• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
A Comphrensive List of Laws, and Ordinances
[Miscellaneous Historical Laws and Ordinances of a more mundane nature can be presumed passed unless made otherwise by PCs]

LOUIS XVIII

WH8F2ax.jpg

1815
Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de la Justice Royale
Ordonnance du Roi relative a' l'Organisation d'une Nouvelle Armee
Lustration of Public Offices Act
The Oath of Allegiance Act
The Loyalist Pensions Act
Budgets of 1815-1818


1816-1817

Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de la Justice Royale
Law of Reform and Stability

Law of Elections [repealed]

1818-1819

Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de Armée royale française (I)
Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de Armée royale française (II)
Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de désignation des chevaliers
Law on the Repression of Crimes and Offenses committed by the Press, or by any Other Means of Publication. [revised by 1823 Amendment]
Law respecting the prosecution and trial of crimes and offenses committed by the press, or by any other means of publication [revised by latter statute]
Law relating to the Publication of Newspapers and Periodicals [revised by latter statute]
Law on the Abolition of the Slave Trade
Law on the Abolition and the Right of bargain and Detraction
Law for the Relief of the Famine

Law on the Militias
Law on Electoral Annulment and Exclusion

Budgets of 1818-1819

1820-1821

Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de la Justice Royale
Ordonnance du Roi sur la tranquillité publique
Ordonnance du Roi sur la tranquillité publique (II)
The Law on General Security
Law on the Regulation of Newspapers and Periodicals
The Law on Candidacies [repealed]
The Law on National Education [repealed by Law of the Education of the French People]
The Law on Primary Education [repealed by Law of the Education of the French People]
The Law on Internal Development
The Law on Clerical Salaries
Law for the Incorporation of Societes Anonyme [repealed]
Law for the Recognition of the Bourse [repealed]
Law for the Private Printing of Specie [repealed]
Law for the Governance of Voluntary Associations
Law of the Military Pension Spoiler
Law on the Regulation of Newspapers and Periodicals [restored to effect]


1821-1822

Ordonnance du Roi pour la création du Ministère de l'éducation et des affaires religieuses
Law on the Election of Deputies
Law on the Post Office
Law on the Restitution of Property Unjustly Confiscated under the Terrorist Regime [revised]
Law of the Education of the French People


1823-1824

Ordonnance du Roi pour l'évêché
Law on the Amendment of the Law of Repression of Crimes and Offenses committed by the Press, or by any Other Means of Publication
Law on the Amendment of the Penal Code
Law on the Infrastructure Spoiler

Law on the Gendarmerie
Budget 1823-1828


CHARLES X

PqOO2XX.jpg

1824-1827
Ordonnance du Roi qui fixe le cadre des officiers généraux de terre, et prescrit les conditions d'admission à la retraite de ceux qui n'y sont pas compris.
Ordonnance du Roi Sur la nomination d'un nouveau ministre de la guerre
Ordonnance du Roi portant que l'anniversaire du 16 octobre 1793 sera désormais réuni celui du 21 janvier.
Ordonnance du Roi qui autorise autorise la formation dans le département de la Vendée, d'une seconde école ecclésiastique qui sera placée a Chavagnes-en-pailers.
Ordonnance du Roi qui autorise la formation, dans le département de la Loire-Inférieure d'une seconde école ecclésiastique qui sera placée dans la ville de Guérande.
Ordonnance du Roi qui autorise la formation, dans le département de Gers d'une seconde école ecclésiastique qui sera placée dans la ville de Marciac.
Ordonnance du loi relative à la transmission de plusieurs titres de pairie.
Ordonnance du Roi qui transfère à Saumur l'école de cavalerie établie à Versailles, et affecté au logement des gardes-du-corps en station dans cette dernière ville le quartier d'Artois, aujourd'hui occupé par ladite école.
Ordonnance du Roi concerne la nomination du Archevêché de Besançon.
Ordonnance du Roi concerne la nomination du prévôt du Conseil royal d'études françaises.
Ordonnance du Roi concerne la nomination du Archevêché de Rouen.

Ordonnances du Roi portant réglement pour le service de la cour de cassation.
Law of the Indemnification
Law of the Holiday of the Martyrdom
Law of the Standardization of Succession

Law on the Protection of the Church

1827-1830
Ordonnance du Roi concernant l'éducation et les petits séminaires
Ordonnance du Roi concernant l'éducation
Ordonnance du Roi concernant l'éducation des officiers dans l'armée royale)
Law on Public works:
Law on the Assumption of Pecuniary Control:
Budget of 1828
Law on the Compagnie des Messageries
Law on the Election and Voter Lists

The Ordinances of Saint-Cloud [destroyed]


Philippe VII

uHdoPBF.jpg

1830-1831
Law on Elections
Amendment to the Law on Elections
Law on Communal Governance
Law on Public Education
Law on Finance Reform
Law on Deficit Prevention
Law on the Civil Liberties
Law on the Electoral Rolls
Law on the Army Lists
Law on the Abolition of Article 26 of the Charter of 1830


1831-1835
The Law on Elections
The Law on the Census
The Law on the National Guard
The Law on the Reserve
The Law on Provocation, Libel, and Slander
The Law on Press and Political Offenses
Law on Public Criers
Law on Private Associations
The Law on Banking
The Law on Gaming
Amendment no.2 to the Charter of 1830
The Budget of 1831/2


1835-1836 (September Laws)
Budget of 1835
Law on Crimes, Offenses and Contraventions of the Press, and other means of publication
Law of the Courts of Assizes
Law to Correct 341, 345, 346, 347, and 352 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, and Article 17 of the Criminal Code


1836-1838
Law on the Railway Duty
Law(s) on the Canals
Law of the Disjonction


1838-1846
All historical legislation passes.





 
Last edited:
Hotel Lecuyer

Henri, for his part, spent his dance with Madame Lecuyer mentally cataloguing the notables present at the banquet and noting with whom he wanted to speak, which was most of them. His dancing was move-perfect and entirely decorous, given that his muscle memory dealt with the entire process while leaving his brain's higher functions to work independently. He parted from Madame Lecuyer with a smile, a bow, and a well-organized mental list of priorities.

Noting Cazal's glance, he stopped by the author as he left the dance floor, taking his cane back from an attentive servant. "My dear Alexandre, a pleasure as always. You look well. Have you been mingling?"
 
Party: Society of the Good Fellows (Chartists)
[Seine, running for Deputy in Tremblay's old seat]
[Bourgeoisie Exemplar: +2.5 PP]

- Thibaut Duval
 
A Frightful future
WGa2d4D.png

It was cold, the snow was falling and the wind was blowing agianst them as Condé and his son, Philippe walked in the garden of the estate. They hadn’t talked much as Philippe had just enjoyed the walk while Condé’s mind was on more serious matters. “Philippe.” Condé eventually asked as they kept walked, “Have you ever considered joining the clergy?” Condé asked as he looked down at his son.

Philippe shook his head, “No, father.” He responded, having fun kicking some of the snow with his foot.

“Would you like to, if you are to consider it now?” Condé asked, not forceful or demanding, leaving it up to Philippe to answer as he wished.

“No, father, I would not.” Philippe responded as he stopped kicking the snow, instead turning his attention up towards his father. “Why do you ask, father?” He asked with a raised eyebrow.

“How come, do you not support the Church?” Condé asked, making Philippe just look at him and frowning.

“I do, father, of course. But I have seen the priest, they all wear robes, they sit and pray all day, consumed by penitence, in service to God. I do not wish to be a priest, that is not something that I want to do, I want to be myself, to ride, to fence, I don’t want to be a priest, I want to be me.” Philippe said sincerely, looking sadly up at his father due to the direction of this conversation.

“And if I asked you to?” Condé asked his son, offering him a slight smile, looking into Philippe’s eyes.

“I ask you not to.” Philippe responded, looking down at the snow.

“And if I ordered you?” Condé then asked instead.

“I… um…” Philippe said, his hand slightly shaking as he was considering how to respond to his father.

“Would you defy me?” Condé asked sternly as he looked down at Philippe.

“I..” Philippe said again as he looked up at his father, “please forgive me, may I retire?” He asked almost pleadingly as his father consenting.

Philippe walked slowly until he was out of sight of his father before he started running up to his room, locking the door and sitting in there for the next few hours unsure what to do, but eventually he made up his mind.

(Private - @etranger01)
Henri,

I’m sorry for writing to you like this, but I don’t know who else to write to. Mother always tells me to obey father and not make him angry, to make him happy and do as he wishes. Father asked me if I wanted to be a priest, when I said no he asked what I would do if he ordered me. I don’t want to be a priest, I don’t want to join the clergy. I don’t want to make father sad or mad, but I don’t know what to do, I don’t want to live in a church.

Philippe


Philippe would wait until the Château had become quiet at night as he pretended to sleep, eventually rising from his bed as he moved quietly through the house. Coming up the stairs to where the servants slept until he began knocking on the door, more and more furiously with each knock. Eventually it was opened and Richard stood and looked down at Philippe.

“Please send this.” Philippe pleaded.

“Philippe?” Richard just asked as he looked at him.

“Please, and don’t tell father.” He pleaded once more until footsteps could be heard off in the distance, making Philippe run back to his room for the night.
 
To the Prince of Condé ((PRIVATE - @Sneakyflaps))

Dear father,

I hope that this letter finds you well and in good spirits.

I have received some rather troubling news. It is my understanding that you have broached the subject of entering Philippe into clerical studies quite against his will and that he is rather upset about the entire affair. It seems to be the talk of the entire household.

While at first I was rather upset with the notion of Philippe's forcible entry into the ranks of the clergy, I allowed myself to contemplate the matter at length and instead find myself somewhat confused. Why would you embark upon such a course of action? You never seriously raised the possibility during my own upbringing, much less thinking to insist upon it. It all seems very outside your character. I pray that you clarify the matter and put my unease to rest.

Ultimately, I do hope you would not contemplate forcing my free-spirited little brother into a life of dull grayness bounded by scripture and dogma when he deserves so much more from life and finds no solace in the clerical path. I further hope that you will set aside such forceful thoughts, recall that his troubled origins will produce hardship enough in his future without further adding to the burden, and support him in his endeavors as you faithfully supported me in my own, for the most part.

Please give my love to Philippe and to my sisters.

Your son,
Henri
 
Hotel Lecuyer
November 1827

Lecuyer... now there is a name that Alexandre recognized. The Captain turned liberal strongman has made his way into the mouths of everyone in Parisian high-society, in both praise and in scorn. Now he was throwing a grand celebration in the name of some political agenda. For many, this was an attempt to unite the opposition against the Ultras and Sully together under one banner. To Alexandre, it was just another party to socialize in. Little did he know who would show up to this event.

The Duc de Orleans, Henri Bourbon, Thibaut Duval, Victor Durand, Alexandre Cazal, all the major figures of liberalism gathered at one location. These were not only the major men of Parisian political circles, but the stars of the social spheres. The amount of times Alexandre has heard women gossip about these men is staggering, and they were all here at this party. Alexandre has had discussion with many notable elites before, but not on a scale like this. Where would he start? Should he strike up a conversation with Henri? After-all, he did have a rather nice conversation with his wife and her friends at one of her parties. What about Durand? Nah, to many, the man was all politics, no social skills, probably would not be the best idea unless he wanted to be bored to death. Duval is going to be a partner with Alexandre's father, perhaps they can talk? The Duc de Orleans was out of the question entirely, the man was leagues above Alexandre in social standing being a Prince of the Blood and third in line for the throne, what would he even discuss with a man like that? Alexandre was a socialite, but it was obvious when there were limits. Cazal is an interesting figure in the literary world, and Alexandre has read his books. No, he knew who he would strike up his first conversation with.

He decided to approach Henri Bourbon. He was (hopefully) on good terms with his wife, so perhaps he could strike up a conversation with the husband, perhaps the most interesting person in France.

"My lord, it is an honor to be in your presence. Your wife, whom I have been fortunate to make an acquaintance at one of her many social gatherings, has spoken highly of you. Allow me to introduce myself as Alexandre Descombes."
 
Brigadier General (ret.) Henri Jules de Bourbon, jure uxoris Marquis of Armentières, Lord of Pisany, and former Minister of the Interior and Deputy of the Seine, turned to regard young Alexandre Descombes with an expression of mild interest that concealed his complete lack of recognition. As Descombes spoke, he flipped through his mental list of calling-cards and mnemonic devices for remembering names and faces. Fortunately for the Marquis, Descombes did him the favor of providing him both his name and the connection between them. Of course it was Amélie. She knew almost as many of the haut-bourgeoisie as he did, and he had resided in Paris for, good Lord, was it over a decade now?

"My dear monsieur, I am pleased to meet you. My wife has mentioned making your acquaintance, of course, and her enjoyment of your company. If I am not mistaken, I am acquainted with your father, Monsieur Robert Descombes, who has always been a good friend and stalwart supporter. A great pleasure to meet his son at last."

Henri makes his bow with well-practiced aristocratic grace, despite having a drink in one hand and his cane in the other, before regarding the young Descombes with renewed interest.

"And how are you finding the gathering so far?"
 
M2eYof7.jpg



The barouche of the comtesse de L’Isle-Jourdain prattled along the rue de Rivoli over the badly joined blocks of sandstone that passed as street, while apprehensive citizens, deprived side-walks, darted to the safety of jutting cornerstones and building entrances to avoid the trample of the vehicle. As L’Isle-Jourdain's driver turned sharply onto the rue Saint-Honoré, the wafted odor from the East subdued, and the well-attended air of the Louvre conquered the waft of the toilet dumping and corroded pipes.

L’Isle-Jourdain was animated by all the sensations of a winter election; she loved the months preceding the commencement of spring, when Paris emigrated to the châteaux. The comtesse d'Agoult had one remarked on this annual rhythm: "Six months of château, six months of Paris, the ball to the carnival, the concert, and the lenten sermons, marriages after Easter, very little theater, no traveling, card-playing at all times." Ah, what bliss, when all the actors of France, huddled together for warm in their own haughty regard! The château was for Romance; but even this proved wearisome.

By now the carriage had crept past the Rue de Bons Enfants and Rue de Valois, and like a serpent, the carriage slithered into the entrance gates towards that most famous building of Paris. The Gardes Suisses peeled over the double-breasted column gates as the barouche rolled beside the entrance-way. The procession of the guard, conducted at the helm, thumped past several distinguished persons, and finally left behind the massing crowds of commercial spectators, foreign travelers, esteemed prostitutes, and shopkeepers, who could be observed around the perimeter of the building; no doubt, this was the common capital of Paris.

After the stroll to the western block, deliberately isolated from the frivolities that occupied the rest of the building, Sophia came upon the exquisitely decorated drawing room, where two gentlemen of some familiar disposition were making a distinguished exit without making some haughty glance at the controversial commoner. Their exit prompted the attention of the host to the arrival of Sophia; who made a customary referall.

"Your Royal High-" started Sophia.

"Please, just Madame." Sophia blushed, and obliged.

"Madame Adélaïde..."
 
Last edited:
Brigadier General (ret.) Henri Jules de Bourbon, jure uxoris Marquis of Armentières, Lord of Pisany, and former Minister of the Interior and Deputy of the Seine, turned to regard young Alexandre Descombes with an expression of mild interest that concealed his complete lack of recognition. As Descombes spoke, he flipped through his mental list of calling-cards and mnemonic devices for remembering names and faces. Fortunately for the Marquis, Descombes did him the favor of providing him both his name and the connection between them. Of course it was Amélie. She knew almost as many of the haut-bourgeoisie as he did, and he had resided in Paris for, good Lord, was it over a decade now?

"My dear monsieur, I am pleased to meet you. My wife has mentioned making your acquaintance, of course, and her enjoyment of your company. If I am not mistaken, I am acquainted with your father, Monsieur Robert Descombes, who has always been a good friend and stalwart supporter. A great pleasure to meet his son at last."

Henri makes his bow with well-practiced aristocratic grace, despite having a drink in one hand and his cane in the other, before regarding the young Descombes with renewed interest.

"And how are you finding the gathering so far?"

"I have always been a fan of gatherings like this. Little did I know who would be in attendance. All the great social, literary, and political minds of the left all in one place!" said Alexandre, taking a swig of wine. "I am humbled though to be in their presence." said Alexandre, watching the Duc de Orleans mingle with the crowd.

"I must say, I have been keeping up with events in the political sphere of France, and your efforts to unite the left against the ministry have been very interesting to watch. As a supporter of your attempts, I would say it is working a lot better than whatever unity still exists, if it does, among the right." he said, taking another drink of wine, longer this time. Alexandre hated talking about politics like this, but since it was on everyone's mind, he felt a need to dive into that subject if he was to be a social person at these events. "I wish you the best of luck in your campaign, my lord."
 
Hôtel de Lassay, Paris
Apartments


The Marquise d’Armentières had undressed and now wore her nightgown, as she was sitting in front of the mirror, engaging in the most relaxing exercise of brushing her rebellious black hair, a habit she kept ever since she was a child. The evening had been a long affair, a tedious dinner at the house of a Parisian master-weaver, which she would normally had avoided. However, given that the host was wielding influence in the capital, she had used the occasion to secure some political help for her husband, who had yet to return from his own occupation. As she glanced toward the bed, she secretly hoped not to fall asleep alone, yet again. If only that electoral campaign could end.

Her husband the Marquis could be heard before he could be seen, his footsteps weighing heavily on the floorboards outside their room. He did not exactly fling the door open in the manner of a comic-opera protagonist, but his manner was clearly agitated as he opened the door a bit too roughly and then closed it again a bit too carefully afterwards. With a frustrated noise, he made his way over behind his own dressing-screen. The garments came off one after the other, though the boots were clearly giving him trouble based on the level and frequency of the irritated sighs that came over the screen. Finally, he re-emerged in his nightclothes, scowling and clutching a tattered piece of paper. His greeting was overdue and faintly growled as he made his way to bed. “Good evening, dearest.”

At first, Amélie did not turn to face her husband, rather catching his movement through the reflection in her mirror. From his demeanor, she knew he had had a bad night. “If you are upset about the Baroness of Tellier: I had warned you, Henri, she has absolutely no manner and the most appalling conduct. It is therefore not a complete surprise that her husband decided to back the current Ministry instead of you.”

Henri blinked in confusion. “What? Who? Oh, her. No, she was… it isn’t about that. I just received a letter from Philippe.” He straightens out the paper, as though preparing to read it, scowls, and then just walks over behind his wife, setting the paper on her mirror-desk and resting his hands comfortably on her shoulders.

She picked up the letter, her face marked by dreadful anticipation. Certainly, the good Prince of Condé could not have died, she would have known about it, Paris would have known about it. What matter could then so upset her husband? As she read the letter, she felt in a much somber mood. Leaving the paper on her commode, she proceeded to the bed. “This is much unexpected coming from your father. Has he even broached such a subject with you in the past?”

He followed her over to the bed, making his way through the first several layers of entirely superfluous but admittedly somewhat attractive pillows before reaching the part of the bed that he could actually sleep in. “It’s just like him! Pig-headed, stupid, arrogant old man, trying to reshape a life with his sheer force of…” A long, thoughtful pause, pillow held in mid-throw. “Actually. Hm. I don’t suppose… no, only one time, and purely for form’s sake. I said no and the matter was settled.”

She kissed her husband’s cheek, trying to cheer him up: “And might I add that I am very pleased by this resounding no? We would have been a most sinful affair should you have been Monseigneur Bourbon rather than Monsieur. And what a waste it would have been too.” She reverted then to her serious stance, continuing the conversation.

“Is your father prone to such coup-de-tête? With all the education he had given to Philippe, I never once heard him talk about religion. Surely, if he wanted to proceed that way, he would have acquainted him with many clergymen already to pave the way for his future. Could it be a scheme from la catin?” she said, referring to Ms. Dawes.

He chuckled faintly at the thought of being a monseigneur. Instead of being married to the lovely Marquise, would he instead have been married to the Archbishop of Reims? An amusing thought. He considered her next words carefully. “It must have been something. Whether the countess of L’Isle de Jourdain or some other malign force… I cannot imagine that it just suddenly occurred to my father. Unless, perhaps, senility is taking hold?”

“I doubt that your father is losing his faculties this rapidly. I was exchanging letters with him lately and he was quite sound. Just like my grandfather, you have to understand that old people tend to think slower, Henri, but they are not prone to such sudden change.” Her last sentence was rather playful. “Just like one day, I will be old, wrinkled, deaf and toothless.” She burst out laughing, hoping to change his mind.

“Never, my dear. We will secure for you the finest false teeth, the purest virgins’ blood, so that such an event will never come to pass.” His own eyes sparkled as he responded in kind, expression softening. “Perhaps I shall write to Father. I had written a first draft, but it was… well, less than contemplative.”

She gently elbowed him in the ribs. “Henri Jules Bourbon, I am not a blood-bathing countess! It is awful and frightening just to think about it.” she said gingerly. “As for that letter, might I suggest you let me read it? I am sure I could advise a way to soften certain arguments.”

Henri held up his palms in surrender. “Of course, dearest. Yours is the superior social acumen, even if you lack the proper bloodthirstiness for the political arena.” A gentle elbow in reply, and then, to bed.
 
A Changing World
WGa2d4D.png

”The nerve on him.” Condé said, fuming with anger as he paced back and forth in his study, Richard standing in the doorway. “Why does he constantly my affairs, why is it that my letters get leaked so often to others without my permission.” Condé added as he kept pacing back and forth, eventually turning to Richard. “I want you to search everyone in this house, I want to know who told him. Who his informer is.” Condé commanded.

“Your Royal Highness.” Richard said before Condé cut him off.

“I don’t care, I want to know.” The Prince commanded.

“I posted the letter.” Richard said, averting Condé’s eyes.

“You wrote to my son about my affairs?” Condé asked with fury in his eyes.

“No, Your Royal Highness, I posted it.” Richard responded.

“Who wrote it?” The Prince asked.

“Philippe.” Richard responded as Condé stopped and looked at his butler. “Your Royal Highness, I ask your forgiveness, perhaps I should have brought it to you. I did not know its content but I acted as I felt was right. I have served you and your house for near thirty years, and I shall continue to do so until God calls me to him, and in this act I did what I believed to be the best for the house. Philippe came to me at night, tears in his eyes and banging on my door, pleading me to send it and not deliver it to you.” Richard quietly sighed and frowned before speaking again. “Perhaps we are close enough, Your Royal Highness, that I may speak my mind. You should listen to your eldest son in this regard, Philippe is not made for the church. Henri knows it, Philippe knows it, I know it and you know it as well. Philippe does not deserve to be sent into obscurity or unhappiness which the church would destine for him. Your Highness most certainly does not deserve to blemish your holy soul to serve an earthly king. To send Philippe to the church would be an unjust act, an act which is not right. If it was the right decision, your conscience would not haunt you daily, and you know this. But that is my opinion.” Richard finished as Condé just stood there looking at him.

“Leave me.” Condé finally said as he went over and sat down in a chair, thinking about it all as Richard left the room. Condé sat there for hours, many hours until he stood, looking at the now darkness outside the window before he left the room and began climbing the stairs. The Prince walked slowly but he made progress, even as his walk was filled with doubt. The Prince sighed before he opened the door to the room of his son, Philippe in bed trying to sleep, but looking up towards the door as his father entered the room and went over, sitting down on the side of the bed next to Philippe. “I know you wrote to Henri.” Condé said as he looked at one of the paintings on the wall.

Philippe frowned and looked down on his blanket, wrapping his arms around himself as he sat couched on the bed. “Im sorry.” He said quietly. “I didn’t meant to not tell you, but..” Philippe said before Condé cut him off.

“Don’t apologize.” Condé just said as he kept looking at the painting. “You don’t belong in the church, I know that. I’m sorry.” The Prince said, “I should not have pressured you and I am sorry.” It was hard for the Prince to say, the last time he apologized was to his own father back when he was a teenager. But things had changed. Philippe had changed him, Henri had changed him, Amelie had changed him, and so had his grandchildren.

“I won’t force you into the clergy, but in return you must make me a promise.” Condé said as he finally looked at Philippe, with Philippe looking at his father with a smile growing slightly on his lips.

“I promise.” Philippe quickly said.

“Hear me first.” Condé said as he stood up and walked over and knelt down, looking directly at Philippe. “You need to promise me that no matter what happens, no matter who asks you, you must accept your inheritance. No matter who asks you to decline or give it up in any way, be it your mother, the king, your brother, the pope.” Condé said as he ran a hand through his son’s hair. “It doesn’t matter who, promise me that you will accept your inheritance no matter what, even if you may feel alone in doing so. If so then you will find happiness, you will live the life you want. Promise me.”

Philippe looked with sincerity at his father. “I promise.”

“Good.” Condé said as he looked at Philippe with a smile. “I am giving you a part of the inheritance, not it all, and not only a token amount. But know that I don’t give it because of your birth. I give it to you because it belongs with you. There is goodness in you, purpose and don’t squander what I will leave you. You receive what will be yours for a far greater reason than you being my son, you will receive it because you have earned it. It is therefore by right yours, and yours to use. No one can deny you that, from the highest lord to the lowest peasant. And with it, you will have all the freedom to become happy, and I hope that you will be.” The Prince said as he kissed Philippe on the forehead. “Now get some sleep.” He added as he stood back up with some difficulty and walked out the room as Philippe quickly found rest.
 
Last edited:
Hotel Lecuyer

Henri, for his part, spent his dance with Madame Lecuyer mentally cataloguing the notables present at the banquet and noting with whom he wanted to speak, which was most of them. His dancing was move-perfect and entirely decorous, given that his muscle memory dealt with the entire process while leaving his brain's higher functions to work independently. He parted from Madame Lecuyer with a smile, a bow, and a well-organized mental list of priorities.

Noting Cazal's glance, he stopped by the author as he left the dance floor, taking his cane back from an attentive servant. "My dear Alexandre, a pleasure as always. You look well. Have you been mingling?"


Au banquet

M. de Bourbon was always knew how to command the attention of a room. Something to do with the cane, Cazal mused idly as his friend and patron made his way from the dance floor in his direction.

‘Henri, good evening. You are looking very well myself, if I may say so. Your lady wife is keeping you out of trouble, I am sure.’ Cazal shifted his glance for a moment to take in Lécuyer's nimble footwork as he carted the Marquise across the room. Even if the Major could not be said to be grace herself, he certainly knew how to keep the surprises coming …

‘I have made the acquaintance of a few interesting people already, thank you. One member of your Good Society was quite taken by my work on M. Brunelleschi, and as it transpires is something of an expert himself on the architecture of Florence … but then I dare say tonight will not live and die by such gentle discussions. What about you, Henri? You've always known how to work a banquet to your advantage …’
 
Hôtel Lécuyer, Paris

The adult members of the House of Orléans were in attendance tonight. They, one and all, noted that the large statute of Charles X seemed out of place amongst the gathered nouveau riche and members of the Left. The duc himself was on speaking terms with most of those gathered but he did glimpse some snide looks from those Masons beholden to the memory of the late Piombino as he cast his eyes in their direction. Personally he thought they were blinded by zealotry but he did not begrudge them. Working for the salivation France, even if it meant casting off treasured connections, was the higher goal and duty. Yet, he had decided to make this journey not to relitigate old grudges but to sound out how an united opposition slate could be constructed. He placed his trust that Lecuyer had invited like-minded individuals for this evening.

The duc de Orléans broke briefly from his entourage and strode to the side of the host for the evening, "What a fine event this is, M. Lecuyer (@ThaHoward), what a fine event. I see many familiar faces and many not so familiar faces. I shan't intrude upon the conversations developing among your guests myself but if you could be so kind to introduce to M. Durand and M. Bourbon? I ought to speak with both this evening, I think."
 
Claude Artaud quietly accepted the invitation to the banquet of Lothaire Lécuyer before returning to his work.



In Reponse to the Vicomte de Saint Fulgent
Recently, I have read an essay in La Gazette de France which has truly appalled me. It seems that the counterrevolutionary boogeyman has decided to rear its head once more, this time through the writings of the Vicomte de Saint Fulgent. Therefore, I shall endeavor to refute the arguments of the Vicomte in his "Treatise on the Four Levels of Authority."

Firstly, the Vicomte begins by providing us with a distorted misrepresentation of the Social Contract, and of Hobbes and Locke's views on it. Legitimacy from Hobbes comes from the people insofar as individual come together and, with each other's consent, form a compact, a Social Contract, which will keep peace and prevent the outbreak of violence which would result from the conflict of freedoms in the State of Nature. The Vicomte is correct in his description. However, I don't think it unreasonable for a sovereign to therefore rule as a result of this Social Contract. The people have consented to this Social Contract. They did so because they thought it would be far more beneficial to them than living in the absolute freedom and violence of the State of Nature would be. This government that has been established is one dedicated to preserving and promoting liberty, and so there would be no reason for the people to overthrow this government as this would bring them back to the State of Nature. If the government does break the Social Contract, then yes, the people could certainly overthrow. However, a government which has been established with the purpose of promoting liberty and adhering to the Social Contract would not normally break it.

As for the matter of whether or not the descendants of those who formed the Social Contract have the right to rebel. One must first look at consent. If a person consents to a government established by the Social Contract, they are obviously consenting to the Social Contract as well. A consenting person would not reasonably overthrow their government. How do we know that someone is consenting to the Social Contract? Well, the people who first agreed to the Social Contract have obviously given their consent. Their descendants in a ways inherit this agreement. Most importantly, by living within the society established by the Social Contract, one must therefore consent to it since they are enjoying the fruits of the society.

The Social Contract does not invite the possibility of constant and perpetual revolution. Rather, a revolution to establish liberty ought to have produced a State which is dedicated to promoting and preserving liberty, and that therefore does not need to be overthrown in the name of liberty. A sovereign who does not break the Social Contract ought not to fear being overthrown by those who have consented to the Social Contract.

Then, after some incoherent anti-protestant ramblings, the Vicomte moves on to Rosseau and equality. The Vicomte himself says that according to Rosseau all men were equal, but "were thrust into inequality." Refuting Rosseau's claims about equality outright, the Vicomte then asks "Where in the world are all men equal?" This is precisely what Rosseau argues! Indeed, Rosseau could even answer the Vicomte, in agreement, with his famous motto that "Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains." I shall like to give the Vicomte the benefit of the doubt, and I am certain that given the chance to clarify his position, he will do so.

At the core of the Vicomte's political philosophy in this writing seems to be that all authority and legitimacy in society is derived from God. Ought not such a claim then be justified? Why should we believe that political authority is derived from God? To refute such a claim does not require one to be an atheist; a Catholic could do so just as well an atheist. Suppose that God does indeed exist. How do we know that it is from that political authority is derived? Suppose that it is as the Vicomte claims it to be. Then shouldn't we therefore try and be ruled by a sovereign who has the greater religious authority? What then is the purpose of secular rulers? Ought not the Pope in Rome, or the Cardinals, or the Priests rule every secular kingdom like a theocracy? Or should we render unto Charles that which is Charles's.

One can best see the weaknesses of the Vicomte's arguments in a man whom has he great admiration for, indeed, one whom has had lauded - Joseph de Maistre. For de Maistre, it is from God that political power is derived from. This leads to a rather odd predicament. Following de Maistre's logic, we see that therefore rulers which have power have it because of God. Indeed, de Maistre is able to rationalize from this belief that Napoleon was a legitimate ruler of France, for he had power, and that even the Jacobins were legitimate rulers, for they had power, and power is from God.

It is clear that we cannot simply reduce political power to being from God, for it can lead to the justification of all sorts of nasty and illegitimate rulers. Society exists because the people whom make it up have consented and agreed to it existing, for its existence benefits them.

Claude Artaud
 
The Banquet.

Lothaire had been busy catering the many guests and he were to speak to some liberal officers to sway their minds, but then the Duke himself approached Lothaire and he felt awe that a man of that station were not only in his humble (by his standards) home and even speaking directly to him.

"Thank you Your Highness, your very presence honor not only me, but also this entire event. I will introduce you to Durand and Bourbon, but I must say they have maken their own Chartist movement. From my observation it is very similar to the informal movement you have mentored with your wisdom for years now", Lothaire paused as a waitress approached them with drinks. Lothaire thanked her, but were careful to not take in too much of the sweet drinks, before he continued "I believe it would be in your interest, and the one of France, if you approached them as you intend to do, and try to include them into what is now called Orleánism. I hope the name is of no negativ consequence of you. But I would reccomend that you try to get them to join under you as you've led a similar movement for years. But perhaps find out where your two groupings diverge? I believe we may have different views upon who should be allowed to vote".

Lothaire then conducted some small talk with the Duke, trying to hide his nervousity. Never before had a man of such grand stature been before him and spoken directly to him. Lothaire approached Henri de Bourbon, who's wife he had minutes earlier enjoyed a dance with.

"Brigadier ((@etranger01 )), let me have the honor to introduce you to His Royal Highness the Duke of Orleans. I believe you two have much in common in uniting the opposition, who hopefully soon become the position, under a common bloc or cooperation" Lothaire introduced the two and after some small talk left them to their own accords, of course he said to them that if he were needed all they had to were to summon him. He then approached Adolphe Thiers and thanked for his support during the Lothaire was exiled to Brittany.. They then continued to talk politics and the vision of Lothaire, but mostly the Duke.
 
Henri smiled genuinely at the memory of an equally fruitful banquet not so long ago, possibly for the first and last time that evening. "Well said, my friend. I hope that another kind of marriage might emerge from this banquet, albeit one of convenience. Don't forget to speak with a few of the Duke of Orleans' partisans tonight. They're the eligible partner we intend to woo."

He half-turned based on movement out of the corner of his eye, spying Lecuyer and the aforementioned Duke in conversation at a distance. "Ah, there we are. Unless I'm terribly mistaken, I'm about to have my own idea explained to me."

In truth, despite the satirical bent to his words, he was not without some admiration for the pair's various qualities. Lecuyer, for his several risible faults, undoubtedly possessed an impressive physical bravery. As for the Duke, well, his ability to hold himself above the fray was admirable. Both seemed affable enough. But how to untangle that latest letter..?

As the pair approached, Henri handed his mostly-full tumbler off to a passing servant and made his bow. "An honor, Your Royal Highness. May I introduce Monsieur Alexandre Cazal, man of letters?" He paused for Cazal for a moment before resuming. "I must thank Your Highness for your latest missive. I confess that I was rather surprised by the form of address, but glad indeed that your thoughts and my own are entirely in harmony as regards the election."
 
Prior to the Banquet.

Le Globe

Juste milieu.


~ ~ an essay by Lothaire Lécuyer on Orlánism, Chartism, education and national identity.

Following the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies and the call for a new election French society have found itself in the midst of a great paradigm shift. No longer are the left side of the spectrum (left-right dichotomy are used for the sake of simplicity) merely a label for loose coalitions between men of various ideas. No more than a few months ago the Doctrinaires were split between conservatives, centrists and liberals. The Constitutionnels (not to be confused with the Chartists) were playing by their accord sifthing between the Ultras and Doctrinaires. The Independent-Liberals were torn apart internally between liberal-royalists, moderates and even republicans - fortunately the latter and the so called Republican Legionaires (or what it was they named themself) are nothing but a minor sidenote in history.

Whilst if we are to move forward to the onset of the election the left really united under two doctrines, two platforms. Those who were to name themself Orléanists and those who called themself Chartists. The wording of both might be ironic and even misleading. The Orléanists are in all, but name, still Bourbonists. The Orléanist movement, led formally by Laffitte, merely seek to find a compromise between the far right and the far left. In many ways a modern monarchy and a modern political system. However, as with the Chartists, they also seek to expand the political freedoms of France or at the very least secure them. To uphold and strenghten the Charter. The Orléanists may have their name from the fact that His Royal Highness the Duke of Orléans and his sister for years opened up their homes to centrists and liberals of France. Opened up their palaise in order to unify their ideas and lead them away from outright radicalism. The Chartists in many respects, perhaps even all but in name, share similarities with the Orléanists. The Chartists were founded by men of great eminence and political experience as Marquess Henri de Bourbon and Deputy and Prefect Durand. As such those two groups should have no issue in cooperating with eachother. Where the Orléanists range from the center-right to the center-left, the Chartists range from the center-left to the (soft) left. Together they have moderated the opposition and united them under moderatism - a great feat considering the public antagonization following various.. events during the year of 1827.

The right on the other hand splintered in untold groups following the monumental year of 1827. Without any coordinated efforts they splintered under their own weight. Their own weight of holding a supermajority in the Chamber of Deputies. When the electorate are to cast their bill in the coming election, the author is certain many will be confused by the many groupings among the right. Who are who, who stands for what? Hopefully many moderate and centrist Ultras and Constitutionnels will be driven away by the factionalism and toward the unified gravity of the center. Toward the Orléanists and Chartists.

However, this essay is not written to create a mockery of the right. Such benefit to none (other than the agitators and demagogues) and is beneath any man of honor. But the essay will dwell into the matter of Educational reform and it's relation to the the voting franchise.

Many claim we should follow in the ideals of the French Revolution or general Liberalism. For refference here we're discussing the idea that all men are to be given an equal vote. However the author are skeptical about this. The author may be labeled as an Orléanist by political scientists, journalists, editors and the likes, but I'm still very much a Doctrinaire. In short to gain moderate and gradual reforms for the benefit of society as a whole.

The author may even by many observers be named a Constitutionnels. While I agree that we are to expand the political and individual liberties of the French, we should not chew over more than we can swallow. As such we will only suffocate on our own greed. The sad truth is that the majority of people are ignorant. But that is not to their own fault, it is something that is within our reach to correct. The need of educational reforms are needed in order to strengthen the knowledge of the people, an their ability to indulge into critical thinking and independent thinking. Perhaps on the long term we may expand the franchise to include all, or most, men, but the people are not ready for it yet.

As such we need a reform that is based upon science and modern ideas to better adjust to modern society. To increase the literacy of all men so that even a peasant may read the newest novel or an editorial. This also have the byproduct of elevating France to its natural state of order - but we'll come back to that later.


Under the author's impression the greatest achievement of the Bonapartist Ceasarism (henceforth named Ceasarism) were indeed that they played upon the ignorance of the masses and made it look like only they would bring them stability, justice and empowerement - while in truth it did the exact opposite. And that is why we should be careful to overexpand our electoral franchise, and to coordinate our efforts to educate the masses and to show them we have them and the rest of France in the best of interests.

Ceasarism were also popular among the masses as it united them under a strong ruler who seemed to put France first and lead it to victory whereever it went. Today many of the people of France long to such glory and are deeply engaged into the Eastern Question. France should use the oppurtunity to show not only her people, but Europe, that we're once more a free and independent nation and take the lead in the Eastern Question. Either by first taking a leading in the meditation of piece, or in worst case send out our brave soldiers to settle the dispute. As such the people would be united not only behind their leader and government, but among themself.

Another important argument for educational and economical reform is that it not only benefit the people directly and take them out of the state of ignorance, but that it will elevate France as the economical and cultural hub of Europe. And as we live in the age of Europa Universalis, those who are in the lead of Europe are in effect in the lead of the world as a whole. Many long back to the age, before the revolutions and wars preceding it, where France were the undisputed economical and cultural leader of France. Most French want us to reclaim our rightful mantle, let the man be an Ultra or Chartist, peasant or merchant. But the agrarian and anti-scientific policies of many of the radical Ultras do not serve this purpose. In order for us to reclaim that mantle we need to be able to compete with the British economically, and the rest of Europe intellectually. With the current educational reforms it is under the author's impression we will only hinder this development. The street lights of Paris helped illuminate the city, to put those lights away would not help anyone. We need to flow with the tide and let education and modern economics illuminate all of France.

As such it's under my impression the left are united as it have never been and united by a common cause and platform even if one faction name themself Chartists and the other Orléanist. For immidiate bulletpoints where the left may be in agreement I put forward the following propositions:

  1. Educational reforms.
  2. Economical reforms.
  3. Slowly expand the electorate, i.e reduce the requirement to vote to 200 francs in direct taxes and stand as Deputy to 300 francs.
  4. Review the censorship of the press and other restrictions of political and social liberties.
  5. Achieve the state of juste milieu.
 
Last edited:
LA GAZETTE DE FRANCE

THE ROYAL MIRACLE AS THE MANIFESTATION OF THE DIVINE RIGHT OF THE KINGS
IT is known that our good and virtuous Sovereigns, the Most Christian Kings of France, have, since times immemorial, possessed the blessed ability to cure the scrofula (or the King's Evil) through the sole touch of Their hands. It is evident that, contrary to our sceptical generation, the fact that the touch of the hands of the King can heal this disease was nothing more than a common fact to our ancestors. The Kings themselves ended each of their coronations by a journey to Corbeny, the site of the shrine of Saint Marcouf, a patron saint of scrofulous people, to receive his blessing to conduct such healings. Since the tenth century and until the reign of the late King Louis XVI many thousands of Frenchmen have come to their Kings to see the Royal Miracle and be healed – and they indeed were. During the grand ceremonies the Kings touched a great number of their subjects afflicted by scrofula. After the ritual they received special gold coins called 'touchpieces' which they afterwards often treated as holy items. Even at the latest times, when the heresies and ideas of godless philosophers were already causing great harm to France, the Royal Miracle still remained something that firmly connected the Catholic Monarch and His Catholic subjects. In fact, it was so popular and so effective that executing these sacred duties were for the Kings a most burdensome task. We know that Henri IV has sometimes had to conduct the Royal Touch in respect to 1500 people at once, in the rituals administered by Louis XV more that 2000 men at once participated.

However, if we want to look at the most clear demonstration of the importance the Royal Touch for our grandfathers, we should analyze the reign of King Louis XIV, the Sun King. In 1611 the Monarch healed 2210 people during the entire year, in 1620 he doctored 3125 people, at Easter of 1613 1070 people came to be aided by the miraculous powers of the Sovereign. When, for one reason or another, a regular periodicity of the Royal Miracle was violated, the crowds that came to the further ceremonies were truly terrifying in number. At Easter of 1698 the attack of gout prevented Louis XIV from laying His hands on the diseased, so at Pentecost as many as three thousand scrofulous came to him. In 1715, on June the Eighth, at "the day of great heat,", the Sun King, already dying from His own illnesses, for the last time performed the duties of a healer; He laid His hands on almost 1700 people.

However, where do these miraculous powers come from? What originates them? It is quite easy to find the answer, if we would look at some aspects of the ritual of the coronation of our Monarchs that allow us to go back in the past and see the Godly source of their power.

The ancient chronists of the Middle Ages have already stated that the authority of the French Kings does have an even more sacred nature than the one of other Sovereigns. It has been pointed that, while the Kings of Jerusalem, of Spain, of England and of Hungary, would be annointed simply by the blessed oil, prepared by a bishop or a simple apothecary, the Monarchs of France are the only ones to be annointed with the most sacred chrism, contained in the Holy Ampulia, stored and preserved in the Abbey of Saint Remigius. This holy vessel is unique – for it is the only one which has been miraculously filled with Holy Oil of Catechumens and Chrism, brought by the angels of Lord themselves, after the prayers of Saint Remigius. Therefore, as it was pointed out by the clerics, the annoinment of the French Kings had the power of the dual blessing – for, while in all other cases the oil used for annoinment becomes sacrosanct only after the ritual of the consecration, here the Holy Ampulia, touched by the angels themselves, gives it additional and strengthened sanctity. This fact already points out at the special role of the French Monarch as the defender of the Faith and justifies his title of the Most Christian King that is not to answer before any master other than God. This annointment also gives the King the special powers to make miracles – but we would come to that later. However, here we would point that the right to be anointed by the oil from the Holy Ampulia is a inseparable right of the French Royal House and legitimate heirs to the Crown. Should have a person that has no right to inherit the Throne chosen to be annointed by this oil, it is without doubt that God would have punished him with illnesses. This is why the Corsican usurper, while lavishly celebrating his false coronation, did not dare to return to the use of the Holy Ampulia.

But lets continue.

According to the tradition, after the annointment the King of France, standing up, is vested in the tunicle, dalmatic and royal mantle, all of azure blue velvet sprinkled with fleurs-de-lis of gold. For many this crest of the royal house is simply a symbol which has no clear meaning. However, if we look back into history, we are to see that the royal lilies are as well a manifestation of the heavenly nature of the authority of the French Kings. The history of the fleur-de-lis goes back to the time of Clovis I, the first Christian King of Francs. While Clovis was a pagan, his wife, Clotilde (later Saint Clotilde), a Burgundian princess, was a devout Christian. Very often she visited a holy hermit who lived not far from the royal castle and prayed with him so that Clovis would accept the true Faith. And then, one evening, an Angel of Lord has appeared before the cleric and the Queen. He gave them a shield decorated with three lilies and told them that, should King Clovis take them, as accepting the new path of light, the Almighty would grant Him success and victory. And indeed, when soon after that King Clovis battled His enemies during the battle of Tobiac under the fleur-de-lys, He prevailed over his enemies and solidified his authority. Soon after that He was baptized – and the time of the Christian Kings of France has begun.

But why were the three lilies chosen by the Lord as the symbol of the authority of the true Kings, reigning under Christ? The answer is simple – the barbarian rulers, who, like the present radicals, bonapartists and such, always put the material over the spiritual, liked to use intimidating objects in their crests that demonstrated their strength, brutality and ferocity. They usually amounted to three – three axes, three wolves heads and so on. By granting King Clovis the three lilies as His symbol the Heavens have outlined that the authority of the true King is pure, noble and virtuous, on contrary to the rule of the false (be it the pagan lordlings, the Corsican or republicans), which is corporeal, secular and base.

Even these two facts demonstrate one clear conclusion. The power of the Royal Touch logically comes from the sacred and blessed origins of the office of the Kings of France, that has been granted by God special privileges such as the right to be anointed from the Holy Ampulia, the right to bear the fleur-de-lis -and the right to heal the scrofulous. While the King acquires these abilities after His annointment and coronation, it is, without doubt, that this right is hereditary and passes from one legitimate possessor of the Throne to the other. For, as stated above, only a rightful King can be annointed by the chrism from the Holy Ampulia without being severely punished by God.

The Royal Miracle is a sign of a Divine Right of the Kings as possessed by the House of Bourbon, of its special role in the eyes of God. To go against the King is, thus, alike to going against God Himself. The King is above any ordinary person, his figure is, in fact, between the Earth and the Heavens. One can see how these who wished to usurp the authority of the French Kings have ended their lives, even if they were crowned figures themselves. For do not we know that when the House of Lancaster, that held the English Throne, tried to take the crown of the Most Christian King, the Creator sent Joan of Arc to save His chosen, and the House of Lancaster ended its existence in madness and was extinct? For do we not see that Napoleon Bonaparte, who dared to try to steal the Crown from Bourbons, has ended his life in disgrace and misery, left by his wife and separated from his children? Have we not seen that the regicides and revolutionaries, who tried to subvert the Gods plan for the governance of France, has been destroyed by their own reign of terror?

It was so before and it would be so after. The Bourbon Kings, reigning by the Grace of God and holding the eternal mandate to rule France, one of the signs of such is the Royal Miracle, would forever be guarantees of the happiness of the country. And any attempt to violate their rights is an affront to God, that, as before, would bring France only catastrophes.

- B. de S.A.
 
Last edited:
The room was crowded with the most important personalities of Calais. Fat aristocrats, balding merchants and a whole assortment of high ranking clergy surrounded the crude oak table, finishing off their first glasses of wine. The main attraction of the evening, the hopeful candidate, Theodore Trecambien, had yet to make an appearance outside of a few greetings at the door. His patrons nervously paced in the dim background, quietly exchanging notes with the men at the table. As the wine flew, deals were being made. Hour by hour increasing numbers of Trecambien’s ideals and principles were bid for political support. The thirty men in the chamber were everything it took to keep a hold on Calais, with the issue at hand being that some of them wanted a change.

‘Not long now.’ Said a tall Officer, dressed in washed out blue, pouring a priest another glass of wine. One of his eyes was missing from its socket, and he limped as he went around the room. It was so easy to mistake him for a servant that he made no effort to the contrary, instead helping maintain good spirits around the table. His only mark of wealth was a pair of silver cufflinks, a
fleur-de-lis surrounded by iron leaves.

‘This best be real talk.’ Having made his wealth on pigs, the Butcher Lord of Calais now emulated one closely, his stomach overflowing onto the table. ‘I’m sick of feel good speeches. Principled stands are good in plays but if he comes out offering me a better France or a more devout leadership, why should I bother getting out of bed to vote?’ He looked around the frowny room. No one would agree with it publicly, but privately they all expected to be bought in some way. The priesthood especially fixed their gaze in the floor feigning modesty.

‘I am in no doubt you will all receive satisfactory gurantees from Monsieur Trecambien. This is gathering here is to make sure that each of you uphold your end of the bargain, lest risk losing honour in the eyes of your peers.’ Responded another Officer, he too clad in blue and sporting the same Cufflinks. His face was untouched by war, beautiful even. His pose was stiff, aristocratic. His face was hidden beneath a recently grown beard, dyed a dark red. Some of the men at the table thought his voice oddly familiar, but they failed to occupy their thoughts for too long with a servant. Angry mumbling made its way around the table, but fell silent as the door to the room swung open, slamming into a wall. Trecambien pounced into the open, a smile on his face as wide as the Seine, his hands clasped together behind his back, his outfit a sophisticated cavalcade of colours. The tips of his moustache were waxed to the point of being piercing, his heavy set sunken eyes hiding behind the grey tangled mess of eyebrows. His head was completely devoid of hair, and he did not hide this with any sort of wig.

‘Monsieurs’ He clapped at the already startled men. Each of his energetic steps covered twice the distance of a normal man’s, and in no time at all he was at the head of the table. ‘The walls here are thin indeed, and I have heard your pleas.’ His eyes fixed on the Butcher Lord he took a sip of wine from one of his guests glasses before slamming it down onto the table. ‘Vile stuff.’

‘Well then, Monsieur, this is not a dance and we need not be courted – get on with it.’ Stated another guest, emboldened by the open and informal atmosphere.

‘Eighty thousand, each.’ The promise made everyone eager. ‘Give me this one favour and I will make you each eighty thousand. Simple and clear.’

‘Is this electoral fraud?’ Asked one of the bewildered bourgeoise, not sure if what just happened fell into the realm of legality.

‘Why, Monsieur, would you call this fraud? This is a meeting of a politician with his constituents and voters.’ Trecambien’s smile was as false as his words. ‘I am a man of the people, a patriot and a royalist, and I can promise that when elected I will, at every opportunity, promote the business dealings of the people in this room. Nothing illegal about it. We’re not going to hand you sacks of gold, but we will make sure that if the Paris Assembly is handing out gold, Calais will be the first in line.’

‘How are you going to ensure this?’ A sceptic piped up.

‘Well, that’s where I need a bit of your faith. I have plenty of plans, but they best remain strictly confidential.’ Trecambien’s vague reply caused some angry whispers.

‘Do you not trust us? How are we to trust you?’ A priest asked, his hands intertwined in front of his broad face and clad in gold.

‘I just need a little faith, Father. Get me into that hall and I will deliver, but I cannot risk revealing my plans. Let’s just say the previous few representatives, and their kin, had some very bad luck when it came to keeping information confident’ Some laughs broke out, but the face of the Officers around the room remained stern. The red-bearded one turned pale, his lips becoming a think pink line.

‘There are thirty men in this room, many with conflicting interests. How do you propose we all become Kings?’

‘Monsieur, I will not make all of you Kings, but I will create equal opportunity for all of you. If you walk out, Monsieur, I will create equal opportunity for 29 of these men and no opportunity for you.’ The room was deadly silent. Trecambien, who through his speeches gestured wildly, slumped tired into a free chair.

‘I’ll stop now, before I promise too much. Drink some of this poor wine, think on it carefully. I expect all of you to have made up your minds in my favour by tomorrow morning. My colleagues’ he gestured at the blue men ‘are more than happy to take more of your correspondence.’



 
Last edited: