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Jan 3, 2002
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Hello and welcome to yet another forum game run by yours truly. It has been a while since I have run one of these as my life has been busy and exciting, but here I am. It has always been my desire to make a KR game, so I really hope this one succeeds.


We begin in January of 1925 in the world of Kaiserreich. Those of you not familiar with the setting will need to consult the wiki available here: this.info/kaiserreich/List_of_countries

There will be some changes that I make to the world of KR. Before we fully start I will post a short summary that explains them. More importantly, from here on I do not feel obliged to follow the KR storylines. Events that happen in the mod are only likely to happen if the players involved make them happen. Don't wait for them passively.

Every update will cover 6 months. As necessary we may skip forward by a few years if it seems this will benefit the game, but as of now there will not be a schedule of such skips, they will instead be on an ad-hoc basis.


For every 6 month turn every player will send to me 2 orders (plus 2 war orders if at war). I will process them, which involves pulling a random number that determines how well the order went and writing the results up. These must be somewhat realistic, keeping in mind that we are in the KR universe, but things still have to happen for a reason.

Your orders are not limited to what your government can do. In fact I encourage players to make use of the people, firms, civil organizations, etc. within their country. "German firms will seek to ruthlessly exploit their position in Bulgaria to make money and make Bulgaria even more dependent on Germany." is a perfectly valid order, even if it does not involve the German government doing anything.

At times you may want to combine orders to greater effect. For example a large military reform may be very important. In these cases you can spend multiple orders on one project, over multiple turns if you like. When you tell me you are done I will pull that many numbers from the RNG and use the highest one as the result. So if you spend one order in 1925 on an army reform and 1 order in 1926 and tell me it is done I will pull 2 numbers, say a 4 and an 8, and the result will be the 8.

Orders have to be PMed to me here on Paradox by the deadline.

IC is mandatory, and failing to post at least once IC post during the week will lead to me giving the country to someone else to play.


Most countries were assigned in the sign-up thread. There has to be a limit to the number of players for the game to work - there is only so much I can do every week. However, if you would like to simply post IC about a particular country this is acceptable. Contact me first and get permission.


Brief explanation of stats. Most importantly, how rich the country is determines how high its combined levels of stats can go. UK is rich, so it can have better infra, education, etc. than Russia. A note saying the economy is overextended means that the combined levels are too much for the country to support. Underdevelopment works the opposite way, and makes it easier to raise these stats.

Ideology determines how extreme the actions a regime might take are allowed to be. The level of political violence has a large effect on the resources available to the country, so pay close attention. Market economies grow faster, mixed economies get a bonus to all domestic rolls, and command economies can raise their stats higher than otherwise.

Infrastructure let's you use your resources more effectively, raising the combined level of stats you may achieve. Administration gives a bonus to all rolls. Education boosts economic growth and health and welfare boosts population growth.

Feel free to ask if something is unclear.


I can usually be found on #wir_main on coldfront IRC. If you have any questions that is the best way to get a hold of me:

Link: http://www.coldfront.net/
Channel: #WiR_Main
1) Use the link provided above.
2) Choose the Flash app or the Java app.
3) Create a screen name; it’s recommended that you use your forum name, if available.
4) Close the #coldfront channel that opens automatically.
5) In the command box, type “/join #WiR_Main” without the quotation marks.
6) You’re in the chat! Welcome!
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The World on January 1st 1925

United Kingdom

After the defeat of France the United Kingdom's war with Germany dragged on inconclusively for two years. In 1921 the stalemate was finally broken when Lloyd-George agreed to General Ludendorf's proposal for a "Peace with Honor." Under the terms of this treaty it was agreed that Britain would acknowledge Germany's gains from the war, whilst Germany would respect the Imperial possessions of the remaining Entente powers of Britain, Japan and Portugal. However, while Britain's overseas territories remained largely ordered and intact, the faith and support of the people in the Home Islands did not.

In December of 1924 a minor labor dispute in the coalfields of south Wales escalated dangerously. Troops were sent in, leading to a massacre of coal miners during a Christmas day demonstration. Labor organizations and unions called for a general strike to begin January 1st and to continue until Stanley Baldwin's government resigns.

Commune of France

Established in the 1919 revolution the Commune of France is a socialist and syndicalist federal republic composed of the 36,000 communes of France and ruled by a dual structure, with the legislative powers going to the General Labor Council and executive to the Committee of Public Safety. The regime's popularity has remained high, although the burden of heavy reparations to Germany and the economic isolation have contributed to a deteriorating domestic situation.


Despite winning the war not everything was well within Germany. Seven years of war had pushed the population to the brink of starvation. German industry stagnated following the war as demand fell and government costs mounted as a result of subsidies. The state struggled to feed its population and fought the ever-present danger of inflation and economic ruin. The intervention in the Russian Civil War only exacerbated the government's precarious fiscal position.

In 1924, Grand Admiral von Tirpitz became Reichskanzler with the goal of recovering German economic footing, and solidifying the position of Germany's allies who, to this day, rely on German aid to maintain stability.


Although Austria was on the winning side, the war’s main impact was to reveal the Empire’s significant weaknesses and utter dependence upon Germany. Over the course of the 1920s one disaster followed another: Emperor Karl died in 1922 causing the throne to pass to his 10 year old son Otto while Austrian industry collapsed in face of competition from German manufactures, and the quarrels of the Czechs and ethnic Germans in Bohemia threaten to push the Empire into civil war.


Having sided with Germany during the war Bulgaria received extended territories. However the elderly Tsar Ferdinand has failed to fully take advantage of the situation despite German industrial assistance due to unrest in the recaptured regions, subversive nationalist propaganda campaigns by the other Balkan states, and the general economic difficulties of the 1920's.


In Russia counter-revolutionary forces defeated the revolutionaries with German help. The uneasy alliance of monarchists, nationalists, and democrats has survived through different crises, including in 1924 the attempted coup by Admiral Kolchak. However, the government's control remains shaky, and the domestic situation has not improved since the end of the civil war.


Despite being on the winning side of the war, the Ottoman Empire suffered immensely. Its army was destroyed, and the country was on the brink of collapse by the time peace was signed. Germany diverted significant resources to prop-up the Ottoman regime, but for the first few years after the war the Ottoman control did not extend much outside of Anatolia. In the last couple of years the Ottomans have started to rebuild their army and push back against the Arab groups that are still fighting against them in the Middle East.

Nationalist France

Some elements of the French political and military elite escaped to North Africa following the revolution at home. Since then a military junta has asserted power over France's former African colonies. Although the stated goal of the military is to reconquer mainland France, it is becoming clear that this is more aspirational than practical, and the government will soon have to deal with the local populations who have always been resentful of French colonial rule.


Following the end of the war Germany supplanted Britain and Japan as the dominant power in China. With German financial and military assistance the Fengtian clique of Zhang Zuolin became the most powerful, though Zhang had to ally with Feng Yuxiang, a socialist, in order to defeat the Zhili clique and gain power. Now Zhang wishes to restore the Qing Empire, while his "ally" Feng wants to take China down a socialist path. Meanwhile other warlords are unlikely to give up the power they had won, and in the far south the KMT still carries the ideals of the revolution that toppled the Qing decades ago.


While the "Peace with Honor" guaranteed Japan's rule of her overseas territories, most importantly Korea, the situation in Japan was already critical well before the end of the war. Japan's once booming economy had entered a period of depression immediately after the collapse of France, and the gap between social classes continued to widen. Starting with the Rice Riot of 1918, the later period of the Taisho Era (1912-1926) witnessed severe economic crises and social conflict. One of the greatest natural disasters in human history, the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923, was followed by an anarchist rebellion influenced by France's syndicalist revolution. After a failed attempt on Regent Hirohito's life by a lonely anarchist, martial law was declared for the first time in Japanese history. Japanese democracy appears to be in a precarious position.


The defeat in the war was devastating for Britain and her loyal dominions. The British government found itself desperate keep the remnants of its empire intact. The parliaments of Australia and New Zealand became essentially defunct as the elections scheduled for December 1922 in both Dominions were canceled under the Emergency Protocols act of 1922 and the two Dominions were merged into Australasia under the Consolidation of Resources act of 1924. King George V appointed Stanley Bruce, who had proved to be a loyal supporter of Britain, as Governor-General of the newborn Australasian Confederation.

United Kingdom
Government: Social Conservative, subversive movements
Population: 41.841 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 19,916 m. semi-industrial market economy (overextended)
Industry: ℛℳ 4,358 m.
Infrastructure: Good [7]
Administration: Good [7]
Education: Good [7]
Health and Welfare: Good [6]
Army: Good [6] 1.637 m. manpower
13 infantry divisions, 2 armored divisions, 1 special forces units [Royal Marines]
Air Force: Good [7]
6 fighter/interceptor wings, 1 attack aircraft wings, 6 bomber wings
Navy: Excellent [8]
8 aircraft carriers, 31 battleships, 36 cruisers, 115 destroyers, 90 submarines [+2 cruisers, 10 destroyers in 1926]
Notes: General strike across Great Britain.


Government: Syndicalist, open civil discourse
Population: 35.737 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 12,901 m. semi-industrial mixed economy
Industry: ℛℳ 1,936 m.
Infrastructure: Adequate [5]
Administration: Adequate [4]
Education: Adequate [4]
Health and Welfare: Adequate [4]
Army: Adequate [4] 1.183 m. manpower
45 infantry divisions, 3 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Adequate [5]
7 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 5 bomber wings
Navy: Adequate [5]
1 aircraft carriers, 8 battleships, 7 cruisers, 40 destroyers, 25 submarines [+2 cruisers in 1926; +4 battleships, 2 cruisers in 1927]
Notes: Paying reparations to Germany. Economically isolated.


Government: Authoritarian Democracy, open civil discourse
Population: 85.229 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 27,810 m. semi-industrial market economy
Industry: ℛℳ 3,620 m.
Infrastructure: Adequate [5]
Administration: Adequate [5]
Education: Adequate [4]
Health and Welfare: Adequate [4]
Army: Adequate [5] 2.844 m. manpower
65 infantry divisions, 3 armored divisions, 4 special forces units [Marines]
Air Force: Adequate [4]
7 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 11 bomber wings
Navy: Adequate [4]
4 aircraft carriers, 47 battleships, 29 cruisers, 125 destroyers, 35 submarines [+2 battleships, 4 cruisers, 10 submarines in 1926; +2 cruisers in 1927]
Notes: Large support to allies and friendly regimes.


Government: Authoritarian Democracy, subversive movements
Population: 63.199 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 13,407 m. agrarian market economy (overextended)
Industry: ℛℳ 993 m.
Infrastructure: Adequate [4]
Administration: Adequate [4]
Education: Poor [3]
Health and Welfare: Poor [3]
Army: Adequate [4] 2.284 m. manpower
38 infantry divisions, 1 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Adequate [4]
3 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 1 bomber wings
Navy: Poor [3]
0 aircraft carriers, 6 battleships, 9 cruisers, 25 destroyers, 10 submarines [+3 cruisers in 1927]
Notes: Support to Italy and Ukraine. Internal divisions.


Government: Authoritarian Democracy, dissent and protests
Population: 7.914 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 1,222 m. agrarian market economy
Industry: ℛℳ 64 m.
Infrastructure: Adequate [4]
Administration: Adequate [4]
Education: Poor [3]
Health and Welfare: Poor [3]
Army: Adequate [4 ] 0.259 m. manpower
12 infantry divisions, 0 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Poor [2]
1 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 1 bomber wings
Navy: Poor [2]
0 aircraft carriers, 2 battleships, 5 cruisers, 15 destroyers, 0 submarines
Notes: Dissent in conquered areas.


Government: Social Democrat, political violence
Population: 80.750 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 12,217 m. agrarian market economy
Industry: ℛℳ 631 m.
Infrastructure: Poor [3]
Administration: Poor [3]
Education: Adequate [4]
Health and Welfare: Poor [2]
Army: Poor [3 ] 2.395 m. manpower
48 infantry divisions, 1 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Poor [3]
5 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 2 bomber wings
Navy: Poor [2]
0 aircraft carriers, 4 battleships, 6 cruisers, 30 destroyers, 55 submarines


Government: Paternal Autocrat, violent insurgency
Population: 23.900 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 3,076 m. agrarian market economy (overextended)
Industry: ℛℳ 138 m.
Infrastructure: Poor [3]
Administration: Poor [3]
Education: Poor [2]
Health and Welfare: Poor [2]
Army: Poor [3] 0.324 m. manpower
7 infantry divisions, 0 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Poor [2]
1 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 2 bomber wings
Navy: Poor [2]
0 aircraft carriers, 5 battleships, 4 cruisers, 20 destroyers, 5 submarines [+3 cruisers in 1927]
Notes: Trying to re-assert control over the Middle East.

Nationalist France

Government: Paternal Autocrat, dissent and protests
Population: 22.598 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 1,719 m. agrarian market economy
Industry: ℛℳ 54 m.
Infrastructure: Poor [2]
Administration: Poor [3]
Education: Poor [2]
Health and Welfare: Poor [2]
Army: Poor [3] 0.053 m. manpower
13 infantry divisions, 0 armored divisions, 1 special forces units [Foreign Legion]
Air Force: Poor [3]
7 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 5 bomber wings
Navy: Adequate [5]
1 aircraft carriers, 12 battleships, 4 cruisers, 60 destroyers, 15 submarines


Government: Paternal Autocrat, political violence
Population: 480.425 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 26,904 m. agrarian market economy
Industry: ℛℳ 730 m.
Infrastructure: Poor [2]
Administration: Poor [2]
Education: Failing [1]
Health and Welfare: Failing [1]
Army: Poor [3] 0.959 m. manpower
58 infantry divisions, 0 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Failing [1]
1 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 1 bomber wings
Navy: Poor [2]
0 aircraft carriers, 3 battleships, 4 cruisers, 20 destroyers, 10 submarines
Notes: Warlord cliques fighting for power.


Government: Social Conservative, political violence
Population: 83.972 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 14,068 m. agrarian market economy
Industry: ℛℳ 927 m.
Infrastructure: Adequate [4]
Administration: Adequate [5]
Education: Poor [3]
Health and Welfare: Poor [3]
Army: Adequate [4] 3.291 m. manpower
27 infantry divisions, 1 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Poor [3]
4 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 5 bomber wings
Navy: Adequate [5]
5 aircraft carriers, 15 battleships, 29 cruisers, 85 destroyers, 15 submarines [+2 cruisers in 1926; +3 cruisers in 1927]
Notes: State of Emergency.


Government: Paternal Autocrat, dissent and protests
Population: 7.325 m.
Economy: ℛℳ 4,032 m. semi-industrial market economy (underdeveloped)
Industry: ℛℳ 788 m.
Infrastructure: Poor [3]
Administration: Adequate [4]
Education: Poor [3]
Health and Welfare: Poor [2]
Army: Poor [3] 0.179 m. manpower
3 infantry divisions, 0 armored divisions, 0 special forces units
Air Force: Adequate [4]
0 fighter/interceptor wings, 0 attack aircraft wings, 1 bomber wings
Navy: Adequate [5]
1 aircraft carriers, 2 battleships, 7 cruisers, 30 destroyers, 10 submarines [+2 cruisers in 1926]


Mathrim - China
Shynka - Russia
Sealy - UoB
Tyriet - Germany
Maxwell - Japan
Harps - France
Cheef - Bulgaria
Noco - Austria
KingHigh - Nat. France
Haresus - Ottomans
Alex - UK
Ab - Australia

Dutchbag - Georgia
Afa - Finland
Thandros - Indian syndicalists
Dadarian - Mongolia
TJDS - Socialist Italy
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Fellow veljet ja sisaret,

be strong and remain vigilant in the face of the syndicalist menace, ever watchful of the old slavers of Sweden and Rus and never turn your back on your fellow Finns, Karelians and Lapps. Our great kingdom has risen from the milennia of darkness where lesser people brought misery and ruin to our glorious country. But like Kullervo we have not perished in the face of their evil and unjust tyranny. Now is the time that Suomi may write her own destiny.

Lucky we are for the Kaiser has seen to it that we may stand against the menaces of the world together. Suomi well remembers her debts to Saxe and Emperor Vilhelm II. Together we will stop the Hordes from the East and the mindless drones of the Left. Suomi will rise to a station she rightfully deserves and we will be vigilant and true at all times.

Kodin ja Jumalan puolesta

Iisakki Vihtori Kosola, First Minister of His Majesty's Government
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Fédération des communes français - The Federation of Communes of France


Anthem of the French Communes: L'Internationale
Motto: Soyez réalistes, demandez l'impossible - Be realistic, demand the impossible

Capital: Paris
Official Language: French
Government: Federal anarcho-syndicalist republic
Currency: Franc
Area: ~480.000 km2
Population: ~35.737 m.


In the spring of 1919, the CGT declared a general strike, quickly following on from the second mutiny of the French Army. The call quickly spread throughout the regional Bourse du Travail, paralyzing the nation and completely crippling its ability to wage war. Returning to the movement at this critical time, Émile Pouget quickly rose to lead the CGT and helped form the Commission exécutive to lead the CGT and form a cohesive policy for the revolutionaries. While he and the rest of the CGT had hoped for a (relatively) peaceful transition of power from the Chamber of Deputies (fr. la Chambre des députés) to themselves, events overtook them.

In May 1919, the Deutsches Heer under Oskar von Hutier entered Paris, occupying the city. In response to this utter failure by the central government, the general strike turned from protest into revolt; running battles between police and protestors became the norm for some weeks, until finally soldiers of the army who had been on leave were ordered to fire on the protestors. Instead of this, many defected to the revolutionaries, who by now used the Red flag of '71 as their symbol, and were generally nicknamed Communards or le rouge as a gesture to the Paris Commune.

Following the collapse and defection of much of the army, and with much of the nation either occupied by the Central Powers or in rebellion, the de jure government set up by the French Constitutional Laws of 1875 effectively collapsed. Subsequently two "governments", the Assemblée nationale (comprised of the old parliamentary groupings, and headed by the PRRRS) and the Commission exécutive each attempted to govern France. In the summer of 1919, following a truce with Germany the Assemblée nationale attempted to demobilise much of the French Army; given that many of these units were politicised and supported the Communards, this was (rightly or wrongly) seen by the left as an attempt to disarm the revolution. Thus the SFIO, on whose support the PRRRS had been reliant, began to boycott the Assemblée nationale, leaving the radicals reliant on the ARD to form a functioning coalition. However, the ARD refused to grant any concessions to the communards, causing a breakdown in negotiations between the two governments.

In this chaos, many members of the SFIO advocated the creation of a vanguard party along Leninist lines to lead the workers in revolution. Radicalised by the Congress of the Communist International these members started to form armed militias, named Jacobins for their violence and dogmatism, and began attacking members of the upper classes and looting their property. In response, the Assemblée nationale began marshalling what military units it could rely upon and raising volunteer battalions of counter-revolutionaries; with the country of the verge of Civil War, Émile Pouget urged the Commission exécutive to organise its own militias and fight against the reactionary forces lest the Assembly defeat the Jacobins. Concluding a peace with the Reich late in 1919 (the terms of which included the cession of the entirety of Lorraine, Savoy and Nice, recognition of Flanders-Wallonia, and significate monetary reparations), the communards gained full control of Paris and the other occupied regions.

By the spring of 1920, the revolutionaries had all but defeated the Whites (so named by the Communards as a pejorative in reference to the standard of the Royalists), who were finally forced from Marseilles in mid-March of that year. Rather than turn on one another, the Jacobins and Communards developed an uneasy peace, drafting a new constitution alongside the SFIO and pro-revolution factions. Presenting themselves as the moderate revolutionary faction, the CGT was able to outmanoeuvre the Jacobins in negotiations and ally themselves with the other political movements, writing a constitution that largely suited their own anarcho-syndicalist ideology.

In the years since the Revolution of the Unions (fr. révolution des syndicats), the Communard government dedicated itself to organising its own house before looking outwards. The constitutional session reformed the structure of the French state, adjusting the boundaries of the departments to accommodate population changes since the early 19th century and to account for the loss of land in the Great War, and renaming them Communes to reflect their new role in the fabric of the political and economic landscape. The Bourse du travail were also reformed, all those within each Commune being merged and taking over the Communal administration; to unify the Communes at the federal level, the Bourse générale du travail was established, acting as the lower legislative chamber to the Commission exécutive. Indeed, legally what was the French Third Republic was no longer a unified nation-state, but a federation of communes, la Fédération des communes français.

The political make-up of the new federation also took shape: the Communists formally left the SFIO in 1920 with much of the membership, forming the Communiste français; the remnants of the SFIO merged with the CGT, which following the civil war now took its natural place in the political spectrum; the work of Georges Sorel was utilised and developed by Georges Valois to develop national-syndicalism, founding Syndicaliste français and attracting to it many militarists and nationalist-leaning citizens; and Anarchiste pur, a political movement inspired by the writings of Nestor Makhno and his fellow expatriates, who believe that the Federation must take the next step from anarcho-syndicalism to anarcho-communism.

After the civil war, the CGT declined to support the remade International Federation of Trade Unions (which continued to operate as the trade union arm of the Second International), seeing that the views of post-revolutionary France could no longer align with the reformist FTU. Indeed, their only notable act of foreign policy by the Communes was to support the syndicalists of Southern Italy in their conflict with Austria.


The President of the General Workers' Council (fr. Président du Bourse Générale du travail) is constitutionally the Head of State of the French Communes. The President of the BGdT is elected by the members of the BGdT, and approved by the members of the Executive Commission. The President's terms are six years, though they may be removed from office by death, resignation, or removal from office (the President may be impeached by the BGdT for treason, bribery, or other high crimes). If the EC does not approve the BGdT's choice, the BGdT is obligated to hold another election until a satisfactory candidate is elected. The President of the BGdT formally represents the Communes abroad and accredits and receives ambassadors. His signature is required to ratify international treaties and domestic legislation, as well as to declare war.

The President of the Executive Commission (fr. Président du Commission exécutive), who also functions as the President of the Council of Ministers (fr. Président du Conseil des ministres), acts as the Head of Government of the French Communes. The President is elected by the Executive Commission (fr. Commission exécutive) without term limits (effectively , but may be removed by the CE if the President loses the confidence of the chamber.

The Council of Ministers (fr. Conseil des ministres), along with the President of the CE and President of the BGdT, forms the Government of France (fr. Gouvernement de la français). The Council is elected by the CE in the same electoral process as the President of the CE. Each minister chairs a permanent committee (with each committee comprised of two members elected by the CE and two members elected by the BGdT, thus effectively making three members of each committee elected by the CE including the minister themselves), with one committee overseeing each ministry.

The Executive Commission (fr. Commission exécutive, perjoratively nicknamed the Committee of Public Safety (fr. Comité de salut public)) is effectively the Upper Chamber of the French Communes, though it's existence is pseudo-constitutional as the chamber was founded during the 1919 Revolution. The CE is comprised of representatives elected by the citizens of the Communes via an open list system with universal suffrage (all citizens over the age of 25); the number of representatives is set at 1 per 100,000 citizens, giving the chamber 357 members in the year 1924, and to be eligible to stand candidates must have the backing of a BdT. Elections are every three years. The CE has the power of legislation initiative, and any member may propose legislation without bias.

The General Workers' Council (fr. Bourse Générale du travail) functions as the Lower Chamber of the Federation. Delegates are appointed by each Workers' Council (fr. Bourse du travail), with each BdT appointing five delegates (giving the chamber a total of 405 members in 1924). After legislation has been approved by the CE it passes to the BGdT, the members of which are then obliged to debate and vote upon said legislation.

Citizens are forbidden from being members of both legislative chambers simultaneously.

International treaties and declarations of war require the assent of both legislative chambers.

Local government:
As the name suggests, the Federation of French Communes is a union of Communes that patchwork the land of France. Evolved from the departments of the Third Republic, each Commune (of which there are currently 81) is governed by a Workers' Council. The BdT itself is a council of local unions and political movements, with representatives being elected by the citizens of the Commune to administer the BdT and the Commune. Each BdT is also responsible for its Commune's local Guard.

In each town across the Communes are other, lesser Bourses, which oversee municipal governance. These Bourses also generally contain with their buildings libraries, classrooms, meeting halls, and theatres. Community celebrations are often held at the Bourses, including secular marriages.

Government of France, 1924
  • President of the General Workers' Council: Sébastien Faure (Anarchist)
2nd Pouget Ministry (1924-)
  • President of the Council of Ministers: Émile Pouget
  • Foreign Affairs: Léon Jouhaux
  • Interior: Pierre Monatte
  • Finance: Sébastien Faure (Anarchist)
  • War and National Defence: Paul Painlevé
  • Navy: Vincent Auriol
  • Justice: Ludovic-Oscar Frossard
  • Public Works and Transport: Marceau Pivert
  • Agriculture: Benoît Frachon (Jacobin)
  • Commerce and Industry: Pierre Monatte
  • National Education and the Arts: Jean Hennessy
  • Public Worship: Jean Grave
Political groupings within the French Communes:

The General Confederation of Labour (nicknamed Communards) [Anarcho-Syndicalism/Democratic Socialism]
Led by Émile Pouget, the CGT is the most powerful movement within the Federation. The CGT in effect perpetrates the "orthodoxy" of French anarcho-syndicalism, having written the constitution for the most part (and hence was able to integrate the Executive Commission into the new constitution). Owing to its role within the revolution, the CGT carries enough support to control many of the BdT's, giving the CGT a dominant position within the Executive Commission. The CGT has a friendly rivalry with the Pure Anarchists and are wary of the French Syndicalists, while the CGT openly opposes the French Communists.

  • Notables: Émile Pouget, Léon Blum, Ludovic-Oscar Frossard, Paul Painlevé, May Picqueray, Pierre Monatte, Léon Jouhaux, Vincent Auriol

French Communists (derogatorily referred to as Jacobins) [Marxism-Leninism]
Led by Boris Souvarine, the CFs openly presents itself as a vanguard movement in the style of the Bolsheviks under Lenin. The CFs calls for a highly centralised one-party state, seeking to rid the French Communes of their anarcho-syndicalist character. Despite being weakened internationally by the failure of the Communist International, the PFs retains a strong domestic base following its success in the civil war. The Jacobins oppose the CGT, and are openly antagonistic to the Sorelians and Anarchists.

    • Notables: Boris Souvarine, Andre Marty, Charles Tillon, Fernand Loriot, Charles Rappoport, Benoît Frachon

French Syndicalists (nicknamed Sorelians) [National Syndicalism/Sorelianism]
Led by Georges Valois, the SFs are a relatively new political movement. Their philosophies are based on a blend of Sorelian syndicalism and nationalism, though they are careful to distance themselves from the theories of Charles Maurras. The SFs presents itself as a nationalist and proactive alternative to the CGT, which they see as being too passive on the international stage. In many ways the SFs are socially the most right-wing movement within the Communes. The SF supports the centralisation and militarisation of the French Communes, and the strengthening of the BGdT (and its President) at the expense of the Executive Commission. The movement is ambivalent towards the CGT, opposes the Pure Anarchists (which they see as an extreme philosophy), and is openly antagonistic towards the Communists.

    • Notables: Georges Valois, Edouard Berth, Pierre Laval, Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, Hubert Lagardelle, Maurice Barrès, Gustave Hervé, Bertrand de Jouvenel, Jean Borotra, Marcel Deat

Pure Anarchists (nicknamed Anarchists, or Makhnovists) [Anarcho-Communism/Platformism]
Led primarily by Nestor Makhno, the Anarchists support the evolution of anarcho-syndicalism into anarcho-communism. As part of this, they advocate strengthening the Communes at the expense of federal authority, the abolishment of the Executive Commission, and the establishment of a 'free' economy. There is no doubt that the Anarchists are at the far-left of the French political spectrum. The Anarchists are friendly with the CGT, way of the Sorelians, and antagonistic towards the Jacobins

  • Notables: Nestor Makhno, Sébastien Faure, Charles Malato, Benoît Broutchoux, René de Marmande, Peter Arshinov, Gregori Maximoff, Ida Mett

Armed Forces of the French Communes:

General Staff of the French Armed Forces

    • Chief of the General Staff: Maurice Sarrail
    • Chief of Staff of the French Army: Adolphe Guillaumat
    • Chief of Staff of the French Navy: André Marty
    • Chief of Staff of the French Air Force: Georges Thenault

The Armed Forces of the French Communes (fr. Forces armées des communes français) are the primary military force of the Federation of French Communes. It consists of four branches: the Communal Army (fr. Armée de terre communale), the Communal Navy (fr. Marine communale), the Communal Air Force (fr. Armée de l'air communale), and the Communal Guard (fr. Garde communale). Control of the Armed Forces is invested in the General Staff, with the Chief of the General Staff being the effective commander of the Armed Forces. Officially, if the position is vacant then the Chief of the General Staff is chosen by the other Chiefs of Staff from amongst their number, though the President of the Executive Commission is known to have had a role in the appointment of Maurice Sarrail.

The Communal Army was formed after the civil war, when civilian planners were convinced that the Guard would not be sufficient for open warfare with another continental power. To this end, ex-military and fighters of the civil war willing to volunteer were reformed into a mostly traditional military structure; soldiers councils continue to frustrate the military hierarchy.

The Communal Navy is a combination of pre-revolutionary ships with a few modern constructions. During the civil war a significant portion of the French Mediterranean fleet sided with the Whites, enabling their retreat from Marseilles to Africa. Partly as a consequence to this loss, the Communal Navy is largely a defensive force, and current strategy focuses on preventing amphibious landings on the French coast.

The Communal Air Force developed from the Aéronautique Militaire, the pre-war French aviation corps that operated as a brand of the Army. It was only following the civil war, and the legal establishment of the French Communes, that the Air Force became independent from the other branches of the military. With the military in a state of disarray immediately following the civil war, Georges Thenault, veteran commander of the Lafayette Escadrille and socialist sympathiser, approached the Executive Commission with a plan to form an independent air army with which to protect the skies of France. Successful in his discussions with Pouget, the Lafayette Escadrille became the core of the new Communal Air Force.

The Communal Guard is the exception within the Armed Forces. Born from the Communard and Jacobin militias of the revolution and civil war, the Guard forms the bulk of the Communes' Armed Forces, yet only in wartime is it under the direct control of the General Staff. In times of peace, the Guard is a highly decentralised force, with each unit raised, supplied and administered by its BdT (though there is an expectation that each Commune's Guard follow standardised equipment and training protocols, and penalties for the BdT if these are not met without proper reason). Only the Guard's training follows the centralised command structure, to ensure that the various units are capable of performing in larger scale operations. Those Communes bordering foreign states that have been recognised as 'external threats' (currently all neighbours to the French Communes) are required to keep a portion of their Guards military ready at all times.
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'Democratic' Republic of Georgia

The flag of the Socialist Republic of Italy based on the flag of the Roman Republic, a French-client state.
To symbolize the Syndicalist roots of the Republic, the cog with hammer and torch was added, which is also the emblem of the republic.

Repubblica Socialista d'Italia - Socialist Republic of Italy

National Anthem: Inno dei Lavoratori - Hymn of the Workers
Motto: Avanti, Popolo! - Forward, People!

Capital: Napoli - Naples
Official Language: Italian
Government: Socialist Republic
Currency: Lira repubblicana
Area: ~110.000 km2
Population: ~15 million

Italy on its march to its doom in the Weltkrieg (1912-1919)
Italy, one of the youngest great powers when the Weltkrieg started in August 1914, had, in its short existence, never been truly stable. Many historians contributed Italy's relative instability so shortly after the independence to the many differences in Italian society; there was not even one Italian language. As Massimo Taparelli, Marquis d'Azeglio, and former Prime Minister of Sardinia-Piedmonte said after the Risorgimento: "We have made Italy. Now we must make Italians." Added to these differences in Italian society were the many difficulties that the young Italian nation faced, Italy was mostly an agrarian nation, heavily dependent on imports (both of agrarian and industrial produce), illiteracy was high and GDP per capita was only half that of France in 1914.

Despite these many differences and difficulties for the young Italian nation, when war spread to Europe in August 1914, it was clear that Italy would join it, indeed, there had been many pro-war protest across the nation; on what side, however, was a far less certain matter. Italy had been member of the Triple Alliance, a defensive alliance between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy, since 1882 - in response to the Schiaffo di Tunisi, the French seizure of Tunis - but the Italian public was far from enthusiastic about the alignment with Austria-Hungary - Italy's main enemy during the Risorgimento and ruler of nearly 1 million Italians in 1914, however this did not stop the Italian Government from renewing the alliance in 1912, with the addition of Clause 7, which stated that if either Austria-Hungary or Italy annexed a part of the Balkan, the other nation would be compensated with lands in Balkan. Thus when Austria-Hungary issued its ultimatum against Serbia in 1914, which in Italian eyes was a step towards annexation, and refrained from compensating Italy, the Italian government rescinded the treaty and declared neutrality.

However, the Italian People, or at least a large minority, wanted war and the completion of the Risorgimento with the conquest of Trieste, South Tirol and lands in Dalmatia. There were strikes and pro-war demonstrations across the country and the Salandra Government became increasingly outspoken against its former ally. Thus when the Austrian suffered various important military defeats at the start of the war, Prime Minister Antonio Salandra send a delegation to London to negotiate the territorial gains for Italy after the end of the war, which culminated in the London Protocols. Thus, having been assured large territorial expansions and believing its own entry would bring a swift and decisive end to the war, Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary on May 23th 1915.

The first Italian confrontations with Austro-Hungarian troops were on May 24th 1915 in the Isonzo and Vipava valleys, which became the two main battlements of Italy during the first two years of its involvement in the war and in which nearly a quarter of a million Italian were killed or wounded in massive frontal assaults under the leadership of the incompetent General and Italian Chief of Staff, Luigi Cadorna. The stalemate that was created shifted increasingly in favour of the Austro-Hungarians after each failed Italian offensive, but, although moral was low and supplies were scarce, it would not be until October 1917 that the Austro-Hungarian forces managed to drive the Italians back to the Piave river, although with great losses on Austro-Hungary side. However the Italian army, which had been teetering on the verge of collapse in late October managed to recover miracolously and so held the Piave line against all other advances till 1919. It would not be until a large part of Austro-Hungarian and German troops, which had been previously fighting in Russia, were committed to Italian front that the Italians had to retreat from the Piave River to Venezia. Although the Italian Army and people would valiantly defend Venezia and later in 1919 other Italian cities from the invaders, on August 6th 1919 Italy surrendered unconditionally to Germany.

Divide et Impera: the Return of pre-Risorgimento Italy (1920)
The Weltkrieg was a tumultuous event for Europe, and indeed the whole world. Out of the ruins and hardships of the war, the German Empire rebuilt a Europe in her own image, a new world order where Berlin became the capital of the world. From his throne in Berlin, the Kaiser claimed victory over his foes and heralded the triumph of old ideals over the new, those of the enlightened monarchy over those of Republicanism and Socialism. In this new Europe, the Austro-Hungarians were given free reign over the Italian peninsula, finally, they could finally dictate the terms of Italy's surrender. These terms were fueled with a hatred of the Italian people and the fear for the return of a unified Italy able to challenge Austrian interests in the Balkan, to that end they returned the Italian peninsula to its pre Risorgimento form - divided between a chaotic assortment of duchies, principalities and kingdoms, with the return of the Austrian Eagle to Venizia (now Venedig). Certain territories of France - such as Corsica and Nice, were also transferred to the new order. The states were “united” in a loose confederation that was headed by the Vatican with the Pope as the head of state, with powers to appoint the nobility in Italy to the various ministries, as well as act as a mediator in disputes between the nobility. In reality though, the system was weak and the pope and Italian nobility were puppets of Austria-Hungaru. The House of Savoy was of course excluded, and King Vittorio Emmanuel III and his house entered into an internal exile, stripped of their nobility.

One of the states recreated in this plan was the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, which had been annexed by Sardinia-Piedmont during the course of the Risorgimento. The resurrected Kingdom was brought back in its entirety and became a member of the confederation. Austria-Hungary was content with this arrangement - it had secured loyal partners on the peninsula that owed their newly found powers to them. For the Italian people, this was an embarrassment. Moreover for the peasant masses of the South, which was far more agrarian than the North, it was an affirmation that the oppressive, feudal conditions of the latifundia were there to stay, and the prospects for land reform were absolutely out of the question with the return of the King of the Two Sicilies. With the toll the catastrophic war had taken on the peasants, this was seen as insult to injury. Discontent was brewing while Austria-Hungary was drunk with its victory.

There was widespread discontent among workers in the industrial north, displeased with the sudden change in conditions as many of their few, but hard fought, victories were rolled back. Even among the nobility who owed much to Austria-Hungary for their sudden change in fortunes, were opposed to the Empire’s attempt to put up a member of the Austro-Hungarian imperial and royal family to rule over the confederation. A period of disorder followed across the entirety of Italy. The Nobility fought against one another and ignored decrees from Vienna. Workers rose up in Turin, Milan, and elsewhere and began occupying factories. Republican organizations sprouted up in a vain attempt to stem back the resurgence of the aristocracy. However, the north would not be the center of a revolution like that of the French (which became a real fear for many of the Italian aristocrats and the confederation) the south, which had been hard hit by the Weltkrieg and, due to the rollback of reforms by the King of the Two Sicilies, an Austrian Puppet, were nearly owned by the returned nobility and landed gentry, would become the cradle of the revolution.

Avanti, Popolo! The Victorious March of the Proletariat (1921-1924)
Although the direct cause of the revolution is unknown, the Italian Public has widely accepted the myth of Pietro. Pietro was a poor farmer who returned home from the war following Italy’s surrender. The following is our attempt to try and summarize the large number of versions of the story: Pietro had lost two sons during the siege of Venice, and another was unaccounted for. He had been detained in a POW camp for a number of months as Austria-Hungary was reorganizing Italy following the surrender. Upon his release he arrived home to his farm somewhere outside of Bari, he discovered that all was left of his home was a burned out shell. He had discovered from his neighbors that his wife had died the year before from a terminal illness. His daughter, finding it difficult to raise the remaining three children at home, opened herself up to the advances of a son of the landlord. Sometime after this occurred, the neighbors awoke to find that the small homestead was on fire. They put out the fire but discovered within the corpses of the young daughter and the children. They also found out the daughter was pregnant.

Pietro could not take it. He had lost so much in the war - his sons, friends, and the trauma he had experienced personally from the fierce fighting. He declared to his neighbors that he was not going to stand for the old, corrupt system any longer. Pietro disappeared into his farm and returned with a rifle and a pitchfork and made his way to the direction of the landlord’s estate. As he made his way down the path he was joined by many people of the latifundia. Neighbors. War buddies. Church acquaintances. Some people he never saw before. He was not the only one with grievances against the landlord. So it was on an early spring evening in 1920 that a latifundia somewhere outside of Bari rose up into rebellion. The landlord and his family were reportedly left to burn in their estate, which was perched on-top of a hill. People from surrounding latifundia awoke to see a fire glowing on the hill, the “Fire on the Mountain” as they later called it. Eventually the peasants got word of what had occurred and they too rose up in rebellion. In a matter of hours it appeared the entire region around Bari exploded into uprisings as peasants rose up against their landlords. Soon fires lit up the night sky across the farmlands and the disorder reached into Bari and moved southwards into the port city of Taranto. Workers and artisans in the two cities went on strike, and the cities came to a standstill. Within a few days, all corners of the Two Sicilies were in open rebellion.

Syndicalists had already established a significant base among the peasantry in southern Italy before the Great War. Indeed it had been known that as an ideology, syndicalism in Italy was birthed from the oppressive conditions of the south and moved northward. As the revolt spread through the Two Sicilies, Syndicalists quickly leapt into action and sent out agents to agitate and organize the peasantry, encouraging them to seize the latifundia and redistribute the farmland amongst themselves.

The revolt was further emboldened by the ongoing success of the syndicalists in France. The Italian Socialist Party, seeing that the revolutionary fervor in the factories of the north was fizzling out while in the South it was growing, chose to focus its efforts there. Eventually large numbers of cadres from the Italian Socialist Party began to make their way to the south, among them figures like Filippo Turati, Palmiro Togliatti, Amadeo Bordiga, GM Serrati, Umberto Terracini, Angelo Tasca, and Antonio Gramsci. Despite their differences, the more Marxist-oriented Socialist Party merged ranks with the revolutionary syndicalists and raised a united front against the monarchy. “Red Guards”, taking after the example of the French and Russian Revolutions, formed to resist against the Austro-Hungarian puppet king.

The rest of 1920 was plagued by increasing disorder in the Two Sicilies. Eventually the monarchy had lost all influence outside of Naples as peasants rose up in the latifundia and redistributed land among themselves. In Sicily, even the Mafia was unable to hold back the revolutionaries as workers and peasants rose up in arms against the landed aristocracy. Rather, the mafia chose to enter into the background and wait out the storm, and in some cases chose to aid the rebellion along. The monarchy attempted to form their own “volunteer” regiments utilizing the Church to rally peasants that had not joined in the uprising. There was also, though unspoken, the promise of the ability to loot and pillage the provinces in rebellion without any punishment from the kingdom.

Benito Mussolini, a former associate of the Italian Socialist Party, gathered a reported 5,000 volunteers consisting of revolutionary trade unionists, socialists, anarchists, and disgruntled war veterans as he made his way from occupied the north of Italy down to the Two Sicilies to aid in the uprising. These 5,000 were formed into the elite backbone of the revolutionary army, divided up into various “Garibaldi” regiments. Despite his transgressions with socialists earlier over his support for the Great War, he was accepted back into the fold and given command over his own regiment.

As 1921 opened, the revolutionary forces solidified their grasp on the Two Sicilies. Austria-Hungary was unable and unwilling to commit to a significant intervention in the Two Sicilies, dealing with similar disorder in North Italy and even in the core territories of the Empire. The German Empire denied a request for help by the Austrians, informing them that they had enough to deal with in Eastern Europe and the Commune of France, and that they had to take responsibility for their miscalculations. The revolutionaries were also bolstered by well-needed aid from the Commune of France. By February, the leadership felt confident of a final push on Naples. The March on Naples - or the “March Days” as it came to be known - was a month-long battle across the outskirts and eventually streets of Naples as the revolutionary army closed in on the palace at Caserta. King Alfonso of the Two Siciliws remained stubbornly on the throne despite the appeals from his advisors, unable to accept that his reign was going to last barely a year and a half. By the beginning of April the palace was surrounded and much of Naples occupied by the revolutionary forces. It was only on April 20th that Alfonso and his court evacuated Caserta and fled to Rome, and by April 22nd the remaining forces of the Kingdom surrendered to the revolutionary forces. On April 25th, Amadeo Bordiga proclaimed the creation of the Socialist Republic of Italy, and now the daunting task of constructing socialism in southern Italy laid ahead of them.

With the proclamation of the Socialist Republic of Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Eagle was once again shamed on the International Stage, even after the war which established the new pro-Austrian Order. The Austrians, although weary of war after the Weltkrieg, needed to answer the revolutionaries to stop it from spreading to the still unstable North Italian cities and other parts of the Empire, thus the Austro-Hungarians forced the Italian Confederation to crack down on any and all leftist thought, defacto disbanding what was left of the aboveground part of the Italian Socialist Party, and send an army of militias of various North Italian States and two elite Austro-Hungarian divisions to South Italy, hoping to crush the revolution once and for all. The campaign was a complete failure, due to the lack of organization and the low morale under both the Austro-Hungarian troops (who wished to return home) and the Italian militias (who didn't want to fight fellow Italians).

The Commune of France quickly established relations with the new nation, sending advisors to help the Italians in their attempt to build a socialist order and the groundwork for a military to defend its borders. They certainly had their work cut out for them - aside from a few entrepreneurial landlords, the agricultural methods were by and large antiquated. Little agricultural machinery existed. Infrastructure in the region was pitiful aside from a few railroads leading to the ports. The vast majority of the populace, particularly among the peasantry, was illiterate. And of course, with the departure or deaths of most of the nobility in the region, some peasants attempted to take the place of the gentry and took control of the latifundia themselves, forcing the others to work under them in much the same way the nobles had done.

After the military defeat in the campaign against South Italy and Germany refusing to intervene on their behalf, the Austro-Hungarian Empire saw itself forced to recognize and make peace with the Socialist Republic of Italy. With this came the end of the Third War of Italian Independence, although, again, large parts of Italy were still controlled by foreign powers. In the summer of 1921, the leaders of the most important unions and the Italian Socialist Party met in Naples to discuss the future of the republic, where they agreed upon the Constitution and various laws dictating the structure, functions and duties of the Socialist Republic of Italy. In the years following the Republic’s founding, it has slowly rebuilt and attempted to industrialize itself, strengthening its economy and military to protect the Italian People and the Socialist Republic of Italy from the threat that both Germany and Austria pose to them.

The Executive:
The Socialist Republic of Italy uses a Semi-Presidential system and includes the following members:
The President of the Socialist Republic of Italy is the Head of State of the People's Republic of Italy, who governs by the Will of the Italian People. The President shall serve in that capacity until he/she is either removed form office, resigns, prosecuted or is not reelected. He is directly elected by the population for a term of five years. Eligibility for election as President of the Socialist Republic of Italy shall be reserved to subjects who have attained thirty years of age at the day of election and have resided in Italy for five years, has never outed themselves against the republic and their revolution, be of unbespoken character, enjoy civil and political rights, and fulfill other requirements specified by law. If the President ceases, for whatever reason, to fulfill his functions, the House of Commons may be convened to impeach the President of the Socialist Republic of Italy with a two-third. All Presidents must take and uphold the following oath: "I, [name], swear that I will dedicate my efforts to the well-being of the Italian people and state, enhance their benefits, avert harm from them, uphold and defend the Constitution, Equality, Democracy and the statutes of the Republic, fulfil my duties conscientiously, and do justice to all." The President ratifies laws and without his ratification no laws can go into effect. The President is in charge of all external relations of Italy with foreign powers. He declares war, makes treaties of peace, of alliance, of commerce, and of other kinds, giving notice of them to the House of Commons as soon as the interest and security of the state allow, and accompanying such notice with opportune explanations. The President is the Commander-in-Chief of the Italian People's Armed Forces. He determines the organization of the army and navy and issues decrees and orders concerning: the displacement of troops, the mobilization of troops, their training, the performance of duties of the various ranks of army and navy personnel and, in general, everything connected to the organization of the armed forces and defense of Italy. He appoints the Chief of General Staff and delegates any of his military duties to him and the Responsible Director for the People's Military and his colleagues. He resides in Palace of the Revolution (formerely the Royal Palace of Capodimonte).

The Chairman of the House Commons is the Head of Government of the People's Republic of Italy. He/she is elected by the House of Commons, the Chairman needs a majority of the votes to assume office, if no candidate wins a majority of the votes in the first round, a second round of voting will be held. This process will continue until a single candidate has a majority. All Chairmen must be of unbespoken character and must declare their support for the Revolution. Before assuming their duties, the Chairman shall affirm an oath to uphold the Constitution, protect the People’s Republic, and execute faithfully his/her duties before the Congress of the Republic. Eligibility for election as Chairman of the House of Commons shall be reserved to subjects who have attained thirty years of age at the day of election and have resided in Italy for five years, has never outed themselves against the republic and their revolution, be of unbespoken character, enjoy civil and political rights, and fulfill other requirements specified by law. If a Chairman of the House of Commons ceases, for whatever reason, to fulfill his functions, the House of Commons which had elected him/her will be quickly convened to hold a new election. The Chairman of the House of Commons appoints the Council of Responsible Electors. The Chairman is personally responsible for the general policy of the Government, the direction of administration and the coordination of ministerial activities. The Chairman may, upon the approval of the President, establish the quantity, competence and structure of the ministries of the Government and provide the Council of Responsible Directors with overall leadership. He resides in the Villa Floridiana in Naples.

The Consiglio del Responsabile Generale (En. Council of Responsible Directors) is the Italian Council of Ministers and together with the Chairman of the House of Commons forms the Italian Government. The Responsible Directors are appointed by the Chairman, in accordance with the Will of the people. The House of Commons may motion for the resignation of any minister. Before entering their duties, all Responsible Directors shall affirm an oath to uphold the Constitution, protect the Socialist Republic of Italy, and execute faithfully their duties before the Congress of the Republic. Eligibility for appointment as a Responsible Director shall be reserved to subjects who have attained thirty years of age at the day of appointment and have resided in Italy for five years, has never outed themselves against the republic and their revolution, be of unbespoken character, enjoy civil and political rights, and fulfill other requirements specified by law. If a Responsible Director ceases, for whatever reason, to fulfill his functions, the Chairman of the House of Commons will be required by law to fire him/her. Government orders are signed by the Responsible Directors of the relevant departments who assume full responsibility. They answers to the House of Commons and the Chairman of the House, appointed by the Chairman of the House of Commons.

The Legislature:
The Legislature is unicameral, the parliament is named the House of Commons (It: Camera dei Comuni) and meets in the Congress of the Republic (formerely the Royal Palace of Naples). It elects the Chairman of the House of Commons to act as Head of Government of the Socialsit Republic of Italy and the Speaker of the House of Commons to act as presiding officer for the duration of the Session and consists of two components: Rappresentanti del Popolo (En: Representatives of the People): two hundred and sixty seats of the House of Commons, directly elected by the population from constituencies. Delegati dei Lavoratori e dei Sindacati (En: Delegates of Workers and Syndicates): one hundred and fourty seats of the House of Commons, elected by the National Syndicates and local Workers' and Farmers' Councils. Eligibility for election as either representative or delegate shall be reserved to subjects who have attained twenty-five years of age at the day of election and have resided in Italy for five years, has never outed themselves against the republic and their revolution, be of unbespoken character, enjoy civil and political rights, and fulfill other requirements specified by law. If a Representative ceases, for whatever reason, to fulfill his functions, the Constituency which had elected him will be quickly convened to hold a new election. If a Delegate ceases, for whatever reason, to fulfill his functions, the Council of Syndicate which had elected him will be quickly convened to hold a new election. The House of Commons shall possess legislative initiative and the legislation of the House shall not be subject to veto by any national institution save that of the judicial authority on the grounds of the Constitution, unlesss a State of Emergency has been called. Sessions of the House shall expire automatically after five years unless early dissolution by the President takes place. Duration of the annual session of the House and the lengths of recess during the year may be also defined by decrees of the House.

The Councils and Regions:
Workers' and Farmers' Councils are local municipalities that have directly elected Councillors. Handles local affairs, subordinate to councils. They are elected every 3 years and cooperate with the national syndicates and local unions on local affairs.

Regions are the second tier of governance of the republic, they handle the affairs of an area: for example Napoli and its bordering towns; whose towns are all separate communes. Regional Commissioners are elected by the Councillors every 4 years. The Regional Commission have control over affairs concerning various councils.

In Italy justice is administered by the Supreme Court of the Italy, the Provincial courts and the special courts of Italy. established by decision of the Congress of the Proletariat and the People's Courts. In all courts cases are tried with the participation of people's assessors, except in cases specially provided for by law. The Supreme Court of Italy is the highest judicial organ. The Supreme Court of Italy is charged with the supervision of the judicial activities of all the judicial organs of Italy. The Supreme Court of the Italy and the special courts of Italy are elected by the House of Commons for a term of five years, the election can be overturned by the President of the Socialist Republic of Italy. The Regional courts are elected by the the Regional Commission for a term of five years. People's Courts are elected by the citizens of the district on the basis of universal, direct and equal suffrage by secret ballot for a term of three years. Judicial proceedings are conducted in the language of Italy. It is, however, optional to use minority languages for those who belong to areas in which it is used or in response to the same. In all courts of Italy cases are heard in public, unless otherwise. provided for by law, and the accused is guaranteed the right to be defended by Counsel. Judges are independent and subject only to the law. Supreme supervisory power over the strict execution of the laws by all Responsible Directors and institutions subordinated to them, as well as by public servants and citizens of Italy, is vested in the Procurator of Italy. The Supreme Court of the Socialist Republic of Italy resides in Palace of Justice (formerely the Royal Palace of Portici).

All elections are secret ballot, are conducted through the Single Transferable Vote Method.

The Current State of Political Affairs:
Current Cabinet and First Cabinet of the People's Republic of Italy:

President of the Socialist Republic of Italy: Amadeo Bordiga
Chairman of the House of Commons: Palmiro Togliatti
Responsible Director for Diplomacy: G.M. Serrati
Responsible Director for Industry and Agriculture: Angelo Tasca
Responsible Director for Armaments: Arturo Labriola
Responsible Director for the Police: Antonio Gramsci
Responsible Director for Intelligence: Vittorio Vidali
Responsible Director for Trasnporation: Benito Mussolini
Responsible Director for the People's Military: Camillo Berneri
Responsible Director for the People's Army: Umberto Marzocchi
Responsible Director for the People's Navy: Francesco Maugeri
Responsible Director for the People's Air Force: Mario Ajmone Cat


The I. Camera dei Comuni (1921-1926)
Light Red: UAS (226 s.), Grey: Independents (41 s.), USR (98 s.), Dark Red: UNS (35 s.)
Parliamentary Groups:

The Anarcho-Syndicalist Union (UAS), led by Amadeo Bordiga, President of the Socialist Republic of Italy, Palmiro Togliatti, President of the House of Commons and Antonio Gramsci. The Anarcho-Syndicalist Union holds true the ideals of the first revolutionaries in the 1920 and true Syndicalism and Federalism form the basis of their platform. They are radicals compared to the political spectrum of the Union of Britain and maintain a strong presence in both the Unions and the House of Commons, they have lead the Socialist Republic since the Proclamation. They are on the centre-left of the Italian Political spectrum.

The Social-Reformist Union (USR), led by Filippio Turati and Giacomo Matteotti. The Social-Reformist Union is less radical and more pragmatic than both the Anarcho-Syndicalist Union, lead mostly by former Northern Partito Socialista Italiano members, it is closer to political groups in the Union of Britain. The Social-Reformist Union is quickly increasing in popularity with a platform based on more democracy and a more centralized economy. They are the main opposition in the House of Commons and are expected to make gains in the next Italian election. They are on the centre of the Italian Political spectrum

The National-Syndicalist Union (UNS), led by Responsible Director Benito Mussolini of Transportation and prominent syndicalist Michele Bianchi. They believe in a centralized state based on the Bolshevik model, they are also staunch supporters for immediate and total war with Austria-Hungary and its puppets to reunify Italy. They are the third party and although they are expected to make some gains in the next General Election, it is expected those gains will be minor. They are on the centre-right of the Italian Political spectrum.

Italian People's Armed Forces

The Flag of the Italian People's Armed Forces, the bloodsoaken banner of the Revolution

The Italian People's Armed Forces (Forze Armate Popolare Italiano) is the main defense force of the Socialist Republic of Italy, it consist of four branches, the Italian People's Army (Esercito Popolare Italiano), the Italian People's Navy (Marina Popolare Italiana), Italian People's Air Force (Aeronautica militare Populare Italiano) and the National Security Service (Servizio di Sicurezza Nazionale). The President of the Socialist Republic of Italy is Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, the Chief of the General Staff is the highest ranked officer in the Armed Forces, the Marshal of the Socialist Republic of Italy.

The Italian People's Army was first officially established during the March on Napoli, although cooperation between various groups of trade unionists, socialists, peasents and war veterans had existed since the start of the uprising. Many of its officers were former officers in the Royal Italian Army, who, after the failed revolution in Northern Italy, marched south to lead the syndicalists there. The Arditi del Popolo (People's Brigades) that were officially established with the proclamation of the Republic formed the backbone of Italian efforts against the Austro-Hungary Campaign against the young Socialist Republic and would become the predecessor of the Italian People's Army, which was officialy established by the Constitutional Assembly together with the disbandment of the People's Brigades. The Italian People's Army has, in its 3 years of existance, become a organized and well-armed force, with a clear hierarchy and dicipline. The Italian People's Army is currently undergoing mechanization and expansion after the French model.

The Italian People's Navy is composed mostly of pre-Weltkrieg ships of the Royal Italian Navy that were stationed in naval stations in the Two Sicilies, when the revolution broke out. The Italian People's Navy has announced plans of expansion and modernization, although it is expected that these plans will be postponed until the mechanization and expansion of the Italian People's Army has been finished.

The Italian People's Air Force can be seen as the succesor of the pre-Weltkrieg Corpo Aeronautico Militare. It still uses many of its planes, operating with a mix of French fighters and locally-built bombers. The Camera dei Comuni passed the Aeronautico Militare Bill, which established the Italian People's Air Force as an independent branch, which would, with the help of advisors of the Commune of France, be expanded and modernized to serve the needs of both the Italian People's Navy and Army. Especially spearheaded by the Responsible Director of Transportation, Benito Mussolini, and the National-Syndicalist Union, the People's Air Force has become the pride and symbol of the Socialist Republic, with its aircraft, featuring the Italian flag colors across the full span of the undersides of the wings, making numerous record-breaking flights.
KMT Factions


Dr Sun-Yat-Sen's health is quicky worsening, and the impending death of China's most famous revolutionary might shake up the status quo in the South. The Second Revolution was a failure, the Constitutional Protection Movement didn't put him in charge and his attempt at creating a government in the South has so far been fruitless. Instead, it has only exacerbated the divisions that plague China. The effectiveness of his efforts to rule China has been limited, and it's certain he will die before achieving his aims. Still his successor might take advantage of the constant warfare that weakens the Beijing government and perhaps through foreign backing establish an army capable of conquering all of China. The identity of his successor has yet to be determined, and even if he has yet to pass away, power struggles to take over have already started. Various factions have formed, who all view his political heritage with different lights.

First there is the faction led by his closest advisers and the one that enjoys the most legitimacy. Hu Hanmin and Wang Jingwei might have sizable differences when it comes to the nature of the national revolution the KMT must bring to China, they agree that the Party should prevail and that its members cannot be subjected to the whims of warlords. Wang has always been seen as Sun's potential successor and Hu is the KMT's second-in-command. They value rule of law, and civilian control over the military. They intend to pursue Sun's strategy, to convince governors to support their government and to establish a true bureaucracy that would rule China in lieu of the ad hoc structures set by the various military leaders.

The KMT's third-in-command opposes them and what they stand for. He fought alongside Cai E and helped bring down the Yuan Shikai's Empire but the power vacuum that ensued has served him well. Tang Jiyao represents the warlords and has various allies throughout the Southern Provinces, he wants to lead the Party to legitimate his grip on the region and as a way to gain clout throughout the country, but he is no reformist, he can picture himself ruling all of China but not bringing an end to military rule. He clamours that only federalism can save China but that is but a way to justify that various generals rule over their respective provinces as feudal lords. He is backed by Zhao Hengti of Hunan, by Chen Jiongming's supporters but whether he'll manage to convince the New Guangxi Clique - true KMT members - to support him might prove crucial as they control most KMT-troops and in China, might makes rights.

There is another military-minded faction within the KMT but unlike Tang or the Guangxi rulers, Chiang Kai-Shek can only count on very few troops. The KMT may have established a military academy but lacks instructors, materials and funding, and pales in comparison with what Sun expected it to be. Chiang's subordinates may be loyal, which is a rare feat in China, but they aren't a match to the real armies in the field. He has sided with Liao Zhongkai, the leader of the left-wing of the party that wants it to grow closer to unions and students' movements to gain support among the urban masses. Liao admires the French revolution and believes France would a prime partner for China, one that would consider it on equal footing and not try to take advantage of it. He and the Red General Chiang want to reform the party, to force the warlords to bend the knee and to establish a true army using modern weapons. But first of all they need to lead the party, and to do so Chiang's men may prove useful.

There's another clique that has gained influence in the party, the Paris Clique that is the only one that it isn't backed by any part of the army. The old Chinese anarchists have always been admired, but France's successes that have spread to Italy have made their theses far more popular than they once were. The idealists within the party believe that they are the only pure candidates who aren't driven by ambition, and the various men who went to France have returned supporters of Li Shizeng, Zhang Renjie and Wu Zhihui. Deng Zhongxia, the leader of the country's largest trade union, is one them and even if he isn't opposed to collaboration with Liao Zhongkai could give the anarchists the manpower they require to take control of the party.

Sun Yat-Sen finally dies of his cancer on 12 March 1925. All contenders have prepared for it and quickly, Hu, Tang, Liao and Li announce they mean to lead the party. Who will come out on top remains to be seen. Rumors have floated that Xu Shichang might run as well, but they have soon been debunked. The KMT's future leader will certainly try to unify the country, but it remains dubious he'll manage to overcome both his opponents and the Northern warlords.
On Socialism and Political Revolution
by H.G.Wells, with the grateful support of the Fabian Society
We live in a time of rapid change and progress; comrades in France, México, Georgia and Italy have established workers' states and now move towards the ideal of socialism, yet the question of how to act during a revolution still remains prominent in the mind of many. It is clear that the absolutist, vanguardist ways of Lenin and Trotsky are no secure means of operation; far from it, however the violence and anarchy of the jacobins still remain too strong for the great number of people. The best method for the liberation of the proletariat is not to radically alter the means of production in one fowl swoop, however establish the apparatus for long-term and lasting change. This can only be done by radically altering and securing the political foundations to prevent the rise of any kind of political class, like has always occurred before. Once the political system is secure so it may no longer be abused by one class against another, the true move towards a socialist economy and secioty can occur. Only political change can properly be enacted through means of a revolution; socio-economic change must come at the pace in which it is natural for it to do so. It is with this that I implore you to act today and stand with the TUC, for they are the first phase of the move towards a great secioty. United we will win: For we are the many, and they are the few.

This was one of the many leaflets distributed during the "proto-revolutionary" period. Groups like the Fabian secioty were in a desperate scramble to gain supporters as the old regime crumbled, and thus give themselves more influence over the events to come.
Tensions in the North


The Beiyang government, formed after the infamous Beijing coup, is about to crumble. Tensions are high among the two relevant members of what is supposed to be a triumvirate. The National People's Army or Guominjun controls the streets of the nominal capital but its leader Feng Yuxiang is growing alarmed by the rise of his peer, Zhang Zuolin. The Manchurian potentate's cronies are advancing further south, encroaching upon rich territories that so far remain under the control of the remnants of the Zhili Clique, that was betrayed in 1924 by Feng himself. The wealthy Northeast is industrializing at a fast pace and German and Japanese support give him a sizable edge over the Northwest Army. All in all, the Guominjun needs to find a way to curb the power of the Fengtian.

On appearance the disputes between the two men are mostly political: Zhang is a monarchist who never hid his support for the Qing while the Guominjun wishes to join arms with the KMT to reunite China under a new Constitution, influenced by Christianity and French Syndicalism. But as often in China, political differences are mostly due to ambition: both men want to rule the country to implement their agenda and more importantly, they are so close to the top that autocratic powers are within reach, and they both refuse to share them. When Feng launched his coup against the Zhili clique, he also shelled the Forbidden City and forced the last emperor to flee, he is thus an unwilling ally of China's foremost monarchist. Zhang thus wants to be rid of this dangerous revolutionary while Feng cannot let the reactionary leader grow more powerful.

Duan Qirui, the Prime Minister, is supposed to stand as their equal, but the utter destruction of his Anhui Clique has made him powerless. The only authority he wields is the one he manages to get from the other two leaders, who often end up favoring him and his allies so as not to favor their rival. He has yet to pick a side, and when the time comes his influence in the city could prove useful, but certainly not vital. He has played one warlord against the other, and convinced both that he is untrustworthy. Neither the Fengtian nor the Guominjun are likely to keep him around if they manage to outclass their opponent and Duan can only bid his time and hope the status quo will be preserved long enough for him to grow strong enough to withstand the incoming storm.

The key player in this quagmire is Wu Peifu, the Jade General. He has reasons to dislike both contenders, Zhang because he soundly defeated him and topple his faction, Feng for betraying him when he was fighting the Manchurian armies. He has been approached by both sides, but so far he has refused to commit. However, his erstwhile underling and the leader of the provinces that remain under the influence of the Zhili Clique may want him to take a stand soon. Sun Chuanfang has allowed the Fengtian warlord of Shandong Zhang Zongchang to advance in Fujiang unchecked, but he will have to react quickly unless he is prepared to lose Shanghai and his capital, Nanjing. Wu is widely respected, but Sun isn't subject to his whims anymore, and might simply fight the invading army, disregarding the broader political consequences. He is rumored to have ties to the KMT as well, which may provide him the legitimacy he lacks.

For now, peace has been maintained, but war is incoming. The Beiyang leaders have little time to devote to Southern affairs, and slowly the country is breaking apart. However, should one faction prevail, it would certainly try to assert its control over the rest of the country. The reunification war is coming , but who will be fighting it has yet to be determined.
Red Clydeside: Socialism in Scotland
"Red Clydeside" is the colloquial term used to describe a period of resurgence in the socialist movement in Scotland; centred around the city of Glasgow. Glasgow is the largest city in Scotland, and one of the most important in the isle of Great Britain: earning her the name of "Second city of the Empire". It is well renowned for its steel manufacturing and its shipbuilding, most of which takes place on its native river: the Clyde. It is a highly working class area and the fact it is far removed from the capital gave it the perfect mixture of dissidence and distance for radical leftism to spring-up. The area had historically been a hotbed for radicalism, as seen by the fact it was instrumental in some of the earliest suffrage movements in the period after the French revolution and before the Napoleonic wars.


One of the many mass actions by the Red Clydesiders; this one being in 1919.

While radical leftism had been resident in the area for a while, the origin of the Red Clydeside period can be said to start with the Singer Strikes of 1911; in which workers went on strike in a sewing machine factory over better wages and working hours for twelve women: 11,000 men went on strike in solidarity with the lasses of the Singer factory. While the strike resulted in the firing of 400 workers responsible for organising it, many of them went on to be important figures in the syndicalist movement: like Arthur McManus, who become the first chairman of the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1921. This show of solidarity is purported to have lead to the growth in membership of the Scottish Trades Union Congress, which had grown from 129,00 in 1909 to 230,000 on the eve of WWI.

What made Red Clydeside standout from other "Red Cities" was its prominence in anti-war activism. The Clyde Workers' Committee was formed in-order to fight the Liberal Government's efforts in waging the war, and many of its members were arrested under the "Defense Of the Realm Act" for anti-war propaganda. One of the many people arrested under the DORA was a Mr. John Maclean. Maclean was a school teacher who saw the poverty and conditions that encompassed the city and decided to change them through action. He became one of the founding members of the Socialist party in 1906, and yet remained a teacher up-until his arrest in 1915.


The Legendary McLean.​

In 1915, one of the largest acts of defiance in the UK during the war occurred: the Rent Strikes. Glasgow had always been a city of immigrants and migrants, containing a very sizable minority of Scottish Gaels and Irishmen. This regular and unabated influx of newcomers had lead to a great demand in housing, however little housing was actual built to meet this demand as landlords could make more money cramming people into already cramped properties. The trade unions were able to fight this profiteering however, and forced the passage of the 1911 Housing Letting and Rating Act. This introduced letting per month rather than per annum, which for the seasonal workers of the Clyde shipworks was not possible to sustain. Yet still, the landlords increased rents and protests against such actions became more frequent. This lead the aforementioned John Maclean to form the Scottish Federation of Tenants' Associations in 1913.

Two years later, a Helen Crawfurd; an avid follower of the suffragette Emilie Pankhurst, founded The Glasgow Women's Housing Association to promote the rights of the women left behind as their husbands went to fight. The GWHA then lead a "Rent Strike" against the landlords. Due to the fact that many men of the household had left to fight in the First World War, many landlords simply tried to evict their rowdy tenants: this naturally lead to an escalation in actions from both sides. The Rent Strike grew out of the original borough of Govan where it had started and moved into other areas of Glasgow, and by November, over 20,000 tenants refused to pay their rent. With the local trade unions threaterning to strike in solidarity, the government acted by freezing all rents to pre-law levels in the "Rents and Mortgages Interest Restriction act of 1915". Another victory had been won by Red Clydeside.


Helen Crawfurd, perhaps the first of a new generation of feminists.​

In 1919, after the defeat of the Third French Republic, Red Clydeside continued to grow in power and influence. They campaigned for a 40-hour work-week and improved conditions for workers nationally. Since the war was still on, but had entered into the so-called "Phoney War Phase", the various pieces of legislation restricting the right to protest and strike still applied: leading to perhaps an inevitable clash. As a massive crowd of strikers converged on George Square, the British Army sent troops to deal with the insurrection. However, there was conflict within the ranks of the soldiers also. Fearing a mutiny on the scale of the French, the government withdrew the troops and instead sent police to negotiate with the strikers. One of their demands was the aforementioned 40-hour work-week and the release of many of their comrades held under the DORA: most notably John McLean.


Soldiers recently evacuated from France ready for the order to re-take George Square, many of whom did not want to fight anymore.

It was too late for McLean however, and the pneumonia he had developed in prison took his like in 1923. His disciples and comrades continue his work however and now the phenomenon that was Red Clydeside seems poised to take-over the whole country with its unique mixture of socialism, first wave feminism, trade unionism and localism. Perhaps future generations will see The City of Glasgow as the place where it all started and the Scots as the vanguard of the great changes that are to come; well, that's what those North of the border will think anyways.
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Status of the Austro-Hungarian Realm

Although a victor of the Weltkrieg, none could say Austria-Hungary looked very much like a winner. The squabbles of the various ethnic groups throughout the empire were no more quieted than before, and with the death of Emperor Karl in 1922 and the subsequent ascension of Emperor Otto - only a lad of 10 at the time, now 13 - unrest has intensified. Between the Czechs, Magyars, Poles, and other assorted Southern Slavs, the upcoming renegotiation of the Ausgleich in 1927 promises to deliver a fair share of strife.

Status of the Monarchy

His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty Otto I's reign as thus far been exercised under the authority of the regency council, consisting of Empress Dowager Zita, Marshal Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf and Austria Minister-President Albert von Mensdorff-Pouilly-Dietrichstein, who have thus far served as conservative forces seeking to preserve as much Austrian power as possible against the forces of nationalism. Otto's brother - 3 years his junior - Crown Prince Robert, Archduke of Austria-Este stands as heir-presumptive for the time-being.
((Finally got around to WiR KR? Nice, too bad I don't have the time to play at this juncture. Best of luck!))
Chaos in the Raj: The INC and Syndicalism

Since the end of the First Weltkrieg India had been slowly descending into chaos. Promised Dominion status for their service in the war the Indians were outraged when the British government refused to honour this promise. The Indian National Congress stepped up it's campaign for independence and the British reacted with brutal repression which pushed the majority of the members of the INC towards syndicalism. With an increasingly syndicalist dominated INC opposing continued British rule while British forces tried to hold on to the jewel of their empire pushed both sides to extremes. Now after four years of increasing tensions the situation in India is truly ripe for revolution. As the British Isles descend into their own Revolution it seems inevitable that India will have it's own as well.


A Protest against continued British rule such protests became increasingly common between 1921 and 1925
The INC was however divided politically. Gandhi's faction made up mostly of peasants, moralists and some remaining social democratic elements remains the largest faction but has lost it's majority as more of the INC begin to consider a more radical approach and the remaining members not committed to syndicalism leave the INC. Gandhi remains a respected leader and can call possibly for more support than his faction would appear to have but the ruthless British crackdown has undermined his efforts to oppose them through non-violence and many while respecting him greatly are doubting his judgement over his insistence that independence should be won without violence.

On the opposite end of the spectrum hard-line radicals are growing in strength calling for armed resistance to British rule and the establishment of a People's Republic of India in it's place. These elements have a number of leaders but among the most important is Subhas Chandra Bose a young hard-liner whose charisma and unceasing calls to drive the British out of India by force has won him much respect among the hard-liners. The hard-liners control only a relatively small part of the INC but their policies based at least in part on those of the failed Bolshevik revolutionaries from Russia have plenty of appeal among those he want decisive action to determine the future of India.

Between the hard-liners and Gandhi's supporters lie a mixed web of moderate elements who hold the balance between the hard-line elements and those who support Gandhi's ideals. Less untied than the other factions most agree of the implementation of a traditional syndicalist approach modelled after that of the French in aftermath of their successful revolution. The moderates have a number of leaders among them but among the most important is Lala Lajpat Rai who has the support of enough of the moderate block to sway it to pass motions either by the hard-liners or the supporters of Gandhi.

If India becomes independent resolving the divide within the INC would have to be the first step to forming any form of effective government for India.
Recent Ottoman history, 1908-1925

The Young Turk Revolution (1908):

The Declaration of the Constitution by Armenian, Greek and Muslim leaders
Sultan Abdul Mecid II had gained many enemies after he suspended the Constitution of 1876 just two years after he himself implemented it. He was the one who gave constitutional monarchy a short breath of existence, but almost immediately turned to suffocate this idea in order to stay in power and avoid the weakness he feared that this would lead to. But mostly it led to heavy repression to protect the Sultan, defeats on the battlefield and greater economic dependence on the western powers. As the Austrians increased their grasp on the western balkans, and the British and Russian Empires concluded the Anglo-Russian Entente that would divide Persia into two spheres of interest, there were increasing fears that the Ottoman Empire would be next to the chopping block. There was already a large ongoing dispute in Macedonia, and now Austria and Russia would be able to partition the region between them. This would further threaten the integrity of the Ottoman borders, and military officers were afraid of the consequences this would have for the stability of the Ottoman Empire.* The Young Turk movement was gaining greater traction for their plans to reimplement the constitutional monarchy in the Ottoman Empire, and many officers and intellectuals were especially influenced by this movement.

In July 1908 the revolution began, with Ahmed Nihyazi Bey raiding a depot, and taking his 200 followers into the hills of Macedonia to proclaim his wish to see the 1876 constitution restored. He was quickly joined by many, including Enver Pasha, and all attempts to put the rebellion down failed due to the popularity of the revolution. On July the 24th, Abdul Mecid II surrendered to the demands of the growing revolution and restored the constitution. For the first time in over 30 years, the Senate could be assembled and the Chamber of Deputies was elected.

The Countercoup of 1909:

The Action Army Marching on Constantinople
But Abdul Mecid II still retained his symbolic role as Caliph and Sultan, although with significantly limited powers. This would give the way for an attempt by conservative elements in the army and the populace to reverse the progress of the Young Turk Revolution. With demands to restore the full powers of the Caliph, reimplement Sharia laws and eliminate the secular policies of the liberals. This gained traction among the religious elements of the Ottoman Empire, and soon army elements moved to restore Abdul Mecid II as absolute monarch of the Ottoman Empire and remove the splintered Cabinet that had been unable to provide a united front so far.

This was an initial success, but a bloody one. Unlike the Young Turk Revolution that had been swift and led to a minimum shedding of blood, this led to thousands dying before the Army of Action, led by Mahmut Shevker Pasha, moved to crush the reactionary countercoup and restore the Constitution for the second time in as many years. After this incident, the Chamber of Deputies was no longer inclined towards showing mercy to the Sultan and had him deposed, arrested and replaced with his younger brother, Mehmed V.

The First Balkan War (1912-1913):

Occupied Ottoman territory during the First Balkan War
With the Ottoman Empire declining, the Balkan states decided that it was time to attempt to remove the Ottomans from Europe. They all wished to defeat the Ottoman Empire, but none of them could do it alone. Therefore, in 1912 the Balkan League was formed, consisting of Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro, and attacked in October 1912. The Ottoman Chief of Staff had abandoned the defensive plans that had been recommended by van der Goltz and instead opted for an offensive plan. This was a complete failure and the liberal Freedom and Accord Party government in the Ottoman Empire tried to discuss peace with Bulgaria after the military catastrophy. This was used as a pretext to stage a coup by the Japan-inspired, nationalist Committee of Union and Progress against the liberal government. The new government, de facto led by the Three Pashas (Enver Pasha, Djemal Pasha and Talaat Pasha) opted to continue the war for a few more months before they were clearly defeated by the Balkan League and their mainland presence was limited to a small patch of land around Constantinople. The coup also lead to persecution of the Freedom and Accord Party and a more nationalist mindset by the Committee of Union and Progress, who turned to the German Empire to gain an ally. This would later lead to their intervention in the Great War.

The Great War (1914-1921):

Mustafa Kemal Bey and his officers following the Gallipoli campaign
Persuaded to join following significant donations by the German Empire, the Ottomans managed to create successes and failures. In Gallipoli the Entente landing was defeated, but in the Levant front the war was not going as well and the Caucasus was another failure for the Ottoman army. Mehmed V died and was succeeded by his half-brother, Mehmed VI. In 1918 the combined Anglo-Arab attack managed to destroy 80% of the Ottoman army, led by Enver Pasha. Enver Pasha was dismissed by Talaat Pasha for his incompetence, replacing him with Kâzım Karabekir as Chief of Staff. This led to the promotion of Mustafa Kemal Pasha to promotion to general and him being given responsibility over the Syrian frontier. Thanks to his command, the frontline was barely holding up against British attacks until German and Austrian reinforcements stabilised and defeated the British who were driven back to the Suez Canal. Unable to break this defensible front, the Peace with Honour was signed and the Ottoman Empire returned to its pre-war borders for the most part, gaining Cyprus but losing control of the Arabs who still defy Ottoman rule. Albania was also recognised as under Ottoman influence.

Post-War Rebuilding (1921-1925):

Said Halim Pasha, newest Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire
The Committee of Union and Progress proved to be splintering after the war, provoking Talaat Pasha to resign in 1922 in order to stabilise the government, leading to the formation of a new government, and the Three Pashas had now become two with the dismissal of Enver Pasha, who had fled to Turkestan. Talaat Pasha and Djemal Pasha were still respected and influential, but held nowhere near the same power as before. There were massive manpower shortages, as the Ottoman army had to be reformed again in order to bring back stability to the Empire. Seeking help from Germany, the new leadership sought to limit the economic problems of the Empire for the time being and attempted to create dialogue with the Arabs in order to bring them back under the fold. While the war had been a success on paper, the Sick Man of Europe was far from cured.

The new Ottoman government:
Sultan: Mehmed VI
Grand Vizier: Said Halim Pasha
Minister of Interior: Talaat Pasha
Minister of Finance: Mehmed Cavid Pasha
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Ali Fethi Pasha
Minister of War: Kazim Karabekir
Minister of Military Intelligence: Djemal Pasha
Minister of Marine: Mahmud Mukhtar Pasha

*1. It should be noted that in the middle of the Young Turk Revolution, on the 13th of July, the Treaty of Berlin was signed and Bulgarian independence was recognised by all the great powers, including the Ottoman Empire.