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Repúblicas Unidas Sindicalistas de España
United Syndicalist Republics of Spain

When the Frente Popular de Liberación rose up in open revolt the 13th of July the only goal that they had was to oust the democratic elected government, take the reins of power and construct a syndicalist state. Inspired by the revolution in Britain, they had hoped for a short almost bloodless revolution however their wishes would not come true. As they took power in Asturias, got the support of Catalonia and proceeded by "storming"[1] the former royal palace were the government resided and forced them to step down peacefully. They put them under "protection" to prevent them the ability to hurt the revolution. After seizing the capital they quickly organized an offensive to take the catchment area of Madrid. In the north, the army led by Buenaventura Durruti finally broke through in the siege of Santiago and a week later they had taken A Coruña and the conquest of northwestern Spain was done by December 1931 and he began preparing an offensive south to connect the Syndicalist controlled areas. In the northeast Syndicalist forces pushed republican forces slowly but surely away from their Aragonese positions.

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Top: Syndicalist forces entering Santiago, Bottom:
Syndicalist troops fighting in Aragon
After taking Madrid they set up a council which they called the Politburó which consisted of the factions in Frente Popular de Liberación. In the beginning of 1932 it had around 360 councillors and the new Syndicalist regime of Spain would begin its plans for a new Spain under their rule. The most imminent issue was winning the Civil War. A war that they, due to their superior numbers and equipment, thought would not take long. For more long term plans they wanted to make a number of Syndicalist Republics in Spain that would have their own councils and control regional affairs. Each Republic would elect a set number of councillors to the Politburó. Officially there was only one party; Frente Popular de Liberación had an array of faction that ranged from Nationalist Syndicalist on the extreme right and Anarcho Syndicalism on the extreme left. They elected a cabinet which had members from all factions.


Factions:

C.N.T.-F.A.I. : The leading factor behind the revolution and they are the Anarcho-Syndicalist faction and holds quite a lot of respect from the other factions.

FRS: The Facción Socialista Radical is the successor of the Radical Socialist Republcian Party which changed name at the beginning when they joined the revolution in late August.

FCE: The Fracción Comunista de España is a faction based on the ideas of Vladimir Lenin and is seen as a more leftist approach than Marxism.

PSOE: The marxist party had been conspiring with the CNT-FAI after they left the government and they hold a lot of respect from the other factions as well.

FEC: Fracció d'Esquerres de Catalunya is what the Republican Left of Catalonia called themselves after they were allowed into the Politburó.

FNS: The Falange de Nacional Sindicalista is the a newly formed nationalist syndicalist faction that has its inspiration from the Commune of France.


Cabinet of Spain:

Secretario General de España: Camarada José Diaz Ramos (CNT-FAI)
Premier de España: Camarada José Bullejos (FCE)
Comisaro del Interior: Camarada Julián Besteiro (PSOE)
Comisario de Justicia: Camarada Marcelino Domingo (FRS)
Comisario de Asuntos Exteriores: Camarada Francesc Macià i Llussà (FEC)
Comisario de Defensa: Camarada José Antonio Rivera [2] (FNS)


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From left to right: CNT-FAI, FRS. FCE, PSOE, FEC, FNS




[1] The Storming of the Palacio Real de Madrid was bloodless and relatively peaceful but the R.U.S.E. later used it for propaganda and showed it as a violent affair with demoralized republican troops defending it against the army of the workers.
[2] Even though he was the son of the former dictator, he was seen as revolutionary as he joined it when they took Madrid. He is the leader of the FNS.
 
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Afghanistan and Turkestan
Northern Afghanistan had in fact been an integral part of Turkestan still in the last century. However, the turbulent era of the Great Game made it a part of Afghanistan, as the British had supported an Afghan conquest of Balkh, Kholm, Kunduz and Mazar-i-Sharif from the Uzbeks of Bukhara, demonizing the Uzbek residents and encouraging Pashtun conquest and colonization. The iron reign of Abdur Rahman Khan integrated these territories under direct rule from Kabul, and the Afghan sovereignty was recognized by the Russians in successive treaties with Britain. Thus, the tenuous relations between Afghans and the Bukharan Mangit dynasty dated to these times. The age-old dispute between the Pashto-speakers, the Tajiks and the Turkic Uzbeks helps explain why Afghanistan and Turkestan remain at odds even in the 1930s.

Following the Russian civil war, Mohammed Alim Khan of Bukhara managed to wrestle control of Tashkent from the faltering Bolsheviks. In an alliance with Turkmen and Tajiks, the Khan of Bukhara established an Islamic power in the region, and together with Turkish exiles began to build a strong army and a nation centered on faith, quite to the opposite to King Amanullah’s policy of westernization and secularism. This put the two states at odds even before the beginning of the Russian campaign in Turkestan, as Amanullah accused Turkestan of supporting various rebel tribes in the north of the country, who rose up against the Pashtunization and secularization policies in the early 1920s. These accusations concluded in the Kalakani revolt, when the Tajiks of the north rose up under the banner of Habibullah Kalakani in 1928 and 1929. Kalakani briefly usurped power with the backing of conservative religious leaders and Turkestani funding. After the civil war, Amanullah embraced a more pro-Russia position, marching detachments of his army to Afghan Turkestan in preparation for a standoff with the Uzbeks. However, in 1930, Russia concluded a peace in Turkestan, as Alim Khan abdicated in favor of a relative, Shahmurad Khan. With the ideological enemy replaced by a more moderate and pro-Russian counterpart, the Afghan-Turkestan relations entered a new era.

As Russian troops retained posts in Turkestan to guard the railways that were returned to their control, Russian influence in Central Asia – and thus in Afghanistan grew again. This allowed the Afghan government to negotiate the construction of the Trans-Afghan, a project that had been in the mind of King Amanullah and his advisers for over a decade. As the first link of the rail connected Mazar-i-Sharif to the existing railway lines in Turkestan, King Amanullah embarked for the first official Afghan visit to Turkestan. Arriving in Samarkand, he begun negotiations on improving economic relations with Turkestan, and in addition tried to advocate a policy of modernization. Alim Khan had in his desperate days called for a new Caliphate in Central Asia, and Amanullah tried to pursue Shahmurad Khan to abandon these folly plans and fully endorse the Ottoman Caliphate. Amanullah had indeed considered the Ottomans legitimate at all times, and further improved the Afghan-Ottoman relations in 1932 by concluding a marriage between the Ottoman princess Durru Shehvar and the son of his war minister and unofficial heir, Mohammad Zahir Khan.

Results of the visit were mixed, but a certain thaw in relations had at least been achieved, mostly due to the Russian garrisons and influence having at least some influence over the actions of the Turkestan government. The railway line would surely improve the economic ties, something that the Afghan governor of Kunduz, Sher Khan Nashir, strived to ensure. The Pashtun governor and leader of an influential tribe had become of the most important Afghan businessmen, creating the Spinzar Cotton Company, providing work for thousands and constructing schools, housing and harbors. Kunduz was becoming the most prosperous province of Northern Afghanistan thanks to his efforts, and his economic influence extended to the northern bank of the Amu Darya.
 
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Camarada Ramos, the General Secretary adresses a crowd of people at a meeting in Madrid

"Comrades, the revolution has finally been fufilled and the syndicalist state is near. But we have enemies, the counter-revolutionaries are on our doorstep, trying to prevent their inevitable doom. As I speak, we are pushing back them back and destroying their ever-falling morale to a point where they will lay down their arms and join the revolution that already have liberated many. With the helps from our allies in Britain, we have achieved dominance of the battlefield in such a way that victory is coming closer faster. When we have beaten back the counter-revolution "armies" we can concentrate on the future of the state. We will have elections to determine the councillors in the Politburó that for the moment is a broad coalition. Everybody in Spain over the age of 18 will have the right to vote in these future free elections to prove to the Internationale and the world that democracy still rules in Spain and will continue to do so until the end of times."

After around 20 minutes, the General Secretary stepped down from the podium and the event continued.
 
Zhdanov and the Ukraine



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Disputed areas in the Ukraine, according to the RNF. Please note;

this was their conservative estimate. The RNF at its heart
disputed the Ukraine as a state altogether.

The crisis in Romania was at first marginal to Russian politics. Albeit allied to the Russians in the great war, Romania had little or no contact with the Russian Republic; it did not at all matter if the country was ideologically aligned with Russia or not, in Moscow the Romanian ambassador, as great as he was at drinking, had very few meaningful connections. His nation had isolated itself from Russia, and no direct petitions for help were heard, and even If they were, they would hardly be listened to. Russia was in no position to oppose the wills of the Mittle-European block, and could at this point hardly influence the Ukraine.


However, it would be falling into a trap to say that Russia approved of the tri-lateral invasion. The territory that the Ukraine aimed to include in herself was overwhelmingly Russian, and as a Russian hailing from the Ukraine, Zhdanov did not view the aggression with any sort of sympathy. No official notes were issued, but only a fool would claim that Russia was favourable to the invasion. The simple fact of the matter was that Moscow never expected the invasion to take place for a myriad of factors, with economics being the primary. Although the recent economic downturns were ignored in Russia at first, they were now making themselves heard, and with Germany and her satellites (And in the opinion of most Russians, the Ukraine was one of them) hit the hardest, most of the experts in Russia guessed that the conflict would end in nothing more than sabre rattling on the banks of the Prut river.


But as the Ukraine mobilized, many in Russia realized that the matter was turning serious. With the Ukrainians going to war it became clear that the Hetman sought to carve himself an Empire of his own, and that any dreams of Russian-Ukrainian unity were impossible as long as Kiev and Moscow were ideologically polarized. The Russian Duma watched slowly as the impacts of the mobilization cascaded across their western neighbour, and wondered why the Ukraine mobilized at all. After all the country was facing an opponent who was already outgunned and outnumbered – even Russia, in her time of troubles in Asia, never went as far as to mobilize even the youngest of reserves. The discussion ended as all the discussions in the Duma tended to; party delegates yelling at each other with Zhdanov presiding over the mess. But as the shouting continued, a conspiracy was born in the back benches. Perhaps coined by a Russian Nationalist trying to stir up trouble, or a conservative seeking to undermine the Socialists or even a Socialist trying to make himself visible on the political scene, a new theory quickly reached the press; the Ukrainians were mobilizing because they anticipated a Russian take over.


The theory, albeit laughed at by everyone in real power or with a functioning brain, made perfect sense to the masses; Russia was now no longer busy in the east, her army had just expanded and her economy was booming – surely the Donbass, a region by many viewed as just as Russian as the Transamur, would rejoin the fold, and with it all the other regions; the Zaporozhe, Odessa and Crimea, the bastions of Russia on the shores of the Black Sea. The theory was further boosted a week later when it emerged that a whole Russian corps was being moved from the Alash Orda to the border lands with the Ukraine and the Don-Kuban – in actuality the Corps was just returning to where it was stationed before the war. The theory of a Russian expansion was hailed by the RNF and by a lot of the more jingoist Russian populace. In fact, it began to make its way back into the Duma too; when Zhdanov dismissed the theory as insane and said that a war with Germany would be suicide, one RNF representative yelled “Look at how long it took them to deal with the French; maybe Premier Zhdanov just doesn’t want his second house in Mariupol to be in Russia in case he has to flee the country” to loud cheers and laughing, although he did have to issue a wonderfully sarcastic apology the next day.


When the Ukrainians began to sink deeper into a catastrophe of a depression, Zhdanov was hard pressed. On the one hand handing over the finances to the Ukraine could gain Russia some advantages in the area, but would they be worth it? If Zhdanov was a Premier born in Ryazan, Tula or Sverdlovsk he would have handed over the money instantaneously, but with his Ukrainian birth being weaponized against him, could his popularity handle a deal where the Ukraine is given as much money as his predecessor secretly handed over to the Chinese? The Ukraine was not China, and it would become obvious immediately that the state gained a donation, and if soon after said donation Russia gained a small (and mostly useless) naval base in the Sevastopol, it would be obvious who to point the accusing fingers at. On the other hand, there lingered the threat that Germany would provide the money and bind itself closer to the Ukraine, but with Berlin hard pressed and the two countries already close together, Zhdanov chose not to risk being branded a traitor and in the end, Russia would continue to follow its standard doctrine when it came to European affairs; do nothing.

 
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The Theater Revolt

In the opening of 1931, Kaiser Otto was bright and optimistic, having, in his mind, sated the Magyars by appointing Imredy, and having, again in his mind, set the Realm forward toward economic recovery. With this deeply rooted in his mind, Otto turned his attention away from such affairs, and towards bureaucratic reform, moving to centralize the constituent lands within Austria proper, to combat what he perceived to be ineffective, feudalistic, mismanagement. And in this manner, Otto ignorantly turned his eye towards state matters, towards bureaucracy and long-ranged change; this would prove the breeding grounds for disaster.

Firstly, the policies of Imredy combated inflation at the cost of price controls, setting governmental pricing on basic foodstuffs. However, the effect on the farmer's would be little considered, and the situation developed poorly, with the agricultural sector balking at such state intervention at their expense. Numerous existing and emerging farmer's leagues would band together in defiance, refusing to sell their products. In turn, food shortages cropped up across the Empire, prompting riots and dissent, especially in the face of encroaching winter. In Vienna, the Minister-President and the Finance Minister assured the Kaiser of his safety, and of the short-lived nature of any true resistance, while Otto happily accepted this fiction, content with his devotion to administrative reform. Such a gross disconnection between the government and the people would lay the foundations for the Theater Revolt, as it became known.

Erupting from a spontaneous bread riot, the major catalyst can be traced to a headline within Viennese newspapers, heralding the cabinet's work towards reform in the Austrian crownlands. To many, this praise seemed a slap in the face, proving that the Imperial Government cared more for archaic law-revision than the very real prospect of starvation on the streets of Vienna, a city that prided itself on opulence, on high culture, on being the heart of an Empire, not the graveyard of the dispossessed masses. Thousands would pour into the streets, calling for change, for attention, and most importantly, for food. Across the Realm, strings of looting had broken out, targeting the farmers who refused to sell, who hoarded their crop, but Vienna had no such populace to target - only the Government. Without direction however, the protest was little more than a tense gathering, something to be broken up and ignored. But two figures would turn this affair into a national message.

Ernst Fischer had been born in 1899 in Komotau, Bohemia. Following his service in the Weltkrieg, Fischer found himself in Vienna, an unskilled laborer with higher aspirations than life had made possible. Studying philosophy with his meager earnings from his work, Fischer wrote for the Arbeiter-Zeitung, a publication from the Social Democratic Worker's Party, proving himself as a staunch supporter of the far left, so much so that Fischer disavowed the party due to its perceived moderation following the French and British Revolutions. To Fischer, the will of the people was most easily expressed through violent upheaval. Joining Fischer was Ruth von Mayenburg, likewise born in Bohemia, however not to the penniless, but actually to cosmopolitan aristocrats. Despite her upbringing, von Mayenburg found herself enticed by the allure of the radical left when she moved to Vienna in 1930, pursuing training as an architect in the meanwhile. Meeting Fischer, the two very quickly married, a dynamic couple of revolutionaries, wed in ideology and life.

It was these two newly-weds that came to the forefront of the Theater Revolt, directing the crowd towards action, seizing the Theater an der Wien and proclaiming a "People's Assembly". To the common folk, this was seen as a means to acquire attention by the Kaiser, a dramatic move that would guarantee reaction. To Fischer and von Mayenburg, this was simply a vehicle towards a radical seizure of power, a first step that would move thenafter to seize the government. Following this, the Kaiser and the cabinet, under the advice of the Minister-President, would leave the city in panic. The naive worldview of Otto grew evermore shattered as the people he thought he served rose in anger, a outrage founded by his very hands. While the disdain of the aristocracy was one thing, the democratic, young Kaiser had been aghast when confronted with the realities of the commoners - without food, without hope, and seemingly without any care for what Otto believed to be monumental reforms. After a few days in exile from Vienna, and in deep contemplation, the Kaiser acted.

Minister-President von Mensdorff-Pouilly-Dietrichstein, to his and the Realm's surprise, was sacked. Otto had blamed him for allowing such grievances to be ignored, and for supporting flight from Vienna, which would serve only to make the Kaiser out as a coward, not a man of the people as he envisioned himself.
In his place was appointed Michael Hainisch as interim Minister-President, tasked with addressing the crisis. Hainisch had been a long-respected member of the Austrian political scene. Born in 1858 to an industrial family, Hainisch studied law and economics, and by the late 19th century had distinguished himself as an agricultural planner and public servant. Under his initiative, the Vienna Central Library was founded, as well as the idea for the first Austrian community college. Politically, Hainisch was once actually a leader of the Austrian branch of the Fabian movement, but rejected it later on in disgust of its growing radicalism. Without true affiliation, Hainisch was seen as a man not backed by ideological purity, but by pragmatism, personal character, and experience, aloof from the divide that existed between the major factions of Imperial politicking. During the Revolt, Hainisch was one of the few politicians who remained in Vienna to entreat with the protesters. For these reasons, Hainisch was seen as the perfect candidate to hold the position of Minister-President, a man who could address the agrarian nature of the crisis and who could have the authority to act in interim without accusation of bias.

Likewise, the Kaiser announced a uniform date for legislative elections between the three realms of the Trialist Monarchy, with special elections called for the upcoming next year. Before, the dates tended to be disjointed, with the different realms having little to no coordination save when they happened to align, and especially with the creation of Croatia, there was a distinct sense of chaos in representation. By formalizing a set date, the collective will of the Empire would be heard at once, and with their scheduling due soon, it was hoped that the people would believe in the Kaiser's dedication to them. The message being relayed to Vienna, Hainisch accepted the post, and addressed the crowd, stating the actions of the Kaiser being one with the public consensus. Otto prepared to return, but the response of the crowd was not yet known.
 
The German Reichskriegsamt has also decided to send military attachés as well as officers who have been involved in operational duties in both France, as well as the conflict in Romania to Afghanistan. We hope that their personal experience with the evolution of conflict in the 20th century, in differing terrains can be of great value to you.

- August von Mackensen, State Secretary of War for the German Empire
 
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The peace treaty between China and Japan has been signed a few years ago and while we overlooked some of the events that took place shortly after the ceasefire took hold - such as the clearly organised plunder of Northeast China by Japanese forces - and deemed them unavoidable given the confusion brought by warfare, China must stress that all terms of the treaty should have been applied by now. More specifically, some prisoners of war have yet to be freed. Leading officers of the army led by Zhang Zongchang and Mikhail Tukhachesvky remain unlawfully jailed by Japan and the continued refusal to free those Chinese soldiers jeopardizes the entire treaty and thus weakens Sino-Japanese peace and relations. We thus urge the Japanese government to free these officers, most notably Mikhail Tukhachesvky who's a Chinese citizen by virtue of his deeds and by Presidential decree, in the coming months, lest Tokyo intends to sabotage its relations with this government.

Wang Zhengting, Foreign Minister of the Republic of China
 
Mikhail Tukhachevsky is currently not present in the Empire of Japan and so far as our records show he was returned to China following the war. So far as Zang Zongchang is concerned we are certain as well that he was sent back to China. If the Chinese government cannot keep track of its own citizens however how is it supposed to keep track of Russian nationals.
 
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Hopefully the Japanese government doesn't seek to add insult to injury and this undue criticism of China was a mere blunder. China doesn't deem the matter settled and the Japanese answers can only be described as lacking. General Zhang Zongchang and many of his men were indeed returned to China after the war ended and this brave patriot now serves his country as consul in Germany. However Mikhail Tukhachesvky has yet to be freed; and the Japanese attempt at shifting blame shouldn't cloud the core of the issue. Had he been freed such a hero would have been greeted and thanked appropriately upon his return, no such thing took as he remains to our knowledge jailed in Japan. We are certain the Tokyo authorities never released the man to China and thus refused to comply to the terms of the peace treaty. Such irresponsible behaviour threatens peace in East Asia and other parts of the agreement might be put in jeopardy because of what can only be considered brinkmanship. We reiterate our concerns and ask Japan to comply with the terms of the treaty.

Wang Zhengting, Foreign Minister of the Republic of China
 
More notes: First of all, Watercress will take over UoB after Sealy leaves at the end of this turn. Second, I have re-jigged a formula in the stats that determines industrial output and overextension and have posted the new stats after the last update. Take a look if you care.
 
The Chinese government's statements have been contradictory and frankly offensive. First they claim Zhang Zongchang was interned and then they tell the truth as to his release. The Japanese government has no confidence of the authority of the Chinese government in its claims that Tukhachevsky was not in fact released as our records show he was. However to end this troublesome bullying by the Chinese government the Foreign Ministry of Japan invites independent investigators from Germany and Canada or Australasia to come to Japan and investigate the matter further. They can review our records and search for evidence of the Russian ex-pat. He will not be found however.
 
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The Russian Government takes great issue with Japan inviting Germans, Canadians and Australians when the matter concerns a Russian citizen. Furthermore, if Mr. Tukhachevsky was previously able to make it into war-torn China from Russia whilst being pursued by Russian authorities, the Russian government is sceptical as to how he managed to disappear without a trace in what was by then, peaceful Chinese territory. Although he is sought for trial in Russia, the Russian Government will not let any of its citizens disappear in the den of foreign prisons; the government has contacted all of Mr. Tukhachevsky's relatives and friends within the party he swore his allegiance to, and none of them can confirm that the man had sent any letters ever since being thrown into Japanese Captivity. This leads the Russian Government to strongly suspect the worst when it comes to his fate.

If Mr. Tukhachevsky were to return we however petition the Chinese Government for his return to Russia.​
 
The Russian government is hardly objective in the affair either. Which is why Germans, Canadians and Australasians have been invited. It is clearly possible that the man was murdered in China by his political rivals in Russia upon his return. The Japanese government has received no empirical proof that Tukhachevsky was not received by a fractured Chinese government or the Russians.
 
The Russian government has shown an aggressive and belligerent tract towards Japan, just last year positioning nearly 200,000 troops on the Empire's borders. Any findings by the Russian government on this subject can hardly be trusted and will only be construed to shame and embarrass the Empire of the Sun.
 
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The Canadian Government wishes to express that it has no desire to see the far east devolve into conflict again and over a relatively small issue in the grander scheme. If all three parties express their interest or consent than the Canadian government is open to conducting an independent investigation into the Chinese and Russian allegations as well as the Japanese counter arguments. As a neutral third party we hope we can shed some life on the truth and prevent the growth of any further hostilities in the region.​
 
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The Dreams of An Emperor
(And Indian governance from 1929-1932)

The dawn of 1932 was a year of hope and joy for the people of India. The previous years since the formation of the federation had been marked by political instability and a proper lack of direction. The government and the princes had been at constant odds with one another, and the only act that had passed was for freedom of religion. For a government that had lasted several years by this point, there was no doubt that so far it had proven an utter failure. The government had tried time and time again to modernize India in their image, and bring it out of the past ages, attempting to redistribute land, together with expanding the central control of the Indian banking sector.

At every turn however, there had been opposition and it was on no small scale. The first sign of trouble began at the onset of the government, when Nizam was ousted from power by his rival and the British administration sided with the young Emperor and the new government. Many princes had felt left out of what they considered and had hoped, would have been their government to reside over and decide the future of India. The result was the political elite being split in two, either supporting the government or the Nizam. A short breathing room was had in 1930, when a new arrangement was reached between the two rivals, Nizam and Mysore. It ended up lasting the better part of a month before it had broken down once again, due to constant fights and disputes over the path India needed to take.

In 1920 the British had established the Chamber of Princes in India, something which the government had hoped to use, something the young Emperor and the British elite certainly had hoped would ensure that disputes and fights be kept to a minimum. The Chamber quickly fell flat of what was hoped, as was seen by the dispute towards the end of 1930 when the Imperial Bank of India was given control, and the embargo on gold was established. The debate in the Chamber of Princes was huge, lasting several sessions but in the end it was passed by a small margin, leaving the Nizam furious.

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Victor Bulwer-Lytton, 2nd Earl of Lytton addressing the Chamber of Princes

Despite losing the vote, and ignoring the voice of his fellow princes, he went together with other princes near his own power base who shared his view, or was in his pocket and began raising an army to force their way.

The Nizam was the richest man in Asia, and as such could easily hire an army, if not bribe enough officers and men in the Indian army to ensure their defection. This power play had left the Indian elite paralyzed, no one agreed on how to proceeded, some advocated that the army should march and show a force of strength, others advocated backing down while some still advocated to reach a new accord with Nizam. Mysore was worried about an open conflict, still fearing that India would turn into the Chinese warring states, the amount of destruction both in property and in life that would follow such a war, not to mention the costs of conducting this war all helped prevent the government from giving the greenlight for the attack on Nizam.

The solution eventually came, when Emperor Chithira met with a friend and his associate. The friend was Alexander Edward John Bulwer-Lytton, the youngest son of Victor Bulwer-Lytton, 2nd Earl of Lytton. The two had become fond of each other as they had studied together during the recent years ever since the Emperor’s election. Alexander’s father was the chief administrator, overseeing the British departments in India as well as being the man who kept it running during formation of the Empire and the government three years ago. He was the one who decided to back the government and Emperor during the original dispute, and as such he had been held in high regard, being granted a large influence and when he spoke it was considered that he spoke for the British elite. Victor Lytton had used this influence to secure his son’s final education to be the best in India, and as such he was sent together with the young Emperor to Travancore which Nehru had once said was the best educational system in all of India.

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Alexander Edward John Bulwer-Lytton

Alexander had become the unofficial spokesman for the British elite, when they wished to gain something. The Indian Empire was one which was very authoritative still, despite it all then within the Imperial held lands, which were vast and held the vast majority of the Indian population, then the Emperor still ruled absolute, at least on paper. With no elections or checks on his power, however the extend of said power was constantly changing with the Princes and the British administration. Alexander was seen as many as a person there to keep the elite’s interests, and to ensure that no attacks on their wealth or power was allowed.

Together with him was a man about 30 years in age, he was in an officers uniform and had a stern determined look in his eyes. The man was a prominent military officer, and a colonel of the western army, his unit stationed in New Delhi along the border, his name was Kodandera Madappa Cariappa. Cariappa had joined the Indian army in 1919, rising through the ranks in the Indian army until the British Raj began falling apart following the revolution in Britain. Following the departure of the British forces, many officer positions in the army had been left vacant, and had to be filled. This allowed him to rise through the ranks quickly, becoming a major, and perhaps soon a brigadier.

Madappa was honest, that the army couldn’t be trusted, and furthermore that a war would likely end in their demise if it continued for too long. Alexander shared similar views are argued for diplomacy, pointing out the destruction the nation would face in such a war, and even if they should win it then it would be a ruin for the coming decades and any semblance of authority would most likely be destroyed. The issue still remained how to handle the problem, and to that it would be Alexander who had the idea to shower the Nizam with gifts, even if he would never get the praise for it. He remembered his father telling him about the Nizam’s greed and now he hoped to use it.

A meeting was arranged between the Emperor and Nizam, set around the June. They would meet near the border of their lands and without armies, the tensions where running high but the three young men decided to go with Alexanders plan, and as such a new dynastic order was formed, The Order of the Four Lions, making Nizam the first and foremost of the members. The gifts were given to Nizam before they sat down to discuss terms under peaceful pretense at the very least. The talks went on for weeks, with aides to both of them present in the negotiations, one important member that however had not taken part but had granted his blessing was Mysore.

After several weeks, they finally reached an agreement, Nizam would be granted a large range of autonomy and privileges, and so would the other princes and allies of his, and the marriage would stand. In return for this, they would stay out of the Imperial regions within India, as they became known as following this agreement.

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Map of the British Raj, the red parts within what is now India is considered the Imperial regions, while the Princely States are in a yellowish pale (those lands that are still within the borders of the Indian Empire)

It had been a very confusing year for Indian politics, and not least of all the Indian people whom this could have affected. The sheer secrecy, combined with the warm appearances the two men shared in public did nothing to help fix the confusion as it simply left many wondering why the armies had been gathered in the first place. Despite this then the play by the government, and the three men behind the government seem to have paid off. The civil war was avoided, though many including Mysore had hoped for different terms, as these prevented India as a whole to be modernized according to their wishes. For the Emperor it was however seen as a victory, one of his first acts alone had been successful, and his government had been granted the power and influence over the majority and the by far the vastness of the Indian population.

During the autumn, as the armies of the state had returned to their post and Nizam had disbanded his. The Emperor sat in Delhi, his heart heavy and worried, pondering upon the decision he had made and the future consequences it might have. If all the Nizam had to do was summon an army to get his way, overshadowing the authority of the government, emperor and his fellow princes, then the future of India could look very dark. Was the call to allow Nizam to get his way the right one, sparring them of a civil war now, only to potentially have it happen down the road. The Emperor pondered on this long into the night, appearing more and more tired as the days went on until his friend Alexander finally had the chance to speak with him.

He told his friend, the Emperor, that he had done the right thing, and that they needed time if they were to ever curb the power of Nizam, that it couldn’t be done overnight. After a long talk, reassuring words and a shared drink at night, the Emperor finally went to bed and had a good night’s sleep, for the first time in weeks waking up feeling rested.

The following evening, a day spent in good humor and company, the Emperor sat down in his study together with Mysore and his friend Alexander. While the public of India would never know what support Alexander had been, or the advice he had given, then their friendship had grown stronger. The Emperor trusted him, and he wanted his advice. As they went over the map and reports, one by one, the Emperor expected what he was told, but knew more and more dissatisfied with the state of his realm. The poverty of the people, the dead infants never even seeing the light of day, the mothers who join them below earth in childbirth, the problems in India were ceaseless. The country had a large economy in the world, yet poor, the people without riches.

Mysore had always tried to help the poor, something which the Emperor had learned from him, something which his government had tried to do only to be refused by the British landowners, it annoyed him but he also knew that he couldn’t force a confrontation, so he had to find another issue. To this he looked back to the west, to the great nations that had fought for India, whose legacy they felt every day. They had power, they had factories and industry that employed millions of people, enriching the nation and bringing it out of poverty. The Emperor hoped to turn India into an economic powerhouse, to bring his people wealth and health, to stop the suffering of these men under his rule.

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Emperor Sree Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma in 1931​

Despite his hopes reaching the clouds, then his mind was still clouded by the words of Madappa, the disloyalty of the army, the poor state of it, the ill-equipment, his words had stayed in the Emperor’s mind for the latest year. Suddenly the Emperor got an idea, he would get his industry, he would build the factories that were needed to supply his army. The eastern armies had for a long time relied on weapons imported from the west. Only Japan had made their own weapons industry, building a strong military, an army that can fight, and a navy that could pose a threat to all of Asia, destroying the Russians in 1905. On the other side of the globe was Germany, a powerful nation, with the world’s most powerful military and several won wars to prove it. They had once again conquered France, bringing an end to the syndicalist government, something which pleased the Emperor, as he had his own syndicalist to deal with in Gujarat.

The government had spoken with officials from both Germany and Japan, both wanting to deal with India, and the market within India. Germany was in an economic crisis, something which even India to a small degree felt, but they were warm to Indian relations. At the same time rumours were that they had given similar military aid to Afghanistan, a state that is in direct conflict with the interests of India. Whom it had been made quite aware by, that its interests was to take care of Muslims, those under the Emperor’s rule whom they had no business in interfering with, and intervening with the claims of India to the former dominions of Kashmir and Punjab. The issue that German support for Afghanistan could mean to the Indian subcontinent were massive, something that worried the Emperor. He had hoped for good relations with Germany, but with the current state on his western border, he began worrying if such a thing was possible.

The other power was Japan, a nation that had seen just as many turbulent events in the recent half decade, as India itself had also experienced. They had fought wars in China, supported revolts in Indonesia, had civil unrest and conflicts with Russia. Their recent support of an insurgence in Indonesia had resulted in their embargo by Russia, the Netherlands, Germany and Portugal. Dealing with the Japanese could mean a worsening of the relations between the four others, the markets of each nation, certainly favorable trade to India within Indonesia could prove useful later on. Yet the deal that the Japanese had suggested far outweighed the current German offer, much more was to be gained by India at the current rate with Japan than the others, certainly with what Japan was offering to supply.

Which one was he to choose? This was to turn into his new headache to keep him awake as he attempted to sleep with the moonlight shining down on him through the window.
 
Treaty of Bucharest (1932)


Article 1: Restoration of the Romanian government


a) That Michael I, King of Romania, be restored to his rightful position.

b) That given the age of Michael I, there shall be a Regency Council comprised of Patriarch Miron of Romania, Brigadier General Averescu, and Prince Nicholas of Romania. This Regency shall continue until King Michael reaches the age of majority.


Article 2: Administration of the Occupied Territories

a) The counties of Constanta and Tulcea, referred to henceforth as Dobruja, shall become the Condominium of Dobruja. This condominium shall be between the Kingdoms of Romania and Bulgaria, and last for a period of 8 years. The Austro-Hungarian-Croat Monarchy is entitled to appoint an attaché to the administration of the Condominium of Dobruja.

b) The counties of Hotin, Soroca, Balti, Orhei, Lapusna, Tighina, Cahul, Ismail, and Cetatea Alba, referred to henceforth as Bessarabia, shall become Condominium of Bessarabia. This condominium shall between the Kingdom of Romania and the Ukrainian State, and last for a period of 8 years. The German Reich is entitled to appoint an attache to the administration of the Condominium of Bessarabia.

c) To the administration of each Condominium shall be appointed an attaché; said attaché may be appointed by the Austro-Hungarian-Croat Monarchy in the case of the Condominium of Dorbuja, and in the case of the Condominium of Bessarabia, the German Reich.

d) When the period of 8 years reaches its conclusion, a special commission comprised delegates of the Austro-Hungarian-Croat Monarchy and German Reich shall assess and determine the legal and proper border between the Kingdom of Romania, the Kingdom of Bulgaria, and the Ukrainian state. The findings of this commission shall be considered final and resolute by all signatories; its findings shall be based on the considerations of stability, security and proper governance.



Article 3: Oil Leases

a) The Kingdom of Romania shall concede to the German Reich a lease over the Romanian oil fields for a duration of 50 years.


Article 4: Adherence to Regulations of the Navigation on the Danube


a) The signatory Nations agree to observe and uphold the relevant Articles of the Treaty of Budapest (1918) pertaining to the Regulations of Navigation on the Danube. ((
http://www.firstworldwar.com/source/bucharest1918ch6.htm ))

b) Considering the aforementioned Articles, as a State on the European shore of the Black Sea the Ukrainian State shall henceforth have the support of its fellow signatories in entering into membership of the Commission on the Mouth of the Danube.


[X] Boris, Prince of Tarnovo, on behalf of the Kingdom of Bulgaria
[X] Bernhard von Bülow, State Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the German Reich
[X] Alfred Rappaort, Knight of Arbengau, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Austria-Hungary-Croat Monarchy
[X] Representative for the Ukrainian State
[X] Prince Nicholas of Romania, Patriarch Miron of Romania, Brigadier General Averescu, on behalf of the Kingdom of Romania
 
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