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Pierre-François-Henri Labrouste (Private - @99KingHigh)

Monsieur,

I hope that this letter find you in good health, and with luck an interest in as to why I am writing to you. A friend of mine has spoken highly of your works and techniques which you apply to your project, and it is therefore that I would like to at the very least speak with you regarding a project of mine.

I do not entirely know if you are even aware of whom I am, but I am the youngest son of the last Prince of Condé, and in his will I was declared his heir. This has left me with the properties of old, monuments, buildings and estates going back centuries, which hold more history in and of themselves than I even am aware of.

One restoration is of particular importance to me, that of the Château de Chantilly, the old home and symbol of my family. It was attacked and burned down almost forty years ago during the revolution, and it is a piece of utter most importance to me and my family. Extremely little stands left of the Château and I now wish for it to be rebuilt. In this work of restoration, I am most desirous that the previous form and design of the overall Château be restored to the shape it was in its prime. But while I have a great wish for the exterior to remain as it was before, and for the great Château to stand again. Then I also hope to have the interior be designed along a more modern view, to accommodate me and my family for the future, and for it to have all that the modern home needs, so to say.

Should you accept this offer, then I hope that you will be able to draw up ideas and plans. Plans which keeps the exterior, and skeleton of the Château in the same fashion, which it was during the time of my grandfather. While also designing a truly modern interior to dazzle and impress any visitor.
I am as of present currently in England, but shall return to France in a month’s time, where I hope, should you accept, that we may meet in person and discuss the project.

Philippe Henri de Bourbon

M. Bourbon,

I shall, obliging the payment of commission, accept this estimable offer, and proceed, upon receipt of your acknowledgment, towards the Château de Chantilly.


Je vous prie de croire, Monsieur, à mes sentiments les meilleurs,
M. Labrouste
 
Law on the Railway Duty [Gov Support]
Article 1. The tax owed to the public treasury on the price of seats shall be charged to the railways on the part of the tariff corresponding to the price of the carriage.

2. This provision shall apply, from the promulgation of this Act, to the railways currently granted.

3. For those roads whose specifications do not fix the tariff or whose tariff is not divided into corresponding parts, one for transport, the other for the toll, the "tax of the tenth" will be levied on one third of the total price of seats.

Law(s) on the Canals [Gov Support]
Art. 1. The municipality/department of ― is authorized to open a canal at its own expense, the waters of which are to be derived from the ―, and the discharge of which shall not exceed ― meters at the time of the lowest parts of the river.

Article 2. A regulation of the public administration shall determine the tariff according to which the cities/departments may make partial concessions regarding the caux dérivées.

4. La contriubtion fonciére shall be established on the canals authorized by Article 1, incorporating the area occupied by them; the taxation rating will be calculated for the navigation channels, in accordance with the law of 25 April 1803.

Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused. [Gov Support]
Art 1. The crimes and offenses provided for in Chapter 1 of Book III of the Criminal Code by the military laws and the or by the Laws of Association and other codified statue shall, in the event of participation or complicity by military personnel and individuals belonging to the civil order, be prosecuted and judged separately.

[http://www.napoleon-series.org/research/government/france/penalcode/c_penalcode3b.html]

Military personnel and persons assimilated to the military will be referred to war councils. Individuals, belonging to the civil order, will go before the ordinary courts.

2. The accused, subject to one of the above-mentioned courts, may be summoned before the other to give information, either during the trial or after the trial. They will be heard by way of declaration and without taking an oath.

Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer
1. Title and ownership of a Chemin de Fer, including all engines and infrastructure, shall be held by a partnership of natural persons or by a single Societe Anonyme which shall be registered with the Ministry of Commerce and Industry or the Ministry's successor (the Ministry).
2. The owner of a Chemin de Fer shall be responsible for the construction, maintenance and upkeep of the Chemin de Fer from time to time and shall attend to any directions by the Ministry in respect of the state of the Chemin de Fer which may be issued from time to time.
3. The owner of a Chemin de Fer shall file a Return of Profit and pay an annual Licence fee to the Treasury in the amount 1% of the Profits after expenditures and tax for each year ended 31 December.
4. The Ministry may give a directive to the owner of a Chemin de Fer to commandeer the Chemin de Fer for use by the Government during time of national emergency.
5. During the period of the directive:
a) the Licence fee in paragraph 3 shall be suspended.
b) the owner of the Chemin de Fer shall supply the service of the Chemin de Fer at a rate of 50% of the lowest transit fee charged for bulk goods prior to the imposition of the directive.
c) The Ministry shall be responsible for the repair and maintenance of the Chemin de Fer and of any extensions or upgrades of the network during the period of the directive.
d) The owner the Chemin de Fer shall retain ownership of the network at all times and shall resume control of the Chemin de Fer.

Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux

I. The General Council of each Department will be hereafter elected, not appointed.
II. These elections will take place every six years. On no ocassion shall the Departmental Election take place at the same time as the General Election or the Communal Elections of the Communes with that Department.
III. The constituencies for General Councilors will be the Communes.
IV. All eligible electors to vote in National elections shall be eligible to vote in Departmental elections.
V. The Prefect of the Department will remain the executive of the General Council and hold the power to Veto the decisions of the General Council.
VI. A 2/3rds vote of the General Council will be required to override a Prefectural Veto.

Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux
Article I. Article V shall be amended as such: V. The Prefect of the Department will remain the executive of the General Council and hold the power to Veto the decisions of the General Council. This veto shall be binding and absolute.
Article II. Article VI shall be struck from the bill in its entirety.

Law of the Franchise
A person shall be eligible to vote in all National, Provincial and Communal elections for public office provided that the person:

(a) is male French citizen of not less than 25 years of age;

(b) is not under a legal incapacity of insanity, imprisonment or insolvency at the time of enrollment or voting; and

(c) have either:

(i) paid not less than 50 Francs in Direct or Indirect Taxes for the calendar year preceding the elections; or

(ii) completed not less than 5 years of continuous service in the Army or Navy of France, whether as an officer or enlisted man.

-
Name: Thibaut Duval (@MadMartigan)
Bonus Name: Mouvement
Description: Duval's loyalties straddle the line of monarchy and republic. Just beyond the horizon is a monarchy surrounded with republican institutions.
PP Bonus: +2 PP

Name: Jacques-Charles Barante (@Jackbollda)
Bonus Name: Résistance
Description: A sharp orator, expert parliamentarian, and resolute conservative, Monsieur Barante has captured the conservative mood in the Orléanist ranks.
PP Bonus: +2 PP

Name: Clément Larousse (@Fingon888)
Bonus Name: The doctrinaire doctrine
Description: The leader of the extreme ideological movement of arch-conservative liberalism, Larousse and his compatriots regret the perversion of 1830 liberalism and do not shy from force to protect it.
PP Bonus: +1.5 PP

Name: Esmé Merivée (@DensleyBlair)
Bonus Name: Renaissance Légitimiste
Description: A legal attorney, political theorist, and politician, M. Merivée has the potential to carry the standard of the exiled family in the June Monarchy.
PP Bonus: +1.25 PP

Name: Baron Descombes (@naxhi24)
Bonus Name: Doctrinaire Financier
Description: The monied class of lenders and borrowers is most disposed to the maintenance of the status quo, and the Baron Descombes is the perfect embodiment of amalgamation of the class and policy.
PP Bonus: +1 PP

Name: Jakob Rothschild (@Davout)
Bonus Name: Radicalism Returned
Description: Returned to power, and with a worrisome Bonapartist tinge, France's wealthiest man continues his quest to outrage and inspire.
PP Bonus: +1 PP


Name: Francois-Olivier Nadeau (@Dadarian)
Bonus Name: Calculated Destroyer
Description: Politics for the Republican is where all subtlety and grace is exerted for the absolute ruin of the present monarchy.
PP Bonus: +.75 PP

Those with no new bonuses retain their old ones.
-
24 hours for voting. Who can vote? People in France, people over the voting age [I believe it it 25], and people who didn't vote "Refuse the Oath.

Law on the Railway Duty: Oui/No/Abst
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui/No/Abst
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Oui/No/Abst
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: Oui/No/Abst
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui/No/Abst
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui/No/Abst
Law of the Franchise: Oui/No/Abst

[Bonus Name]
[Party]

- Name
 
Law on the Railway Duty: No
Law(s) on the Canals: No
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: No
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: No
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Law of the Franchise: No

[Je ne parle pas en Anglais: +0.75 PeePee]
[Republican]
 
Duval is quoted at a Parisian cafe.

"We see that even a radically democratic suffrage law is snubbed by the Republican Party because of anti-semitism and desire to see society collapse into anarchy. "
 
Duval is quoted at a Parisian cafe.

"We see that even a radically democratic suffrage law is snubbed by the Republican Party because of anti-semitism and desire to see society collapse into anarchy. "

*Guatier speaks out against similar claims at one of his oft-frequented Bohemian cafes.*

"Messieurs, what is the truer sin? To reject tyranny and its efforts to deceive the people, or to imply its legitimacy by honoring its provisions? To vote in favor of the proposal does little more than give this unrighteous state a semblance of feasibility - as well as declare that it is not an act of treason against the people of France to deny such fundamental civic rights. Indeed, the perseverance of liberty will never be possible as long as shadowy cabals pull the strings of government as if it was a marionette, and our inherent rights as free men shall never be truly recognized as long as we are to prostrate ourselves before a would-be despot!"
 
Memoir of the Duke of Lécuyer. The Algerian Expedition. February, 1836.

10149.jpg


Excerpt from Part III: Two types of people; Artillerymen and their target.


--------

"First cannon fire!" The awesome sound and shockwaves followed just as I uttered the words. By drill I continued, called for the second and the third. My ears was deafened, and my body barely managed to be up straight. It always baffled me the sheer shock of the cannons when they fired. The first time had taken me completly off guard. I still remember it we were two lines facing two cannons from their opposite sides. I was first to the cannon to the left. The instructors smiled at us and laughed among themself. By that time I was more absorbed into actually seeing a piece of artillery fire for the first time. But it was the shock who would absorb me instead. It really can't be explained, one how to feel, see and listen to it themself. But yet here in Algeria, in the outskirts of Oran, I had to keep up my posture and focus on the target ahead. Our target was clustered in front of us and advancing toward us. My men had made their calculations to the firing orders I had given them, which again had been provided by my battery. For the sake of my men, and for the sake of our mission I had to be calm. "Short, front!" the observer yelled out, yelled loud enough to break the ringing in our ears and the sounds of war. He then made calculations on how short it really was to the target, all the while he observed the target who turned around. Reports came in the target was turning around, fleeing from the cannonballs. Such was expected. Animals follow their elemental insticts in the face of death. Facing the devil you don't invite him to a dance, you turn around.

And our artillery is just that. The devil. Inflicting carnage on a scale mere generations prior to us could never imagine. I made my calculations and in reflection of that I gav my men the new firing order. They adjusted their aim, they changed the angle of the cannon and the amount of gunpowder. It all happened in a smooth fashion. We all had a part to play and we knew it. We all did what we trained to do, what we were born to do. To unleash hell. I ordered each cannon to prepare, when they gave the signal they were ready I again ordered them to fire. "Long, center!" the observer shouted. The shells overpassed our retreating enemy. Did we miss? In a way, but it was intentional. We were bifurcating our enemy. Its a marvelous tool. Demoralizing our target. Where are they to escape? If they go forward their advance is cutt off by a barrage, and so is if they retreat? What are they to do. They stay put. And so did our target. We were a cat, and our target was rats trapped. We were merely playing with our victim before finishing it. I gave my new orders and calculations.

The first cannon was ordered to fire. So it did. Then the second one, but the anticipated thunder and shock did not appear. They gave out their immidiate action to call out the malfunction and then sough to improve it. I didn't give them any time, for we had none to spare. It is all a question of life and death. I ordered the third cannon to fire. It did. The second one was now at the ready, and recieved their order. The observer reported it was a direct hit. Sparing no time for thought or reflection I ordered "Repeat!" Hoping the enemy could not reorganize out of our killing zone. They didn't. And what followed was much more disturbing. A sister platoon in our battery fired out their ordinance. However this was much more brutal. A shrapnel based high explosive shell of some sort. Instead of simply lobbing a ball into the target like our cannons did, they exploded in the air above the enemy. Death, literally, rained upon them. Each tiny metal bit travelling at immense spead, shredding whatever piece of meat happening to be in way of their course apart. We could not listen to the screams and agony of our target due to our ears being all deafened by the firing.

We were ordered by the battery to move forward. Some calvarists who joined us moved ahead and secured the area. Some infantrists secured the perimeter aorund our cannons. W moved forward to our designated target. It was deafeated, but not killed. We killed off the stragglers. By muskets, pistols, bayonets or sabers. With whatever means we had at our disposal. It was a bloodfest, and I felt ashamed of what we had done. But it was our job. We killed off those in agony. I looked on what we had done. It was not a pretty sights. Bountiful of sheep being ripped apart. Bloodied. Who had suffered for our training. Blood was everywhere, and in the warmth of the Algerian desert they had already started to rot, to amass inscts of all types. The stench was horrible. Little did I know at the time that was perhaps the worst part, of war, for us artillery men. Not the firing itself. But the aftermarth. And to take in the horrible smell of rotten flesh. Fortunately this was only sheep. Our battery commander made a debriefing with all of us. Said what could be improved, what was good and so on. Our Captain then said some words I would never forget. As we had out down the last of sheep, ending their lives in ways I would envy none, as they layed there torn apart and bloodied our Captain told us this was the reality of war. This was what did to our enemies. He then said a phrase I am never to forget "Artillerymen believe the world consist of two types of people; other Artillerymen and targets". It haunts me to this day, with pride and with disgust.

It was a day of great learning. January and February, and my days at the academy and training before being sent off to Algers, consisted of much practical and theoretical training in the art of artillery. However we always had them under controlled events. Static targets. But our unit had decided they needed to groom their newest batch of officers in a more.. practical direction. They had bought sheep for this deed. Whether it was legal or not I didn't know - and I didn't ask. But it gave me a training oppurtunity I had never had before. It would help me to prepare.. for what was about to come.

---------

The war had so far been disappointing. I am ashamed to say so, but so were the young me. The me who were frsh from the academy and France and romantic in nature. I had grown up with great tales of heroism and glory from the wars. I believed I was too to be showered in eternal glory. But so far it had all been.. boredom. We spent most of our time training in the heat. If we did not we were out on patrols. We had orders that we were to give away treats and foodstuff we did not consume to the locals. I passed the time by reading. But when I finished the work of Tocqueville, instead of reading politics and philosophy I read the works of others. I read about Napoleon, I read what Clausewitz had written and about Frederick the Great of Prussia. One of his passages stuck by me “Artillery adds dignity, to what would otherwise be an ugly brawl”. I had seen what kind of damage artillery inflicted, I wondered about how war and battle was without artillery, to what supposedly added dignity. If what we had done to those poor sheep were not an ugly brawl, I shuddered at the mere thought of how wars were conducted without artillery. All the reading of war and romantic deciptions of war made me alll the more restless. I longed for battle, I longed to finally test and prove myself. How naiive we all were.
 
Law on the Railway Duty: Oui
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Abst
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: Oui
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui
Law of the Franchise: Abst

[What is a "bonus"?]
[Doctrinaires]

- Bon-Marie de Moncey, Comte de Moncey
 
Law on the Railway Duty: No
Law(s) on the Canals: No
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Abst
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: No
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui
Law of the Franchise: No

[The Doctrinaire Doctrine +1.5PP]
[Doctrinaire]

- Clément Larousse
 
Law on the Railway Duty: Oui
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Oui
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: Oui
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Law of the Franchise: No


[Minister of the Interior +1PP]
[Tiers Parti]

- Matéo Gagnon, Minister of the Interior
 
Law on the Railway Duty: No
Law(s) on the Canals: No
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Abst
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: No
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui
Law of the Franchise: No

[Doctrinaire Financier: +1 PP]
[Doctrinaire]

-Alexandre, Baron Descombes
 
INSIDE PARIS VI: Literature and Art


A crisis of religion and politics pervaded French society after the Revolution of 1830 and disturbed art and literature. Madame de Giradin told Lamartine: “being civilised is very tedious.” Everywhere there was a sensation of purposeless, disgust, and despair. “Down with life!” cried one of Gautier’s heroes. These exultations were born from the collapse of the old certainties of classicism, which had been cast down in conflict with the romantic spirit. The maxims of classicism had wrangled with romanticism as values faced questions; the classical tradition persisted only in residue, debased in entertainment, contained in opera, and utilitarian in architecture. Traces of the old tradition never disappeared, but was incapable of achieving its original results. Opposed to conventions, romanticism was after 1830 happier on the left than allied to royalism as it had often been beneath the Restoration, but the artistic left and right agreed on hostility to the dull tyranny of a prosaic juste milieu, and almost all romantics were dissatisfied with society as currently organized. An extremism was natural to the romantic rebellion as an expression of individuality.

BRYk3m4.jpg

Welcome to the Supremacy of Romanticism; Delacroix's The Natchez.

The months before and after the July Revolution were tumultuous for the romantic movement. A change of the guard was precipitated by the death of the royalist St. Germain and the triumph of Hugo’s Hernari revolutionized the artistic scene. The eulogy of St. Germain’s funeral and the prelude of Hernari declared romanticism to be liberalism in literature, and not liberalism in the Orleanist constitutional sense, but rather a spiritual freedom. New forces in 1830 were unleashed throughout France, and it was suddenly decided that since these revolutionaries could not believe anything specific, they wished to indulge in all. Experience for its own sake was an expression of an existence without philosophical certainty, but rarely did it resemble the hedonism of the eighteenth centurey. For romantics death and darkness was supreme; and it was thus natural that the sexual pleasure was associated with each. To avoid the boredom, the mal de siècle, the romantic would sacrifice much, and sometimes the pursuit to evade this boredom would become a euphoric experience, and that intense experience might conclude in a glorified suicide. This was an expected rebellion; the nature of the new regime was not complimentary to the extreme romantics and the young veterans of the Battle of Hernari, who commenced informal rebellion against society. They dressed with outlandish extravagance or cultivated a sinister conspiratorial aspect. A school of particularly extreme romantics, known as the bouzingots, made deliberate noise to assault bourgeois society. Although these groups fell apart quickly, like the extreme romanticism of which they were an expression, great authors sometimes inched out from their anguish. The vicomte de Romazières was a member of the social group known as “Le Petit Cénacle,” and he mocked the bourgeois liberalism to the extreme; it was his fashion to love the medieval and gothic, to enchant the darkness, to use affected adjectives, absurd scenarios, and write irregular verse under teutonic-sounding pseudonyms. Romazières’ Bel reflected the intensity of the period—a sort of lord of the flies—contained in the most romantic and alien landscapes for ridicule and satire. But despite the tendency to encapsulate the romantic movement as a cohesive entity, there was no united school. Romanticism, in the vaguest form, questioned the dogmas of society; favouring the sympathetic romantic rebel. Dumas’s Antony, as illegitimate, conspires against society, and this was all elucidated in a moment of “social licentiousness which follows revolutions.” Nonetheless, the play was shockingly popular, and proved how society now expected to be shocked, gathering around Romanticism’s pursuit of reality beyond the boundaries of convention.


3mBSyck.jpg

The bouzingots; extreme romantics and conspirators.
Protesting against the materialism of the modern world, and the bourgeois sensibilities that attempted to resist offense, Romazières proceeded from Antony with Le Wallon, combining the medieval evil, the tragic hero, the fallen maiden, the forbidden sentiments, and other breaches of the social norm, coalescing into a much bourgeois-despised and much more popular theatrical production. To the literary critic and deputy Jay, this portrayal of demonic witches, treacherous murder, and incest was worthy a premier-Paris in the Constitutionnel, attacking the play as “the most robustly obscene work that has appeared in these times of obscenity.” But romanticism produced tamer works that competed with the obscenities and the “dark romantics.” Lamartine’s epic poems express the vague deism and humanitarianism in which many found the answers to a mass of questions. Many authors chose to express not one harmonious aspect of life, but the conflicts from which this desire for the universal had emerged. Hugo claimed in the prefaces to his plays that he was being true to nature when he passed from the comic to the tragic or from the sublime to the grotesque. Romanticism was an awareness of contrasts, the expression of a society which had lost cohesion. In a world where in each individual, doubt struggled with faith, and ambition was often irreconcilable with loyalty, it was natural that the characters presented were bereft with internal conflict. Hugo’s Tribulout in Le Roi s’amuse is both malignant and a martyr to paternal affection; his Lucrèce Borgia combines the attributes of murderous monster [taking from Romazières] with the sublime qualities of the perfect mother, and the pure-hearted prostitute that recurs in the works of Hugo and other authors, who become the symbol of the belief that virtue will be found in unconventional guise. Behold, they might say, the redeemer, a prostitute! Beneath there was an aesthetic of conflict, and the nature of this conflict was often provided in a political character. The struggle might be against nature or god or corrupted society, and the participant might often be elevated to modern saint, so that blasphemy and immorality can be treated as expressions of individuality, and not as crimes that will receive providential punishment. Many believed that there were undulations of process; one would have to sink low and rise high, or search for rest through excess. Whereas the classicist or conventional bourgeois regarded the romantic as the decadence of civilisation, the romantic thrust back the blame onto society as a form of moral criticism. Thus Balzac will describe within one work both high and low society, the world of criminals and the haute politique. His view of life was that desire for power was a destructive struggle, and like so many romantics, his presentation of this in his heroes is not necessarily approval; indeed Balzac’s own royalism was largely the intellectual adherence to an aristocratic society founded upon tradition and opposition to that system in which individual wills competed without personal loyalties.

vySYv9s.jpg

A scene from the controversial Le Roi s’amuse.

The romantic hero varies between passivity and dynamism, and as such he might be oppressed by society or rose to become it to be the anti or super-social persona. This lingering dissatisfaction is at the root of the idea of the mal de siècle, and here one man was the culprit; the romantics were at their knees before the shadow of Napoleon Bonaparte, who had become the Byronic hero, the supreme will, and the tragic romantic hero. How could one deal with the petty promotions of the dull world of commerce or bureaucracy when the great examples of the Empire stood before them? Stendhal’s answer in The Red and the Black was rather simple; you cannot. One might find comfort in the Byronic individualism, or the fight against society, but some extremists desired escape from the inevitability of their defeat; Eugène Labiche wanted to kiss Vigny for his work Chatteron, and declared mere words had never moved him before: "My sleep will be a sublime nightmare." Chatteron's suicide seemed to such enthusiasts to be the ultimate act of rebellion against a heartless society. Romazières preferred the romantic hero as the embodiment of the constant (such as in La Forêt Rose), heavily inspired by a comprehension of Napoleon, and frequently in the form of a stoic soldier, but retains the tragedy of reality and the horror of the reverie, fronting as a critique of those who preferred to slip into Labiche’s fatalism. It was this approach that inspired Berlioz's symphonie fantastique (and especially “dreams of a witches sabbath”). The hero, however, was not the totality of the work. Romanticism exalted the creator, who ruled by subjective design and taste. In overthrowing disciplines, the artist regarded himself as a liberator. Hugo welcomed the charge of being revolutionary in literature; he was proud to use new words, or to change semantic meaning: “he who unchains the word, unchains thought.” However, as the years approached 1840, the critics accused the earlier generation of romantics, in particular Hugo, Romazières, and Lamartine of having been destroyed by their own excessive liberalism; by freeing themselves of all disciplines, they claimed, these artists had become merely self-indulgent. Many of the effects of romanticism were thus criticised by men who had earlier identified themselves with it, and Romazières (or Gautier, although his identity was always known) was often the recipient of this criticisms for the extravagance of his baneful indulgences. This was complicated by the fact that the movement demanded the artist a special place in the world. Hugo was the leader, reformer and prophet. Lamartine regarded him as qualified to rule because he understood the forces of the world and had the duty to express them to a wide public. “She must popularise herself,” he cried of poetry. “I have wished to be read in the shops,” and, ever ready to believe his desired reality, Lamartine claimed from this the right to political leadership. Many other writers held similar political preoccupations. Romazières harangued all persons complicit in the retention of the status quo and fought hard against the censorship laws. George Sand’s idealising of the populace was based on the belief that fiction could predict and produce fact. Balzac on the contrary regarded it as his duty to present actuality, although he could never predict the forthcoming scientific-realism, he regarded exaggeration of bad qualities to be means of expressing the truth of society as he saw it. It was part of his role as “doctor of incurable diseases.”

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Napoleon, the quintessential tragic romantic hero.

The artist was priest and martyr. Vigny complained that society repaid the artist (he who gives all to society) with poverty and scorn. Some believed that it was essential to be misunderstood, that public hostility was proof of greatness, and that the greater the scorn, the stronger the immortality. It was perhaps most true of Romazières, who attracted sharp acrimony from the receiving classes, and sharp acclaim from the crowded intelligence of romantics and disaffected youths. For him, art was a rebellion akin to that of a Fieschi. This was also typical of Romazières’ comrade, Pétrus Borel, the lycanthrope, who deliberately insulted and attacked the public to make sure there was no change of his not being misunderstood and rejected by them. Many of these artists struggled to decide whether they were democrats or members of an elite. It was typical of the period for them to try to be both. As Toqueville hoped that fellow aristocrats would civilize the coming democracy, so George Sand romanticized love affairs between classes, Lamartine epitomized the grand seigneur, convinced that he was egalitarian, and in music Berlioz sought a popular art in an uncompromisingly unpopular method. The poorer artists valued their sense of apartness, and formed a proud society of undesirables. That the public read these these tales of poverty showed how the myth of Bohemia had become more acceptable since the bouzingots had so shocked bourgeois susceptibilities in 1830. And these concepts of poverty, democracy, and aristocracy endured in a period that was increasingly competitive, much to the jubilance of the Orleanist philosophers. Salvandy, at a prize-giving, told the pupils that they were fortuitous to live in an age where society “all life’s rewards can be won.” The legitimist Quotidienne published this speech with regrets that nowhere had the speaker shown any understanding of the fact that society should be a moral organization. There was, however, another reaction from those who were unable to stand with the Catholics nor wished to enter the competition. Art for art’s sake was the product of a utilitarian and competitive system, a different form of rebellion, against other artists and society. Utilitarians might ask what was the social purpose of the rebels, and where was the progress in their art; Romazières would reply impertinently: “Several centuries ago, one had Raphael, one had Michaelangelo, now one has M. Paul Delaroche; all of that because of progress.” He judged purely by aesthetic criteria, and to some of his comrades, democracy only meant an increased in bad taste. The idea of art for art’s sake was anathema to many, especially to republicans. A humanist such as David d’Angers believed the sculptor’s duty was to portray the nobility of man, convinced, like George Sand, that this would make men noble. As a republican, he flatted his sitters, not from obsequiousness, but from political motives. For Lamennais, the leader of the Belgian Unionists, art existed to express the noblest tendencies of the epoch; the artist was the prophet of the religion of the future, his intent progress, his goal the perfection of the Being. Republican newspapers, notably the National, remained unsympathetic to the most progressive and original features in the art of the period because it disapproved of the extreme individualism or moral anarchy which was expressed in the works.

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Le pauvre poète (1839)

The novel was the form in which the age excelled, because it allowed freedom from formal constraints; it was a genre without convention in which one would prosper from the struggles of a hero in conflict with society or portraying vicious horrors and social dramas. The idea of history as shifting of great forces inspired epic historical novels such as Balzac’s Chouans, or Hugo’s Notre Dame de Paris. The former’s aspiration to narrate the hitherto untold epic of the middle class was a combination of this historical concept with the minutia of contemporary realities. Much was taken from Cazal, who perished in the decade, and his style of novel as a historical informer. Others, such as Lamartine, tried to put these ideas into poetry with less success; desperately he suffered from his own affectations of negligence but also from the attempt to poeticize vague philosophical ideas. “Never was nature more prodigal, and never were her gifts more abused,” said Larousse. In him the contradictions of the age jostled each other without merging; Lamartine was dandy and mystic, poet and politician, grand seigneur and democrat, and flittered from one role to the next. Thus in Chute d’un Ange he set out to write a democratic and humanitarian epic, in which he (as Chasles said) “mistook size for grandeur,” an error of the age. He, like many of his contemporaries, had no personal imagination, and so was compelled to mingle themes and ideas from Dante, Byron, the Bible, Leroux, Lamennais, and Homer. The true originals, Romazières and Balzac, were not to be the recipients of academy seats. But there was also the theatre, where romantic writers exhibited their extravagance and where ideas seemed most immediate and impactful. It was the expression of the revolutionary or anti-social ideas which most disturbed conservatives. Frenchmen had once believed themselves elegant and refined, “one has to agree that for the last three years Providence has cruelly chastised that vanity,” the duc de Broglie told the deputies, to approving laughter. Nobody dared go to the theatre not knowing the play. It was a school ol of debauchery whose disciples sooner or later appeared in the law courts. Here it was that Romazières reigned supreme. Whether in the shock-and-awe of the extreme romanticism of Le Wallon or the biting satire of La Fleur de Florence, the curious crowds would gather to see M. Gautier’s next production, and often leave euphoric or disgusted, Viennet declared that one could no longer take one’s daughter to the Théâtre Français after the pro-romantic Baron Taylor had become its director and flaunted Romazières and Vigny. The deputies Fulchiron and Charlemagne delivered a parliamentary onslaught on Vigny for encouraging suicide in his Chatteron and on Romazières for his grotesque depictions in Le Wallon. After the September laws were passed, La Fleur de Florence was banned after an infuriated duc d’Orleans as present, although it had already run for a year before the laws. When Dumas’ Antony was produced at the state-subsidised Théâtre Français, the influence of the deputies Etienne and Jay (of the anti-romantic Constitutionnel) who threatened rebellion on the budget, led Barante to forbid its performance.

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Père Goriot, his daughter, and Eugène de Rastignac, in a depiction from Balzac's masterpiece Père Goriot.

The public was rarely classical or romantic. It favored adventure, reading Scott and Cooper and their French imitators such as the legitimist vicomte d’Arlingcourt or Eugene Sue. A classicist like Viennet was quite willing to turn out a historical novel in the style of Scott to satisfy a public taste for his financial profit. The public loved Meyerbeer but never Berlioz. It rejoiced in Delaroche’s glossy treatment of melodramatic and historical themes but never appreciated Delacroix. A certain conciliation towards romanticism was encouraged by the fact that time tamed and made respectable the former rebels. In the early 1830s, Hugo and his admirers were like outlaws, but as the decade approached a close, there was anticipation that he would be made a peer in the 1840s. In painting, the old dualities survived, and Delacroix and Ingres dominated. The former, like Berlioz, whose music however he loathed, was a believer in colour and rhythm, whilst the older man put before all else the beauty of form and line. The modern tendency is to separate them on the literary lines; Delacroix as the romantic and Ingres as the classicist. But in reality they were not viewed as such, and the Prince Royal admired both. Outside painting, Delacroix was no revolutionary. He disliked new tendencies in literature and music, as he was fastidious and aristocratic by nature, despising the vulgar commonplaces of the age and rarely portraying contemporary subjects. Yet the reason why Baudelaire and other believed him “the true painter of the nineteenth century” was for his contrasts in pigment, his rebellion against academic restraints, and the exhalation of sadness true to the mal de siècle. Contrarily, Ingres and his disciples regarded painting as a struggle between good and evil. He revered Raphael and romanticized the classical past; he declared himself a dwarf in comparison, but aggressively considered himself a giant in comparison with his contemporaries. His works, such as Stratonice, showed his desire to reform art, and he more frequently made contemporary works. He brought the portrayal of elegance into great art, and gave to the disturbing moments of the June Monarchy a quality of permanence. Classicism had its followers, as did romanticism. There was the sensual school which celebrated the joys of the flesh. Thomas Couture’s Romains de la Decadence, an orgy of classical bodies amidst a decor of grave dignity, was typical in at once feigning disapproval of the immortality it portrayed whilst remaining true to the ancient immortality. Such paintings were popular in the large salons. More refined nudes were provided by Chasseriau, who exceeded the sensualism of his master, Ingres. Hippolye Flandrin, admirer of Giotto, disciple of Ingres, to some extent began to regenerate religious paintings in such works as his murals for Saint-Germain-des-Pres.

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Ingres' Stratonice, unveiled in 1840.

Perhaps the greatest criticism which can be made of the King was that Horace Vernet was his favorite artist. Although he showed better taste in assembling a superb collection of Spanish painting, the monarch shared with his subjects an enthusiasm for the panoramas of battle which Vernet produced by the score, every detail of each different uniform portrayed with accuracy, in vast unwieldy compositions. Delacroix considered Vernet’s decorations in the Palais Bourbon a horrific sign of “frightful decadence” of taste in the nineteenth century. Baudelaire accused him of being “a soldier who poses as a painter,” his art “improvised by the drum-roll, these canvasses brushed over at a gallop.” Public taste, however appreciated the love of glory and extolled the romance of battle. Religious art provided a contrast, but it tented to be theatrical rather than religious. A critic in the Journal des Débats declared: “I search for a portrait of a saint and I find a woman of the world in monastic attire.” When the bible was used, it was deployed for literary, and not for theological reasons. One of the most famous religious painters was Ary Scheffer, who catered to public taste by giving a classical treatment to romantic themes as a true figure of the juste milieu; eclectic in painting and liberal in politics. He specialized in sentimental Christs, lacrimose Virgins, and penitent Magdalenes (the repentant prostitute being a popular figure). But neither religious paintings nor contemporary works were the successes of this age, which in other respects could be considered a high point of painting. A preference for the picturesque, for the historical, was shown in the public taste. Because there was widespread hatred for the dullness of everyday life, contemporary works were unlikely to find success.


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An example from Horace Vernet.
Depictions were not always symbolic or implicit. It was misfortune for the June Monarchy that it reigned in the great age of caricature. Elements of romanticism encouraged it; exaggeration, contrast of light and dark, freedom of technique, disgust with the human form, and other elements disposed the artist towards caricature, and this was aggravated by the discordance between artist and politics. Although much of these caricatures was social comment, the works of others, notably Daumier, were never surpassed in bitterness. Robert Macaire, a character of Daumier, becomes a banker using speech of hypocrisy to conceal his trickery. After the September Laws he was forced to stop satirising the King and instead deployed Macaire as a vechile for satire. Henry Monnier’s Monsieur Proudhomme presents another face of contemporary mockery of the bourgeois; respectable and plump, like Duval, he cannot manipulate or ruthlessly speculate like Macaire. Anti-English and sentimentally Bonapartist, he feels foolish optimism about the future and respect for the pillars of society. A truly mad idea…

-

Next time we’ll look at music and sculpture and stuff.
 
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Law on the Railway Duty: No
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Oui
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: Oui
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Law of the Franchise: No

[Mouvement: +2 PP]
[Gauche Dynastique]

- Thibaut, the Baron Duval
 
New Ballot:

Law on the Railway Duty:Oui
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Oui
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: No
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Law of the Franchise: No

[Minister of the Interior +1PP]
[Tiers Parti]

- Matéo Gagnon, Minister of the Interior
 
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"The gall of this Government, it's corruption thoroughly infected into all its facets, is at it's most obvious with the Franchise Acts abject failure. Whereas the Republican Party, morally superior in all forms to the failed revolutionaries and fallen liberals that occupy bought seats on the Orleanist benches, are in a natural position to oppose the Franchise Act, the Orleanists are not. The Revolution can only be accomplished through the immediate and complete enfranchisement of all males, without fees or delays. The Republican Party, the single true democratic party in this body, cannot and will not tolerate underhanded tactics such as moderated enfranchisement or half-hearted efforts. This is due to our inherent righteousness before all, as we are loyal to the true rulers of France, the people.

However, the Orleanists, bankers and aristocrats all, also oppose the bill. Created by a known leech of the nation, an Orleanist of the highest caliber in his lack of moral aptitude and heightened smell of bullion, it reeks of Orleanist deception. It's a half measure, half written and half hearted, offering franchise to not even a quarter of the populace. The Orleanists, totally unaware of the people, were expected to throw this to the people as if meat to hungry dogs, biding their time. What is most striking is that the Orleanists don't even do that, as they are so singularly fearful of the will of the people that brought them into power that, like the Ultras before them, they deny them the vote. This is what this body is, a smoking club of the King's favourites, paid handsomely from the royal treasury and from the titles list.

We are in unprecedented times, as all the forces of reaction gather with the forces of freedom and righteousness in a singular effort to oppose this completely, utterly, and dadly poor bit of legislation that the Monsieur no doubt paid someone else to write, lest be slandered by his own hand for his own words."
 
The Baron Descombes rises to speak

"The proposed Franchise Reform has good merits within it, yes. But the problems that would arise over its passage would outweigh all good merits within the bill.

I suppose many of you are suspecting I will talk about how widening the franchise can lead to populist candidates and radicals taking advantage of a more politically passive influx of voters, but that is not the bill's greatest insult in my most honest opinion. Instead, the greatest insult of the bill is the fact that it very well could lead to the politicization of an apolitical organization, our military.

Indeed, our military, the one that is currently fighting for the glory of France in Algeria, was created to be above politics, to serve only France and not some political agenda. It serves King and Country, not Party and Ideology! By making military service a pre-requisite for enfranchisement, we will run the risk of politics holding an iron grip on our military. How long after the passage of this bill will we begin to see generals appointing officers that share similar ideology? How long before only men of a specific political persuasion get recruited into a certain division or corp? We are not banning the freedom of thought to our soldiers and officers, but to give them the franchise for serving is paramount to the military being used to obtain more voters for certain parties and factions. It would allow politically-charged officers a way to expand the franchise to only recruits that share there views. This is an unacceptable path for the military, an apolitical organization that serves the Kingdom, to go. Regardless on if you believe that lowering the contribution required to vote is good or not, making the army and navy more politically oriented has to be agreed upon as a destabilizing and dangerous proposition."
 
Law on the Railway Duty: Oui
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Oui
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: No
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Law of the Franchise: No

[PM +2, Resistance +2]
[Politique]

- Barante
 
Memoirs.

After taking dinner with M. Émile de Girardin, almost five years ago, when he founded Le Journal des connaissances utiles, I returned to his company after assuming some interest in the productions of his companions. He founded, last month, La Presse, Journal quotidien, politique, littéraire, agricole, industriel et commercial, and after I found that the journal was friendly to the ministry, I invited M. Girardin to dine. He told me over the course of this meal that La Presse was in his estimation "a newspaper which occupies among the French newspapers the place of the Times in England and which assists the government without being in the dependence of any cabinet." This same epigram was repeated in the editorials of La Presse; I imagine his little witticism was much to his pleasure. Indeed, M. Girardin plays the part of rédacteur en chef (most considerable of the contributors), and is fixed to meet the program of its successor, La Siècle, founded on the same day. M. Girardin, in his effort to disarm this corresponding paper, has made M. Dutacq an enemy, and this is seriously an issue of worry. But he will compensate with social commentary, and I think this is a good thing. He tells me that the newspaper will be friendly to legitimists, skeptical of the bourgeoisie, socially progressive and anti-liberal, and independent on economics.

I have frequented the salon of Madame de Giradin, who entertains the notabilities such as Montalembert, Molé, Pasquier, Hugoo, Lamartine, Musset, and Mérimée. After some quiet consultation, and public recitation in my belief that the Journal des Débats might move to Larousse, Guizot, and Descombes, I have opened the fonds secrets to the accounts of M. Girardin. It is all the most worthwhile as La Presse is set to open with a target of forty francs, and that is fifty-percent of the surcharge demanded by the Débats! The asking price is even smaller than Le National, La Gazette, and the Quotidienne. He will have to depend much on advertisement for these price reductions, and make the position of the fonds secrets stronger in their political considerations. All these ambitions are complicated by the fact that in this whole country, the total publication of national newspapers exceeds not one hundred and ten thousand. They will have to raise subscriptions considerably to offset this disequilibrium of price...
 
Law on the Railway Duty: Non
Law(s) on the Canals: Non
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Non
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: Oui
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Abstain
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Non
Law of the Franchise: Oui

(Bonus: Radicalisme Retournee +1PP)
(Tiers Parti)

It is better to be half hearted than to have no heart at all....
 
Law on the Railway Duty: Oui
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Abstain
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: No
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: Oui
Law of the Franchise: No


[None]
[Independent]

- Pascal Touvier