a society through naked force, have forgotten that change for the sake of change is itself not a social virtue; indeed, the practitioners of social engineering can be men so self-centered as to be lacking in social responsibility.
"The national institutions cobbled together by those forenamed forces have created an unworkable, unaccountable, and opportunistic system that represent as regression in progress. It is an institution where society is encouraged to support the impossible and ignore the reality of disastrous possible triggered instead.
"In seeking to reinvent the proverbial wheel, the shapes of the institutions inflicted upon the people of France forget, or willfully ignored, a fundamental principle;
"Basic truths cannot change and once a man of insight or guidance from Providence expresses one of them, it is never necessary, no matter how much the world changes to reformulate them. This is immutable, true everywhere, throughout all time, for all men, and all nations.
"Instead of allowing man to create plenty, they rationed plenty to oblivion. Instead of championing the free expression of ideas, having failed to convince the public they resort to sophistry. They allowed their darkest fears to become public policy and we are all suffering for it, rich and poor, high and low, all in the same boat. Yet there is hope, together in this proverbial ship of state, we are given the opportunity to row forward and free ourselves from the shackles of disorder.
"Use your voice. Speak loudly. Head to the ballot box so that we may steer the ship of state on the proper course."
Louis-Napoleon reads his clippings with breakfast. His butler had noted with alarm that the stack of newspapers had grown prodigiously since the start of the combined Assembly session, until his master almost disappeared beneath them, and had prudently suggested that they be reduced. Instead, Louis-Napoleon hired a pair of young clerks to come in each morning and clip out the interesting articles from a wide variety of papers, then assemble them into a short book for him to read over his morning tea. It was much more efficient, and saved his poor old English butler from throwing out his back under the weight of all those stacks of newsprint.
He gives a small chuckle at one article. His eldest son looks up from his own breakfast.
"What is it, Papa?"
Louis-Napoleon reaches over and tousles the young boy's hair.
"Oh, nothing. I'm just reading a boring old political speech. I rather think it lasted longer than he did."
He slaps his leg and laughs again, while his son just shrugs and goes back to his breakfast. Adults are weird.
He gives a small chuckle at one article. His eldest son looks up from his own breakfast.
"What is it, Papa?"
Louis-Napoleon reaches over and tousles the young boy's hair.
"Oh, nothing. I'm just reading a boring old political speech. I rather think it lasted longer than he did."
He slaps his leg and laughs again, while his son just shrugs and goes back to his breakfast. Adults are weird.
A pamphlet starts circling through France
The Hero France Needs
The people clamour for order
They clamour for stability,
For such things have been lost
France is a shadow,
Once all glorious;
Now a cripple
Oh where, did our glory go?
We look, leaderless,
Hoping to find a rallying point
Alas, chaos and turmoil rain
Poor France, now in decline
Oh where, did our leaders go?
We look for an answer;
A solution to prevent our collapse
But a few years past
Came a Prince,
A noble soul oft mistreated
A hero with nerve;
Willing to risk all for France
A leader of men,
Uniting diverse ideologies
Apartisan he leads,
To him duty first;
France first
Coming forward as a leader,
The leader we need
Petty politics beneath him
A uniting figure
In his person we find;
Our saviour, our hero
The man that will save us
A man that which whom;
Our glory is salvaged
A strong leader of men
What more do we ask
The man France needs;
Whom will save us
Our glory; our pride
France will be saved
With him there's no wrong
The man that we prayed for
With Louis-Napoléon
France is saved.
The Hero France Needs
The people clamour for order
They clamour for stability,
For such things have been lost
France is a shadow,
Once all glorious;
Now a cripple
Oh where, did our glory go?
We look, leaderless,
Hoping to find a rallying point
Alas, chaos and turmoil rain
Poor France, now in decline
Oh where, did our leaders go?
We look for an answer;
A solution to prevent our collapse
But a few years past
Came a Prince,
A noble soul oft mistreated
A hero with nerve;
Willing to risk all for France
A leader of men,
Uniting diverse ideologies
Apartisan he leads,
To him duty first;
France first
Coming forward as a leader,
The leader we need
Petty politics beneath him
A uniting figure
In his person we find;
Our saviour, our hero
The man that will save us
A man that which whom;
Our glory is salvaged
A strong leader of men
What more do we ask
The man France needs;
Whom will save us
Our glory; our pride
France will be saved
With him there's no wrong
The man that we prayed for
With Louis-Napoléon
France is saved.
The politics of France had continued to evolve, and now Jean-Paul found himself aligned with the Republicans. How could this have happened? Where had this come from? It pained him, as though everything he had believed in life had been betrayed one by one... but stayed the course. Once all these trifling things were over, France would be restored to its glory, and take its rightful place in Europe. He merely had to suffer some indignities for it, something he would gladly do for the sake of his fatherland. Thus, as the election came, he knew how he would fill his ballot.
Ballot: Republican (Bonapartist)
[ I've got nothing, +0PP]
[Assembly (Haute-Garonne)]
Ballot: Republican (Bonapartist)
[ I've got nothing, +0PP]
[Assembly (Haute-Garonne)]
Louis-Napoleon in Strasbourg, 1836
The March Along the Rhine
Charbonneau and the Bonapartist officials spoke to the veterans in the departments. This was a controversial proposal among the newer veterans who had served after 1815, however many of the older generation gladly joined the march. Charbonneau, the other candidates, and the Napoleonic veterans carried the tricolors at the head of the column, each flag topped with the eagle. Three regimental flags were borne along the route. The students and citizens followed and went forward from Lauterbourg through Strasbourg, Colmar, Mulhouse and to end in Saint-Louis. The stated purpose of the march was to commemorate the soldiers and guardsmen who fought and died to defend the Republic during the June Days. It was also well known by everyone that the purpose was to aggrandize Bonaparte and to provoke anti-German sentiments.
A reminder that two actual ICs are required for a counted ballot, excepting special dispensation for good behavior.
To Amélie Constance Félicité de Bourbon d'Armentiéres, Princess of Armentiéres (@99KingHigh)
Let me say first that I was a great admirer of your husband, even though we did work at cross purposes, and that I mourned his untimely loss. France is the lesser for it.
I write today to inquire about your daughter, Lady Charlotte. I am reliably informed that she is a charming, delightful young lady who has been properly educated in accordance with your principles and those of her late father. It is my hope that she has also inherited the good sense of her illustrious parents and that she would be an able partner for the gentleman lucky enough to win her hand. That he would be fortunate in his selection of mother-in-law is not an inconsiderable thing in itself.
For my part, I would like to request the pleasure of an chaperoned interview, at a time and place convenient to the lady and to yourself. I shall be more than happy to clear out my social calendar at a moment's notice, should you require it.
Please do not hesitate to reply, for I await eagerly.
Your most humble and obedient servant,
Louis-Napoleon
Louis-Napoleon
Autun, Bourgogne, France
The Général was enjoying a leisurely day in his solar, reading a selection of newspaper articles which arrived from Paris in the morning. He was drinking his coffee, quietly stirring the content of the cup with a silver spoon. Next to him, some of his counselors, man of good moral fabric and talented in the realm of politics, or so it was said when they were sent to him by those who sought to recruit him.
“These newspapers are the vilest. By Jove, it almost makes a man regret the time of censorship” said Mac Mahon
“Slander has its uses, mon général” answered the man.
“Politics is certainly a weird profession. At least, a soldier knows who is the enemy and can look at him in the eyes” answered the general.
“Always assume that everyone is your ennemy, mon général” answered the counselor.
“No wonders politicians go mad” quipped Mac Mahon
Concentrating on several articles written by Henri Deflandre.
“Sensible enough fellow. Does he own the Courrier Français? He sure makes for all their publication after all.”
The Général was enjoying a leisurely day in his solar, reading a selection of newspaper articles which arrived from Paris in the morning. He was drinking his coffee, quietly stirring the content of the cup with a silver spoon. Next to him, some of his counselors, man of good moral fabric and talented in the realm of politics, or so it was said when they were sent to him by those who sought to recruit him.
“These newspapers are the vilest. By Jove, it almost makes a man regret the time of censorship” said Mac Mahon
“Slander has its uses, mon général” answered the man.
“Politics is certainly a weird profession. At least, a soldier knows who is the enemy and can look at him in the eyes” answered the general.
“Always assume that everyone is your ennemy, mon général” answered the counselor.
“No wonders politicians go mad” quipped Mac Mahon
Concentrating on several articles written by Henri Deflandre.
“Sensible enough fellow. Does he own the Courrier Français? He sure makes for all their publication after all.”
Ballot: Republican (Girondin)-----> Republican (Montagnard)
((Sorry, I got confused last night. I thought the Montagnard were the moderates))