• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
320px-Flag_of_the_Soviet_Union_%281924-1936%29.svg.png


Treaty of Moscow
1. The Soviet Union will transfer the rights and management of the Far Eastern Railway to the Chinese Republic for a sum of 200 000 000 gold roubles.
a. The sum will be delivered as a series of annual payments, each one at a minimum of 20 000 000 gold roubles.
b. The minimum payment will be revisited and any readjustments agreed on by both parties every three years. If agreement cannot be reached, the original amount will be upheld.
c. Until the full amount is paid, the Soviet Union will continue to hold partial rights (25%) to the railway. Once eighty percent of the amount is paid, the Soviet Union will cede another 20% of the rights to the Chinese Republic.
d. The unpaid amount will grow at an annual interest rate of 3%.


2. The Chinese Republic will recognise the actions in Manchuria as unnecessary and provocative and will work to foster future peace between the Soviet Union and China.
a. The military commanders in charge of the operation will be reprimanded. They will each issue individual apologies to the Soviet Union.
b. The nations of China and the Soviet Union will enter into a pact of non-aggression to prevent future loss of life in border disputes.

[x] - the Soviet Union
[ ] - China
 
320px-Flag_of_the_Soviet_Union_%281924-1936%29.svg.png


Treaty of Moscow
1. The Soviet Union will transfer the rights and management of the Far Eastern Railway to the Chinese Republic for a sum of 200 000 000 gold roubles.
a. The sum will be delivered as a series of annual payments, each one at a minimum of 20 000 000 gold roubles.
b. The minimum payment will be revisited and any readjustments agreed on by both parties every three years. If agreement cannot be reached, the original amount will be upheld.
c. Until the full amount is paid, the Soviet Union will continue to hold partial rights (25%) to the railway. Once eighty percent of the amount is paid, the Soviet Union will cede another 20% of the rights to the Chinese Republic.
d. The unpaid amount will grow at an annual interest rate of 3%.


2. The Chinese Republic will recognise the actions in Manchuria as unnecessary and provocative and will work to foster future peace between the Soviet Union and China.
a. The military commanders in charge of the operation will be reprimanded. They will each issue individual apologies to the Soviet Union.
b. The nations of China and the Soviet Union will enter into a pact of non-aggression to prevent future loss of life in border disputes.

[x] - the Soviet Union
[ ] - China

[X] - China
 
Royal Palace, Bangkok:
NewRoad1930.jpg

The air was heated and full of humidity. Even for the station. Even for a ministers chamber in Bangkok’s palace. Prince Narisara Nuwattiwong was addressing the Supreme Ruling Council and the King on the state of public finances. The hot breeze was almost suffocating, but it would had been worse to keep the windows closed, since the council had filled three ashtrays that morning. The restraining western clothes of the ministers, and the baroque traditional robes and crown of the King had in common their ability to make them all sweat. The matter being discussed wan’t helping, either:

“… and according to our year-long study, we can safely predict that the budget saves already activated by your gracious government, will allow the country-side to compete in equal conditions, if not higher, with the other rice-producers in the geo-political area of our interest. Thanks to these years of sacrifice, no aditional taxes are required over the rural populace, depicting an scenario in which prices will be lower and Stock will be enough, more than enough, to guarantee the supply to our neighbours. The flow of unburdened cash this will provide to the crown….”

220px-Naritsaranuwattiwong_-_001.jpg

Some of the ministers used to be really bored when the treasury secretary –Narisara- stated his unbearable “Rice reports”. Save for Kitiyakara Voralaksana, Prince of Chanthaburi I and minister of economy, and Paribatra Sukhumbhand, Prince of Nakhon Sawan, minister of the Interior and head of the council had any significant interest. The King was the only one, howewer, whose interest in the matter had no reflection on his face. If a japanese or westerner reporter had been there to photograph the event, he could have sworn the ministers were talking to a king’s statue. Howewer, there was something in his inmovilism. Something that failed. His eyes moved towards Narisara. Specifically over a pile of papers the public servant seemed to be ignoring. A pile much bigger than his “rice-report”.

“…so, in sort, and as a preamble to my more accurate exposition about our plans regarding the new impositive administration, in which the princes have…”
220px-Paribatra_Sukhumbhand.jpg

Paribatra​

The King pointed at the table. The table fell silent. “We can discuss that later” Rama the VII claimed. Again a third person might believe he was pointing at Narisara, but he was really pointing at the ignored papers before him. And then to Prince Chantaburi and Paribatra: “Wall Street” He pronounced with difficulty. Such difficulty, in fact, that he had no choice but to abandon his forcefully vacant expression. “We demand to know exact and accurately how is that unfortunate event to affect our economy and our subject’s”.

Chantaburi stared at Paribatra, drawned in sweat, looking for support. But Paribatra ignored the prince and, for a moment, as unthinkable as it seemed, he appeared to be sustaining the King’s stare. Then he returned Chantaburi’s gesture: “Please, Prince: give your personal impressions to the King. He must be obeyed”.

Chantaburi swallowed, looking for words: “Wel… we… the country doesn’t have a powerful industry… not as powerful as others anyway: our budget cuts haven’t… eh….”
220px-Kitiyakara_Voralaksana.jpg

Prince Chantaburi​
The man got a bottle with water and filled, then drank a glass, breaching the protocol. Then, refreshed, he continued: “Your Highness” The prince managed to articulate “Our problems will be somehow different than those of the industrialized nations. We have started asking for loans now, before the international credit dries. And we might be too late."

A heavy silence fell upon the room. No international credit for god knows how much time. That was... just too bad to even consider. And they HAD to consider.

"We might, perfectly, be loosing control... over our own economy. Like everyone else" Chantaburi sentenced as if the latter was of any solace.

The King adopted a grave expression. It wasn't his vacant expression. It was intended to show anger. Not against his council, but against the situation. Like if an international stock market Crack could be intimidated into obeying the law and became prosperous again.: "Five years. Five long years of sacrifices to recover the outside confidence in the kingdom's stability. And now it's been all for nothing" He spelled the words as if he could sentence someone to death because of them. "We might perfectly had expended this year's budget in trinkets and women!" He shouted in anger. "Now the people will not see the benefits of economic growth. After these years and my predeccessor's expenditures, the monarchy will be jeopardized, as well as the nation!"

Paribatra raised his hand to calm the King down: "The people loves the King. We'll make sure to transmitt to them the message that this calamity cannot be attributed to the crown, but to outside factors. And even if some uncontrolled individual try to alter the peace, the public order forces and the army will be stand and at the ready..."

"The army!?" the king shouted. "The army you say, my dear cousin!? That same army whose budget we have been cutting time and again in order not to take money from the prince's coffers!?".

The sole mention to the matter made several of the counsellors ruborize. The King demanded silence with a raised hand. He was calming down. Suddenly, everybody could see how strange it had been to see such a small man -even one with so much power- so angry. Or was it fear?:


"Prince Paribatra: As your King, I command you and this council to re-evaluate the last project that was summited to you directly by the Crown". The council froze. The project Rama the VII was talking about could only be his Constitution. "Add whatever points you deem neccesary. The King of England has the power to dissolve the parliament and assume direct control of the executive and legislative power. We figure Us could have similar powers according to the law".


Some of the princes wanted to ask for a turn to speak. Paribatra seemed to be ready to deny it to everyone in order to speak himself. But the King had the las word. His will was, yet, absolute: "You need something to give the people as a reward for these long years of sacrifices. This is the only reward we can give them. Our privy council will accept new propositions and alternatives till tomorrow morning. If we are in luck, the people will associate the constitution with times of need, making them more adept to the throne. If not... We shall not pass to history as an inhuman tyrant".
 
Last edited:
YtzMiPym.jpg


Chaos and Collapse: Canada and the Great Crash of 1929
As the Black Tuesday stock market crash in New York quickly spiraled into a far more wide-reaching global depression, Canada too was hit hard. Gross domestic product fell, unemployment skyrocketed, and countless companies were forced to close their doors and shutter their windows for good. The Canadian economy in 1929 was in the midst of shifting from a reliance on primary industrial sectors such as farming, fishing, mining and logging, towards manufacturing. This was a poor economic position for a country to experience a crisis of this scale and scope, and as such the impact was far worse than might have been expected. Ontario and Quebec, having invested heavily in new factories in recent years, found that their burgeoning manufacturing industries were now victims of overproduction, prompting massive law-offs and numerous bankruptcies. Even the farmers in the Prairies were deeply and negatively impacted, as wheat prices all but collapsed. Fortunately, unlike the thousands of banks which collapsed in the United States, the stability of the Canadian banking system ensured there were no failures on that front. However, that is not to say that those hardships unique to the United States did not have an impact north of the border -- in fact, quite the contrary. The United States, like Great Britain, was one of Canada’s largest trading partners, and as their southern neighbors sunk so too did the Dominion.

Perhaps even worse than the crash of 1929 was the wholly inept response from the Canadian federal government. Prime Minister Mackenzie King, despite the catastrophic impacts of the crash (both those already occurring and those still come), believed that the crisis would pass and refused to provide federal aid to the provinces, only introducing moderate and belated relief efforts after repeated urging from some of his colleagues. Given the fact that the provincial and municipal governments at this time were already in debt after an expansion of infrastructure and education during the 1920s, this left the country with few resources to stem the tide of economic collapse. Like many politicians of his time with little understanding of economics, King was convinced that the nation would recover rapidly and without assistance or involvement from the federal government, attributing the crisis to a merely temporary swing of the business cycle.

As this strategy proved to be naïve at best, and dangerously incompetent at worst, King was lambasted by critics for being out of touch and largely blamed for the country’s continuing economic woes. Soon the opposition under R.B. Bennett were rushing to make the Prime Minister's response the centerpiece of their messaging and campaigning efforts in advance of the 1930 election. Bennett, a successful western businessman, promised to raise tariffs and embark on a series of large-scale spending programs designed to bolster welfare programs and get people back to work, a policy platform that was popular among those desperate for government action. On the other side of the aisle, Liberal MPs feared that their Prime Minister's tepid and dismissive answer to the deepening financial crisis could cost them the federal government, beginning frantic attempts to minimize the political damage already done to their electoral chances.

The question was, was it too little too late?
 
Road to Revolution
320px-Flag_of_Romania.svg.png

Romania

Stalin’s revolutionary love was like a torrent, pouring out of the heart of the committed Marxist and bathing all within the Soviet Union’s vast confines. Lenin’s best and favourite pupil enjoyed a bond of fraternity with both his fellow proletariat and the intelligentsia - the two strings that together woven together formed the grandest of things, the most progressive force - the Communist party, which Stalin’s fatherly gaze oversaw. Within the party, everyone found himself or herself drawn closer and closer to the man at the helm, the Georgian beacon of class liberation. It did not matter if you agreed with Stalin or vehemently agreed with Stalin; he would always find a place for you at his side. The Communist party of the Soviet Union was so unlike the parliaments, houses or institutions ran by the bickering imperialist west; there were no conservatives or liberals, or socialists, or even communists, there was only one monolith block, the students of Lenin, the followers of Stalin.
One oddity did however briefly exist. The world revolutionaries always were a slightly different beast. Spawned from the ideological loins of Trotsky, the permanent revolutionaries self-shunned themselves from the rest of the Stalinist collective, oftentimes wandering aimlessly outside of Stalin’s caring bosom. Was this a fault of the Great Leader? Almost certainly not. The permanent revolutionaries were so preoccupied with the (irrational) notion of immediate worldwide revolution that they neglected their duty inside the Soviet Union. Preoccupied with expanding the revolution abroad that they failed to attempt to build it in Russia first. Their path lead them further from the true interpretation of Marxism, and as a consequence, further from Stalin. Trotsky, in fact, would place himself so far from Stalin’s caring embrace that he would leave the Soviet Union (hopefully) permanently in 1929, after it became clear his ideas of revolution ran contrary to those of Stalin, and to those dictated by common sense. In the Soviet Union, common sense, truth and rational thinking very frequently coincided with the exact opinion held by Joseph Stalin. With Trotsky’s departure, the cause of the permanent revolution proved itself a brief and dim candle, rapidly extinguished. Lenin’s will would continue in the Soviet Union, uninterrupted.
It was therefore surprising to the men standing with Stalin at the helm of the proletariat when, shortly after Trotsky’s government-incentivized trip somewhere far, Stalin begun to stray slightly from the idea of Socialism in One Country. A collective of reactionaries, the bourgeoisie and the army, hitherto ruled Romania, with an iron grip. Claiming itself to be an island of Latinity in a sea of Slavs, the nation was ethnically isolated, and a friend in the form of the mighty Soviet Union would be a tremendous benefit to the Romanian people. A few things would stand in the way of this vision; the complete lack of communism, the notable presence of a monarchy and a population nowhere near as motivated to achieve revolution as their Russian neighbour. The Soviet Union was however expert at bypassing, or preferably destroying, such obstacles.

upload_2017-9-14_19-49-30.png

Stalin’s directives to begin strengthening the inherent foundation for revolution in Romania raised a few eyebrows. Why now? With Trotsky eliminated from Russia, was Stalin content enough with the stability of Russian Communism to begin the final step, worldwide expansion? Was it his fatherly sympathy to the workers cause? Alternatively, as some cynics falsely suggested, was it a desire to expand the Soviet Union into Bessarabia? All the claims, except the last one, held some validity. Nevertheless, few men got ahead in Soviet politics by questioning or doubting Stalin, so the cogs of the Soviet foreign intelligence systems swiftly jerked into motion.
Outright military intervention was temporarily out of the question. The soldiers of the Red Army proved themselves a formidable force in China, but a war with Romania, and then quite possibly the European establishment, would be a detriment to the progress of the revolution in Russia. Furthermore, military action would likely paint the Russians in a false light; they had to be seen as liberators and friends, not conquerors. The Romanian people themselves needed to be educated on the true path to progress and then maybe helped when on their own they decided to begin traversing the road to Communism.
Pre-existing Communist networks in Romania were scarce. A few agents existed, but new ones needed to be forged rapidly and in large quantity. Armed with Marxism, Romanians previously exiled to Russia poured over the border, looking primarily for concentrations of workers and unionists. The Romanian Communist underground party was small but had knowledge of potential revolutionary hotspots, proving a valuable asset. Stalin did however begin questioning its policy of anti-nationalism (The party wanted to break up the country) and saw a few problems in the fact that a very low percentage of the members were actually ethnic Romanians. The Communist Party of Romania, he felt, had to revise its ideologies and expand its membership to capture the few industrial hubs in the country. Peasant revolution was proposed, but seeing as Russia achieved its revolution through the urban class, Stalin quickly dismissed the idea. Pandering to the peasants was for the Poporanists and the Chinese, not for true followers of Marxism-Leninism.
Two places would be initially targeted; railway workshops, full of skilled tradesmen and already somewhat influenced by Socialism, and mining establishments, where conditions were abysmal enough to provide ample kindling for a revolution even amongst the most sceptical of workers. Stalin approved the plans shortly before (Russian) New Year’s evening, directing the Romanian exiles in Moscow to begin preparing for trips back home. Romanian Communism, nearly completely stomped out in 1924, grew in Moscow, under the close supervision of the father of all Revolutionaries, and now it was time for it to move back. With the markets worldwide already struggling after the October crash, Stalin could hardly ask for a better time. The workers would find themselves paying for the mistakes of the capitalists and the aristocracy, and the flame of revolutionary action, fuelled by resentment, could consume the old order of Romania. The railway depots of Moldavia would be bombarded with literature and agitation, while the miners were given promises of better conditions, better pay and better housing. Genuine letters from Russian miners, written by Moscow based Romanian intellectuals, were spread amongst the disgruntled mining populace. The positive benefits of strikes, unionisation and waging a war of terror on the privileged classes were to preached. Progress was promised; eight hour work days, the end of child labour, collective ownership. The Russian letters spoke of fantastic conditions, ample food and housing, which while modest, would make even some of the petty bourgeoisie green with jealousy. Letters from the civil war were also sent over, speaking of how cowardly, the Whites were and how quickly victories were achieved. Photographs were sent of the workers seizing reactionary estates and divvying up the loot. Abandoning the old order might seem difficult, the letters preached, but in truth, it is the easiest and natural thing to do. The Romanian proletariat had to be convinced that a revolution was within arm’s reach.
 
A Historic Day

December 29 1929 would mark a historic day in the history of India as well as that of the Indian National Congress. By now it was clear that Britain would not grant dominion status before the year was over. The demand issued by the National Congress and backed by the vast majority of the Indian Political Parties, had been ignored. The presence of Vallabhbhai Patel in Britain, along with his entourage, coupled with the letter from Motilal Nehru to the Indian Statutory Commission had both failed in ensuring the goal of dominion status. In truth, India had been ignored once again from the far off isles of Britain. The movement which had supported dominion status was rapidly declining in strength and power. Whereas the movement which supported full independence was ever thriving and growing in support, every single day, the opinion of Britain was slowly dragged through the mud, until the end of the year at the Lahore session.

Motilal Nehru, the Congress President for the last couple of years, stepped down. A new leader would have to be found, and that leader became Motilal’s own son Jawaharlal Nehru. Jawaharlal was 40 years old and had been in politics for a long time by now. The biggest difference between the father and son was in their vision of India. Motilal Nehru had always been a supporter of Dominion Status, Jawaharlal instead favoured complete independence and the complete end to any form of British rule in India.

It was to be Jawaharlal’s vision that won the day on December 29 when the new president introduced a resolution calling for complete independence, a resolution which passed. It was Nehru who drafted the the Indian Declaration of Independence;

We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as of any other people, to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their toil and have the necessities of life, so that they may have full opportunities of growth. We believe also that if any government deprives a people of these rights and oppresses them the people have a further right to alter it or abolish it. The British government in India has not only deprived the Indian people of their freedom but has based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India economically, politically, culturally and spiritually. We believe therefore, that India must sever the British connection and attain Purna Swaraj or complete independence.

A few days later, at midnight on New Year’s Eve, the Indian tricolor was raised upon the banks of the Ravi river in Lahore. Here a pledge of independence was read out loud, with one of its major commitments being the readiness to withhold taxes from the British officials. After it was read out, a massive public gathering present was asked if they agreed, at which the vast majority raised their hands in approval.

Following this, 172 Indian members of various legislature positions resigned posts within the British supported administration, and the Congress declared the 26 January as the Indian Independence day.

Already now, the plans for a massive civil disorder movement were underway.
 
JTA1.gif
Anti-semitic Hatred Cannot Stand Argument

The Jews complain that we put up notices for our meetings stating that Jews are not admitted. They also complain that they are given no opportunity to disprove the anti-Semitic arguments,” writes the “National Socialist,” one of the Hitlerist organs.

“Dr. Hollaender, the director of the Central Union of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith,” it proceeds, “complains that Hitler refuses to accept his challenge to submit his charges against the Jews to a non-partisan commission. Our answer is that we do not want to have any discussions with Jews. Our attitude is the logical result of our basic conception that the Jews are an alien people, who do not belong to the German nation, and that they must be treated as an alien element. To discuss this or any other question with Jews, would be to recognize them as a part of things German. The point is that when we say that Jews are not admitted and we refuse to have anything to do with Jews, declining even to discuss or to argue with them, it means that we recognize that the Jews have nothing to do with us. Their place is outside.”


Polish Jewish deputies tell Sejm, Jews, 11% of Populace, pay 40% of taxes, but lack schools
Warsaw, (Dec. 30)


The Jewish Deputies-Club has submitted an interpellation to the Polish parliament, complaining that while the Jewish population of Poland is eleven percent of the total, the Jews pay forty percent of the direct government taxes, and that in spite, of this heavy burden, the Jewish population does not have elementary schools in proper proportion to its numbers or to the taxes it pays.

The interpellation pointed out that while the government makes elementary schools provision for 70 percent of the German children and 69 percent of the White Russian children, barely 50 percent of the Jewish children are similarly provided for, and consequently the rest of the Jewish children must attend either the expensive private schools or go without schooling.

According to the statistics presented to the Sejm, there are 227,000 Jewish children attending the elementary schools, where Polish is the language of instruction, but the majority of these arc compelled to attend classes on Saturdays because less than half of the elementary schools give Jewish children relief from Saturday classes...

Arab Witness Admits Jews Took Malaria and Swamp Lands and Made Them Livable but Says They Gobble Up

Jerusalem (Dec. 7)

Agreeing that the Jewish settlers take malaria infested swamps, drain them and make them fertile and livable, Mohammed Ragheb, an inspector in the government department of agriculture, a Moslem, and said to have some agricultural experience in Egypt, Austria and Roumania, in his testimony for the Arab side at yesterday’s session of the Commission of Inquiry, charged that not only were the Jews gobbling up the lands most suitable for orange cultivation, but that of the nearly 60,000 acres that can be used for this purpose along the coastal plain from Gaza to Haifa, the Jews have recently acquired about 25,000 acres.

From the figures presented by the witness, Auni Abdul Hadi, of the Arab counsel, moralized in an attempt to prove the well-known complaint against the Jews that they were gradually penetrating the best lands and dispossessing the Arabs. Ragheb’s evidence was similar to that of other Arab witnesses, only he stressed the coastal plain....

...From this evidence, Commissioner Snell deduced that the Arab grievance was that the Jews cultivated citrus fruits where the Arabs formerly grew melons, but the Arab counsel insisted that large Jewish companies, including one backed by Lord Melchett, were buying up large stretches from “small owners.” The Commission got from the witness an admission that the so-called small-land holders owned from 300 to 5,000 dunams of land each. He also admitted that the Wadi Hawareth land, which the Jewish National Fund had bought for a million dollars raised by Canadian Zionists, had belonged to two families, both of them absentee landlords living in Beirut and Jaffa...

...Ragheb continued his instructing of the commission in elementary agriculture and tried to prove that the Jewish settlers were unsuccessful grain cultivators. They were good horticulturists, he said. He produced reports showing the output of grain fell when they took over Plain lands. Betterton drew attention in the same report to the rise, two years later, when Jews got to know the land. Ragheb stated. “The Arab fellah does not use expensive machinery or chemical fertilizers, but he can do well and better with grain land than Jews.” Merriman pointed out that the use of the machinery was justifiable since Jewish output from the land became larger...

Einstein Calls Upon All Jews to Aid Work of Palestine Rebuilding
February 1, 1929
A statement, expressing his views on the role of Palestine in Jewish life, by Albert Einstein, eminent physicist, whose paper on “The New Field Theory” has just been issued, was made public yesterday by Louis Lipsky, President of the Zionist Organization of America.

The Einstein statement reads in part:

“The rebuilding of Palestine as the Jewish National Home differs fundamentally from all other Jewish activities of our time. This is a movement to aid not individuals, but an entire organization. Your help is asked not for the support of the weak, not on the plea of charity, but for strong, healthy pioneers eager to work for the renaissance of the Jewish people. Their demand for the aid of the Jews of America is justified for they are working for world Jewry."

 
Last edited:
1929
Europe

The failures of the Tories to combat rising unemployment, as well as the infamous bungling of the 1926 strikes, spelled doom for the party in the general election in May. Their refusal to fight against falling wages and unemployment, coupled with the franchise finally being extended to (at least a smaller portion of) women, greatly boosted Labour and the Liberals in the polls. Come 30 May Ramsay MacDonald returned to 10 Downing Street; despite losing the popular vote to the Tories by over sixty-thousand, his party gained almost one-hundred and fifty seats; however, this was still too little to obtain an absolute majority. Relying on unofficial Liberal support from David Lloyd George, MacDonald formed a new minority government.

Fc1STDr.png

Results of the British general election of 1929.

His efforts to fight unemployment while remaining on the gold standard, however, were complicated with the crash of the London Stock Exchange in September, and the NYSE the following month. MacDonald fought primarily for a balanced budget over improved social benefits for the rapidly-increasing number of Britons who found themselves out of work, earning him the scorn of many destitute and down-and-out workers (and voters). Support for the Crown, however, was improved significantly in the wake of the Prince of Wales announcing he would tour the entirety of the Commonwealth, meet with local leaders and people, and reassure British subjects in a time of great economic (and even political) uncertainty. [Labour/MacDonald elected, +2% political support to UK]

Unlike most of the West, France largely continued to enjoy the economic prosperity it had experienced throughout the earlier parts of the decade. As the economies of various industrial powerhouses began to slip, French interest rates, kept artificially high to prevent the inflation of the Franc and the decimation of the government budgetary surplus, on top of pro-business and pro-growth policies, prevented the characteristic fall in rates of production of manufactured goods and raw materials that other major economies experienced. However, feeling threatened by the potential for communist agitation for a new course in these uncertain times, Prime Minister Briand personally saw that one-hundred and fifty-our high-ranking officials of the French Communist Party, viewed by some as a vehicle for Soviet (and particularly Stalin’s) influence in France, were prosecuted and imprisoned for conspiracy against the state. He had already suffered a hit to his popularity among his supporters on the right with a speech earlier in the year calling for a new federal political organization in Europe; with people on both sides of the political spectrum bolting from his government, he tendered his resignation, and was replaced by Andre Tardieu, who simultaneously held onto his position as Minister of the Interior. Tardieu, unlike his predecessor, was a moderate conservative; still, he did not intend to shift government policy with regard to the money supply. He did, however, propose to the National Assembly a public works program. Many on the right were confused by this move; French unemployment was still at an all-time low, and the program was projected to cancel out the government surplus within two years of its implementation. Tardieu came to be criticized by the right barely several weeks into his premiership, and he scrapped the plan. [Briand resigns, Tardieu made Prime Minister; -5% political support to France]

Andr%C3%A9_Tardieu_1928.jpg

Andre Tardieu, new Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior of France.

Any semblance of political normality in Germany began to erode steadily in mid-1929. The proposal of the so-called Young Plan for reparations was accepted readily by the Müller government and political centrists and leftists; however, it was Alfred Hugenberg and his DNVP, along with the NSDAP, that complained loudly and fiercely over the planned adoption of the Plan once it came into force. Holding that acceptance of the Plan would represent German acceptance of blame for the Great War, they were soon joined by elements of the KPD and even SPD, particularly after a large rally on 1 May in Berlin resulted in the deaths of thirty-three protesters following a brutal police crackdown, eliciting a formal complaint from Moscow. Ernst Thälmann, however, regarded the SPD as complicit in the government’s failings -- mostly due to the presence of several key SPD figures in Müller’s cabinet (and the Chancellor himself being a part of the SPD), and launched a series of vitriolic attacks on Otto Wels and his supporters in the Reichstag in the weeks following.

This did little to add to domestic stability and promote the values of political moderation. Müller’s cabinet began to act increasingly erratically, plagued by infighting and disagreements, which was not helped by the Chancellor himself falling very ill in the autumn. The stock market crash destroyed what little support the government had left; a referendum in December, though bringing barely fifteen-percent turnout, showed an overwhelming number of votes in favor of rejecting not only the Young Plan, but the Treaty of Versailles as well. As the NSDAP, DNVP, and other right-wing parties and organizations cried for government recognition of the referendum results, debate raged, both in the Reichstag and in the cabinet, over budget cuts and spending, particularly as the economy began to ail and contract. What proved most controversial of all parliamentary debates was whether or not to provide the necessary funding for the construction of a new type of cruiser for the Reichsmarine; the DNVP pushed hard for more ships in its wake, but approval for the first ship itself barely made it through, and so the SPD and KPD both shot it down. Despite having managed to pass various minor reforms in the earlier months of his premiership, Müller, perhaps mostly due to his illness, was unable to exercise his influence over the day-to-day affairs of the government. A final request to President Hindenburg for emergency powers, in order to force through a budget and clamp down on suspected KPD and far-right conspiracies, was rejected on 28 December, privately spelling doom for Müller’s premiership and making, as his allies in the Reichstag bolted, a new election almost certain. [+1 light cruiser in 4 turns to Germany, -7% political support]

Feeling his control over the country (and particularly the military) beginning to slip, Miguel Primo de Rivera passed, with the “advice and consent” of the rubber-stamp National Assembly, the Societies Law, which loosened government restrictions on both labor unions and political parties, allowing them to exist so long as they were not openly or aggressively radical or influenced by freemasons. This was followed, in quick succession, by the Nationalities Pact, a declaration, signed by both the Prime Minister and King Alfonso, laying out a rough plan of decentralization of various powers to local governments in Basque Country and Catalonia. Staunch Spanish unionists were infuriated at the move, as well as elements of the Catholic Church and conservatives in general, who despised the largely left-leaning Basques and Catalonians; however, the army, Rivera’s most important supporting bloc, endorsed the move fully, easing their job in upholding the peace in the more generally upset regions of the country (and also thereby decreasing casualties from terrorist attacks or gunbattles with radical autonomists). The army renewed its endorsement of Rivera’s government when he secured the purchase of thousands of brand-new rifles, machine guns, and cannon from French arms companies. [1926 army tech to Spain, +3% political support to Spain]

Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-09103%2C_Madrid%2C_Machtantritt_von_Primo_de_Revera.jpg

An army officer reading the Nationalities Pact aloud in a square in Barcelona.

Ever a lover of ambitious political and economic programs, Mussolini continued to prosecute his pet project of land reclamation, the Battle for Land, to drain marshes to assist in the growth of domestic cereal production (the Battle for Grain) in an effort to achieve autarky. With grain tariffs already high, the price of cereal-based foods was similarly high, though there was the added benefit that grain production continued to skyrocket throughout the country. [Increased grain production in Italy]

Mussolini_Catepillar.png

The ever-masculine and ingenious Farmer-Duce of Italy, Benito Mussolini, pontificating on the benefits of supporting the expansion of grain farming.

The new Kingdom of Albania, ruled over by the highly-authoritarian Zog I, benefited, starting in August, from increased investment by both Italian companies, and the government itself, in the creation of new railroads across the country, as well as the expansion of port facilities at Durres, the nation’s largest port. Though commerce was sure to flourish in this small European backwater, it was all to be to the benefit of their much larger fascist patrons across the Strait of Otranto. [Increased Italian investment in Albania]

Hungarian economic growth stayed strong into the later months of the year but began to dip as the rest of the world’s economy began to slow down. Wagering that the economic contraction that was coming would be more severe than most people realized, Prime Minister Bethlen ordered a suspension of the conversion of gold into money to maintain the backing of the national currency and keep up bullion reserves. The recent development of light and heavy industry throughout the country continued, albeit at a slowed rate, in the last few months of the year, and though economic growth nearly ground to a halt, the economy, at least for the moment, did not retract. [Slow development of Hungarian light/heavy industry]

The newly-announced “New Era” policy was a watershed moment in Czechoslovak politics. Unionism was at an all-time high, and President Masaryk’s promise of bringing the country together through equitable bureaucratic, educational, and economic reforms to strengthen the economy, improve social and political unity, and improve the quality of life of the poorest Czechoslovak citizens proved immensely popular -- perhaps more popular than initially hoped. Government promises of education reform in the coming months, plus already evident progress in infrastructural development throughout the country, delivered the Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants the largest share of the vote in the October elections (just two days before Black Tuesday), increasing their mandate to follow through with the reforms. [+3% political support to Czechoslovakia, +1 infrastructure, +1 infrastructure in 3 turns, +1 education in 3 turns, +1 administration in 2 turns]

5901364334_d8364535b5_z.jpg

Despite the economic downturn, direct government investment in railroad construction prevented demand for goods and prices from collapsing entirely, allowing for the improved and cheap exchange of goods.

The recent shooting of several Croat deputies in the national legislature by Serbian nationalist Punisa Racic pushed King Alexander’s realm to the brink of chaos. Premier Anton Korosec proposed, in late January, to the king a series of laws to unify the nation’s Slavic populations against the Italian minority. Alexander was iffy about the laws; but Korosec pushed ahead, having not received an actual “no” from his monarch. The laws sailed through the parliament, despite stiff resistance from Italian deputies, preventing Italians from moving to certain regions of the country, and, essentially, toughening the path to citizenship for nearly all of them. Radical Croat nationalists favored the laws; the majority did not. In the wake of this controversy, Korosec enacted popular education reform which modeled school and curriculum organization off the German model, establishing entire new schools, altering mandatory attendance rules, and, perhaps most interestingly, making nuanced moves toward a more nationalistic and united “Slavic” curriculum. Funds for these new schools and books were hard to come by, however, and as the world economy started to slow down, it became exceedingly difficult. Efforts to invite archeologists and investors to promote the cultural history of the region -- mostly as an area of colonization for the Romans and Greeks, and less as an actual center of culture -- brought little, if any, success as well. [+2 education in 3 turns, -11% political support to Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes]

Already in the middle of a minor recession, the Bulgarian economy started to take a severe tumble mid-way through the year, which was exacerbated even further by the stock market crashes in London and New York. Thousands lost their jobs in an extremely short timespan. Nationalists blamed the economic collapse on the Allies from the Great War; some blamed the Jews; many questioned why the government refused to address the problem immediately. Lyapchev’s problems multiplied when some unemployed Bulgars crossed the border into Serbia and issued radical speeches on the evils of the government there, and that the economic woes of the region would be ended if Bulgaria were restored her “natural borders”. Some locals took matters into their own hands; and while the Bulgarian government tried to halt the travel of avowed South Slav nationalists across the border, domestic terrorists of ITRO and IMRO formed the new UBRO, or United Bulgarian Revolutionary Organization. [-5% political support to Bulgaria, UBRO formed in Serbia]

The Romanian government, already dealing with a rather severe (if temporary) economic contraction, proposed, under guidance from Prime Minister Maniu, a public works program to put people back to work at the government’s expense. Close oversight of several companies, as well as the outright nationalization of several others, offered well-paying jobs to unemployed industrial workers. The government budget ballooned rapidly, as alongside this came an effort to more properly irrigate farmland -- to improve Romania’s stance as a net exporter of grain and other foodstuffs -- and to improve countryside infrastructure, primarily in the way of railroads. While Maniu’s policies proved popular with the people, his nationalization of several urban industries was regarded with disfavor by his National Party subordinates, who preferred a strong focus on agrarian reforms. [+2% political support to Romania, +1 infrastructure in 2 turns]

440px-Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-2000-0518-507%2C_Julius_Maniu.jpg

Agrarian populist premier of Romania, Julius Maniu.

General Secretary Stalin, worried about the potential of a full-on civil war within the Communist Party, as well as the potential for infiltration by capitalist agents from the West, doubled down on his alliance with the Right Opposition. With Trotsky firmly out of power since 1927, the Left Opposition was dead, and the Right Opposition was right where he wanted them; the argument over the NEP climaxed with Stalin forcing through the Party the decision to finally abandon the NEP for good and embark on forced collectivization, in line with the Five Year Plan announced the previous year, to bring the Soviet Union toward total industrialization in an extremely short period of time. Nikolai Bukharin and his supporters left the Party and high government positions. Trotsky fled into exile and Stalin cemented his total and uncompromising control over the Party.

Part of the collectivization scheme was dedicated toward countering the buildup of wealth among certain farmers, the kulaks, as well as mounting resistance to immediate and forced collectivization policies which mirrored the War Communism policies of the state at the height of the Civil War less than a decade ago. Sovkhozy, or state farms, were established with the intent of seizing private farmland and having the old workers farm the land and receive government wages. Those that resisted -- and there were many -- were prevented from receiving the benefits of Party membership and of exceeding production quotas (even if they had done so), and the most “revisionist” were put into a labor force to assist in the construction of new factories and the expansion of mines and camps near and past the Urals. Numerous kulaks themselves, even if they cooperated with the state, were subject to brutal punishments and reprisals, and in some cases were summarily executed subsequent to their properties being seized, with charges ranging from “counterrevolutionary espionage” to planned rebellion against the people’s communist government. [+3% political support to USSR, collectivization begun]

Five-Year-Plan.jpg

“Oil workers, more oil for the motherland! Let’s complete the Five Year Plan in four years!”

In April the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists was established in Vienna, with the goal of liberating Ukraine from Soviet domination and the creation of an independent Ukrainian ethnostate. Amply funded by outside sources, they infiltrated educational and bureaucratic institutions in Ukraine, killed minor local Soviet ministers and officials, and in general sought to attract the attention of anti-communist forces around the world to inaugurate a general revolution of minority groups within the Soviet Union against communist rule. The Soviet response was at first disjointed and ineffective, leading Stalin to purge incompetent local leaders and devise a plan to deal with the minor insurgency the following year. [OUN active in Ukraine]

Seeing the Soviet military and police presence beefed up in Ukraine, the Polish government tasked the army with devising a new defensive strategy in the event of invasion by the Soviet Union. The general superiority of the Red Army in terms of manpower and discipline was recognized, and so the army commission tasked with the plans, led by Edward Rydz-Smigly, placed an emphasis on reforms to the national mobilization system and the ability for Polish industries to mass-produce armaments in a short period of time if needed. The reforms and plans would take time, but would surely reap good benefits, at least in the ability of the Polish army to quickly mobilize. [+1 army level in 2 turns to Poland]

338px-Marshal_Rydz-Smigly_LOC_hec_27123.jpg

General Rydz-Smigly, logistical mastermind, hero of the Battle of Warsaw, and creator of Polish defensive plans.

Asia

The two-year-old Turkish State Railways made a push throughout the year to purchase as many foreign-owned railways throughout the country as possible. Though only two were required by the end of the year -- the Mersin-Tarsus-Adana and Mudanya-Bursa railways -- their management quickly came under the government, whose plans to drastically expand and modernize Turkish railroads continued apace. New track was laid down to connect coastal settlements and cities, particularly Samsun, with the interior, and hundreds of new miles of track were planned before the year was out. The government’s hard push for railroad modernization and expansion served as a signal for its intentions to push equally as hard on a general project of industrialization and economic modernization in the coming years, all under the watchful gaze of President Mustafa. Coupled with a successful military campaign against Kurdish dissidents in the east near the border with Iran, the popularity of Mustafa, his reforms and programs, and the government in general remained as high as ever. [+5% political support to Turkey, +1 infrastructure, +1 infrastructure in 2 turns, +1 infrastructure in 5 turns, +1 administration]

hej1.jpg

A train on the Mersin-Tarsus-Adana Railway shortly after its acquisition by the government.

As tensions in Palestine between the local Jewish and Arab populations continued to rise, the MacDonald government decided to tackle the issue by improving the presence of police forces in the region. Several hundred out-of-work Britons, desperate for a job, took the offer of the government to travel to Palestine as local policemen.

Despite China’s successful winning of the Chinese Eastern Railway in the Treaty of Moscow, the Nanking government had been forced to assume responsibility for the conflict and destruction; Zhang Xueliang wrote a personal letter to Stalin and “the people of the soviet republics” apologizing for his action, an act he later said was “undoubtedly the most revolting thing I have ever had to do”. Chiang’s ability to win control of the railway without inaugurating a large-scale war won him support among the right of the KMT; however, other Chinese statesmen and generals had other ideas about Chiang’s ability to lead China into a new age. Disagreements came between various warlords and Nanking over the demobilization of militias and paramilitary armies in favor of one centrally-controlled military (in which the warlords would be commanding officers). Li Zongren, himself particularly incensed over disagreements with Chiang regarding the dismissal of the pro-Chiang governor of Hunan, and his supporters in Guangxi and Guangdong ceased communicating with the Nanking government in March; the next month, Yan Xishan directly refused an order from Nanking to demobilize his army. Throughout the summer, tensions continued to rise, with Feng Yuxiang’s Guominjun skirmishing with elements of the National Revolutionary Army. Zhang Xueliang, still warlord of Manchuria (and extremely popular with local people, despite the numerous Soviet victories against his troops, due to his anti-Soviet beliefs) refused to begin drifting away from Nanking’s orbit; still, he remained surprisingly noncommittal in correspondence with Chiang and his commanders, who feared a second civil war. Meanwhile, throughout the southern parts of the country, local Communist Party leaders gathered supporters, who armed themselves either by seizing armories or through other unknown means, began initiating small gunbattles with KMT troops and other local warlords. Smaller villages and towns were carved out for their control, where they hoped to begin a nationwide communist revolution and liberate the peasants and the proletariat (the latter of which constituted a miniscule percentage of the actual population of China). Zhu De and Mao Zedong made names for themselves as charismatic leaders of communist forces in these areas; however -- at least for now -- their successes were limited. [-3% political support to China]

With most of central China now firmly under KMT control, Chiang urged the party forward in an attempt to nurture the development of modern infrastructure and industries throughout the region, both to begin the true modernization of China and to solidify public support for the party and the Republic. German engineers and planners, already in China, were commissioned to plan out extensive highway systems, while others helped to build schools, organize centrally-dictated curricula, establish factories, expand mining operations, and so on. Thus began Nanking’s slow yet determined push to modernize China. [Nanking reforms begun, +2% political support to China]

20091012355216148_8.jpg

Chiang giving a speech on the need to introduce modern infrastructure and economic theories to China.

The Tanaka Giichi cabinet, already under immense pressure due to the assassination of Zhang Zuolin the previous year, came under increasingly intense pressure for the lack of a proper Japanese response to the effective Soviet invasion of Manchuria throughout the summer. Though the Kwantung Army was itching for a fight, it was ordered -- by the Emperor himself -- to conduct a series of drills and maneuvers, primarily to demonstrate the fighting strength and efficiency of Japanese arms. Though he attempted to curry favor with the Emperor through vehement support of this action, along with other proposals, the last favor the Prime Minister held with the Emperor soon evaporated, and he and most of his cabinet resigned in late July. Tanaka died on 29 September at the age of sixty-five, and was replaced by the appointed Hamaguchi Osachi. Hamaguchi faced a slowing Japanese economy, which was hit even harder in October, as well as ballooning expenditures on the Army and Navy, which he deemed “unnecessary” in a November speech to the Diet, earning him the ire of the military establishment and ultranationalists. Hamaguchi’s austerity measures displeased people nationwide and legitimized the complaints from the military, but for the time being he remained in the Emperor’s favor, and thus in office. [-4% political support to Japan, Hamaguchi named Prime Minister]

Hamaguchi’s anti-military-industrial complex attitudes inspired ultranationalists and militarists to defend their beliefs and attack Hamaguchi as an “anti-Japanist”. Seigo Nakano and Kita Ikki, two of the most prominent far-right enemies of Hamaguchi, wrote extensively on Hamaguchi’s failings, as well as his “lack of understanding” of Japanese culture and the true path for national strength and prosperity. They both advocated for elements of fascism and socialism in their writings, and as the Japanese economy slipped further into what looked to be a prolonged recession, their ideas looked more and more attractive to the average Japanese. Against the Prime Minister’s wishes, the Imperial Navy ordered a whole new slew of major and minor warships to be constructed over the course of the next half-decade, doing little to maintain his hopes of a balanced budget. What was more -- and perhaps more important -- was that Japan was going further to bend and even break the Five-Power Treaty of 1921. [-2% political support to Japan, +1 battleship in 3 turns, +2 battleships in 4 turns, +1 battleship in 5 turns, +2 battlecruisers in 3 turns, +2 battlecruisers in 4 turns, +3 light cruisers in 2 turns, +5 light cruisers in 3 turns, +2 light cruisers in 4 turns, +10 destroyers in 2 turns to Japan]

AJ201302260005.jpg

The author of the infamous proto-fascist political and economic treatise of 1919, Kita Ikki.

The Tuvan government, which had shifted hard toward state Buddhism in recent months -- somewhat in a response to Stalin’s hard push for state atheism throughout the Soviet Union and the Comintern -- caused an increasing degree of controversy over their split with Moscow. On 10 January several Tuvans, essentially acting as agents of the Soviet government, launched a coup against Prime Minister Donduk Kuular. The devout Buddhist was easily overthrown and his pro-Buddhist religious policies immediately reversed. The man himself was soon sent off to a re-education camp, purported to be doing labor in the service of the state and for the betterment of the Union, in the depths of Siberia. He was quickly replaced by Salchak Toka, one of the leaders of the coup, and a loyal servant of Stalin and his policies. [Tuva abandons pro-Buddhist policies]

The Nationalist Party, in power in Australia for over a decade, sought to rectify the economic depression already plaguing the country by abandoning the gold standard altogether. It caused a great deal of controversy; however, it was immediately pegged to the British Pound sterling, with the possibility of going back onto the gold standard at some point in the near future, so as to protect, for the time being, Australian agricultural exports to the British Isles. Despite this somewhat successful move, the Nationalists were not saved by Prime Minister Bruce’s ongoing efforts to take away industrial workers’ bargaining power when it came to an employer’s ability to cut wages unilaterally without the consent of employees. These proposals were enormously unpopular, and in the November elections -- just some days before the stock market crash in New York -- Bruce’s party was defeated resoundingly by James Scullin’s Labor, and even lost re-election in his seat of Flinders, becoming the first Prime Minister of the country to ever be unseated. Labor seized control of the reins of government, promising to protect the right of all workers and restore prosperity and economic growth to the commonwealth. [Scullin/Labor elected, gold standard abandoned, +2% political support to Australia]

Americas

The news cycle in Canada was filled throughout the year with the unraveling economic contraction, which accelerated significantly in the wake of the New York Stock Exchange crash in October. Britain and the United States, two countries affected nearly as hard as Canada, constituted the vast majority of the latter nation’s volume of trade; and with trade decreasing around the world, the downward economic spiral was only exacerbated. Prime Minister King refused to furnish funds for a federal program to aid out-of-work industrial workers, struggling prairie farmers, and businesses which found themselves declaring bankruptcy and closing shop on a massive scale. Liberal-Conservative hopes for taking the House of Commons in the following year’s federal election increased dramatically; whereas King seemed to freeze and refuse to act as the nation’s economy spiraled out of control, Richard Bedford Bennett, leader of the Liberal-Conservatives and former finance minister, pledged to do all within his power to save the economy and put people back to work were he to be elected. [-22% political support to Canada]

KingPensions1928.jpg

King signing a pensions law into practice in 1928, which was very popular. By the end of 1929, however, this popularity had long since faded.

American politics were as placid as ever until the stock market crash. Despite believing the economic downturn would be only a minor recession, President Hoover was pushed by his cabinet and other advisers to direct the executive to ensure that, were the worst to occur, prices would not collapse in every major industry and employment would not skyrocket in the wake of thousands of business bankruptcies. He met with every major labor leader and large-scale executive on the East Coast (while also contacting others in the Midwest and on the Pacific Coast) and encouraged the latter to keep wages stable and maintain high rates of employment while proposing, in return, that labor leaders would not lead strikes or other acts of disobedience against employers. He also oversaw the creation of the National Wool Marketing Cooperation, a part of the Federal Farm Board, the latter a new creation designed to stabilize agricultural prices in an attempt to halt the trend of agricultural overproduction that was so hurting American farmers. However, owing to his own fears of direct government intervention in the economy -- as doing so would reflect the economic policies of the Soviet Union, which he hated with a passion -- he refused to grant both the NWMC and FFB the authority to actually regulate prices and production, making them essentially useless.

By the end of the year, with the economic outlook looking bleaker and bleaker, labor leaders across the country called on President Hoover to begin a program of deporting Mexican nationals to protect American jobs and keep wages low. Hoover jumped onto the repatriation wagon almost immediately, though even by the time that the government began to enforce this program, many Mexicans, having been discriminated against in the immediate wake of the stock market crash, had already left to return to their home country. [-10% political support to US]

Domestic criticism of President Machado ramped up as the economy slowed down and ultimately ceased to grow in the wake of the stock market crash. His heavy-handed approach to dealing with opposition protests against his response (or lack thereof) to the economic slowdown only increased his popularity; rumors abounded of the kidnapping, torture, and execution of special political enemies. The American ambassador to Cuba, Harry Guggenheim, reported unfavorably to Washington, and pressure both from his own supporters and from the United States caused him to announce his resignation from the presidency in late November. Immediately, acting President de la Rosas announced a new emergency election, to be held on 16 December. Ramon Grau, a doctor and ideological centrist and reformist, proved very popular, and swept the election -- which contained several oddities -- with a large share of the vote. He was sworn in in a matter of days and prepared to correct the mistakes of his predecessor, but he still had to worry about the extreme right and left wings, which both posed problems to his rule. [-5% political support to Cuba, Ramon Grau elected]

As with much of the rest of the Americas, the market crash significantly affected the economy of Chile. Having relied on American investments to sustain his public works programs and rather large deficit spending, President Campo ran into trouble as soon as the money stopped flowing in. His expensive program of providing funds for sailors and subsidies to shipyard companies to improve, modernize, and expand the national fishing fleet became even more expensive come October. His popularity then began to slip, which was aided by his mysterious decision to cancel the navy’s order for warships from British shipyards, as well as to decommission other warships. If he was not careful, the same military that had couped the previous government and put him into the presidency could turn on their leader once more. [-14% political support to Chile, British shipyard orders cancelled, -1 armored cruiser, -1 submarine to Chile]

402px-Carlos_Iba%C3%B1ez_del_Campo_1927.jpg

The increasingly controversial dictator of Chile, President Carlos del Campo.

In the southeastern Cone of South America, Buenos Aires flourished as one of the most rapidly-growing and prosperous cities on the entire continent. The entire country was headed rapidly toward total industrialization and the diversification of the economy; however, this process came to a grinding halt after the stock market crash. President Yrigoyen proclaimed a policy of nurturing a “symbiotic relationship” between the industrial and agricultural sectors. The Radical Civic Union passed, with sweeping support, a bill in the Chamber of Deputies to raise tariffs on manufactured goods and farming equipment, in order to spur domestic production and encourage a sort of Argentine autarky. As the Argentine economy began to contract, and worldwide trade began to collapse, Argentine farmers found it extremely difficult to buy the tools and fertilizer necessary to continue harvesting and producing their crops; others in the cities saw a great increase in the prices of goods. Hopes of receiving large amounts of European and American investment in domestic Argentine industries fell flat as the world economy began to shake itself apart. [Increased tariffs, -16% political support to Argentina]

President Luis understood the need to maintain order and clamp down on communism; however, it was his 1927 initiatives to restrict the right of assembly that had actually led to the blossoming of the Brazilian communist party and other similar organizations. Not willing to trust the historically untrustworthy Navy -- which had revolted numerous times in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries -- Luis instead banked on a modernization and overall improvement program for the Army in a bid to strengthen his base and that of the Republican Party. Units throughout the army were trained and drilled vigorously, particularly in the relatively new concept of modern urban warfare, so as to diminish their chances of running into problems in the event of a popular socialist rebellion. A fresh cavalry division was recruited and deployed to strengthen the government; however, these public expenditures, and the government’s refusal (at least at first) to deal with the plight of impoverished industrial workers, resulted in a drop in faith in the central government. [+1 army level to Brazil, +1 cavalry division to Brazil, -9% political support to Brazil]

Other events
  • Births: Sergio Leone, Gordon Earle Moore, Saeed Jaffrey, Brian Patrick Friel, Alasdair Chalmers MacIntyre, Michael King Jr., Joseph Jacques Omer Plante, Mohamed Al-Fayed, Jean Merilyn Simmons, Luc Ferrari, Victor Morrow, Norman Graham Hill, James Rodney Schlesinger, Dame Katherine Patricia Routledge, Roberto Gómez Bolaños, James Hong, Alexey Mikhailovich von Ridiger, Georgi Ivanov Markov, Roger Gilbert Bannister, Cecil Percival Taylor, Robert George Meek, Gerald Alexander Abrahams, Roy Hamilton, Fred Lincoln Wray Jr., Audrey Kathleen Ruston, Miyoshi Umeki, Samuel Daniel Nujoma, Adrienne Cecile Rich, Peter Ware Higgs, John Napier Wyndham Turner, Karl Friedrich Benz, John Marshall Alexander Jr., Annelies Marie Frank, Berince Carle, Hassan II of Morocco, Henry Patterson, Jacqueline Lee Bouvier, Francis Gary Powers, Mohammed Yasser Abdel Rahman Raouf Arafat al-Qudwa, Arnold Daniel Palmer, Barbara Jill Walters, Ronald William George Barker, Carlo Pedersoli, Grace Patricia Kelly, Fred Waldron Phelps Sr., Berry Gordy III, Arthur Christopher Orme Plummer, and Chet Baker.
  • “Question Mark”, a US Army Air Corps aircraft, successfully conducts a single flight spanning over 150 total hours near Los Angeles, utilizing the experimental technique of mid-air refueling.
  • Agnes Gonxha Bojaxhiu arrives in India, where she begins conducting charity work in Calcutta.
  • Later-famous comic hero Popeye appears in a 17 January issue of “Thimble Theatre”.
  • Im Westen nichts Neues, a novel of the Great War, is published by Erich Maria Remarque in Germany.
  • Seven people are killed in what soon becomes known as the infamous St. Valentine’s Day Massacre in Chicago.
  • The San Francisco Bay Toll-Bridge, the longest in the world, is inaugurated.
  • A fifteen-minute ceremony is held at the Hollywood Roosevelt Hotel to award several movies and actors in the American film industry. It is later recognized as the first ceremony for the Academy Awards.
  • The German Zeppelin “Graf Zeppelin” circumnavigates the Northern Hemisphere.
  • Almost seventy Jews are killed in Hebron by Arabs convinced of a Jewish plot to seize the Temple Mount.
  • The first rocket-powered aircraft, RAK. 1, is unveiled by Fritz von Opel.
  • New York City’s Museum of Modern Art opens to the public.
  • Deaths: Grand Duke Nikolay Nikolaevich, a cousin of Nicholas II and commander-in-chief of Russian troops early in the Great War; Wyatt Earp, legendary American gunslinger, adventurer, and sheriff of the Wild West; Ferdinand Foch, successful and prophetic French Field Marshal from the Great War and victor of the First Battle of the Marne; Archibald Primrose, one-time Liberal Prime Minister of the United Kingdom; Mary MacLane, famous writer, feminist, and social critic; Sir Ernest Mason Satow, one of the first and most influential of the “Japanologists”; Bernhard von Bülow, German Chancellor credited with isolating Germany in the lead up to the Great War; and Georges Clemenceau, the face of the French war effort in the Great War and former Prime Minister.
 

Argentine Republic

Politics & Economy
Government: Federal constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Hipólito Yrigoyen
Ideology: Social democracy
Alignment: None
Capital: Buenos Aires
Political stability: 60%
Population: 11.859 m. (2.30% growth last year)
GDP: $ 49,823 m. (-1.58% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 4,201 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 6,303 m., 16.73% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 6,247 m.
Balance: $ 56 m.
Treasury: $ - 12,380 m.
Infrastructure: (2/5) Average
Administration: (1/5) Average
Education: (4/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (1/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 171,125
Army: (5/5) Poor, 1920 technology
6 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Average, 1922 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 2 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 6 armored cruisers, 2 light cruisers, 9 destroyers, 0 submarines [+2 heavy cruisers in 2 turns (Italy), +3 submarines in 1 turn (Italy)]
Air Force: (2/5) Poor, 1922 technology
2 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: jacob-Lundgren


Commonwealth of Australia
Politics & Economy
Government: Federal parliamentary dominion
Leader(s): King George V / Governor-General John Baird / Prime Minister James Henry Scullin
Ideology: Social liberalism
Alignment: None (British Dominion)
Capital: Canberra
Political stability: 72%
Population: 7.796 m. (1.31% growth last year)
GDP: $ 33,688 m. (-2.81% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 4,321 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 3,960 m., 14.51% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 4,138 m.
Balance: $ -178 m.
Treasury: $ - 2,988 m.
Infrastructure: (4/5) Poor
Administration: (2/5) Average
Education: (4/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (2/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 94,666
Army: (3/5) Average, 1924 technology
4 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 1 marine division, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (3/5) Poor, 1917 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 3 light cruisers, 12 destroyers, 3 submarines
Air Force: (2/5) Poor, 1918 technology
3 fighter wings, 1 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Gorganslayer


Republic of Austria
Politics & Economy
Government: Federal constitutional republic
Leader(s): Federal President Wilhelm Miklas / Chancellor Ignaz Seipel
Ideology: National conservatism
Alignment: None
Capital: Vienna
Political stability: 62%
Population: 6.684 m. (0.30% growth last year)
GDP: $ 24,378 m. (-1.09% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 3,647 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 2,650 m., 13.06% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 2,750 m.
Balance: $ - 100 m.
Treasury: $ - 16,987 m.
Infrastructure: (1/5) Average
Administration: (2/5) Average
Education: (4/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 100,690
Army: (5/5) Poor, 1921 technology
3 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 0 marine divisions, 1 mountain division, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Failing, 1918 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Air Force: (5/5) Failing, 1920 technology
0 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Haresus


Republic of the United States of Brazil
Politics & Economy
Government: Federal constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Washington Luís Pereira de Sousa
Ideology: Liberalism & coronelism
Alignment: None
Capital: Rio de Janeiro
Political stability: 53%
Population: 33.549 m. (1.99% growth last year)
GDP: $ 35,425 m. (-5.32% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 1056 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 2,960 m., 10.94% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 3,511 m.
Balance: $ - 551 m.
Treasury: $ - 5,460 m.
Infrastructure: (4/5) Poor
Administration: (3/5) Poor
Education: (5/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (5/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 252,050
Army: (5/5) Poor, 1920 technology
11 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (5/5) Poor, 1919 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 2 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 1 armored cruiser, 3 light cruisers, 11 destroyers, 3 submarines [+1 submarine in 1 turn (Italy)]
Air Force: (4/5) Failing, 1917 technology
1 fighter wing, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Terraferma


Kingdom of Bulgaria
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): Tsar Boris III / Prime Minister Andrey Tasev Lyapchev
Ideology: Authoritarian centrism
Alignment: None
Capital: Sofiya
Political stability: 62%
Population: 6.004 m. (0.91% growth last year)
GDP: $ 6,829 m. (-2.77% growth last year)
Economic status: Agrarian, depression, market economy, $ 1,137 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 658 m., 10.33% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 737 m. [+ $ 96 m. for 7 turns]
Balance: $ - 79 m.
Treasury: $ - 2,539 m.
Infrastructure: (2/5) Poor
Administration: (2/5) Average
Education: (1/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 104,894
Army: (5/5) Poor, 1920 technology
2 infantry divisions, 0 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (3/5) Failing, 1918 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Air Force: (4/5) Failing, 1917 technology
1 fighter wing, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Arrowfiend


Dominion of Canada
Politics & Economy
Government: Federal parliamentary dominion
Leader(s): King George V / Governor-General Freeman Freeman-Thomas / Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King
Ideology: Liberalism
Alignment: None (British Dominion)
Capital: Ottawa
Political stability: 57%
Population: 10.161 m. (1.32% growth last year)
GDP: $ 49,239 m. (-5.67% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 4,846 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 5,552 m., 12.52% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 5,950 m.
Balance: $ - 398 m.
Treasury: $ - 15,094 m.
Infrastructure: (1/5) Average
Administration: (3/5) Average
Education: (4/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 174,947
Army: (2/5) Good, 1924 technology
3 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (3/5) Poor, 1920 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 4 destroyers, 0 submarines
Air Force: (1/5) Poor, 1921 technology
1 fighter wing, 1 attack wing, 0 bomber wings
Player: oxfordroyale


Republic of Chile
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Carlos Ibáñez del Campo
Ideology: Centrism
Alignment: None
Capital: Santiago
Political stability: 55%
Population: 4.263 m. (1.46% growth last year)
GDP: $ 13,223 m. (-8.93% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 3,102 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 1,240 m., 14.14% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 1,628 m.
Balance: $ - 388 m.
Treasury: $ - 8,614 m.
Infrastructure: (2/5) Average
Administration: (5/5) Poor
Education: (1/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (1/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 80,122
Army: (1/5) Average, 1921 technology
3 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Average, 1924 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 1 battleship, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 2 armored cruisers, 3 light cruisers, 7 destroyers, 5 submarines
Air Force: (1/5) Failing, 1918 technology
0 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: DeMarchese


Republic of China
Politics & Economy
Government: Authoritarian presidential republic
Leader(s): Chairman Chiang Kai-shek / Premier Tan Yankai
Ideology: National populism & conservatism
Alignment: None
Capital: Nanking
Political stability: 46%
Population: 489.368 m. (0.43% growth last year)
GDP: $ 277,696 m. (1.78% growth last year)
Economic status: Agrarian, expansion, market economy, $ 568 per capita [Nanking reforms]
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 20,546 m., 9.57% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 20,309 m.
Balance: $ 237 m.
Treasury: $ - 50,180 m.
Infrastructure: (2/5) Poor [+1 in 2 turns, +1 in 4 turns]
Administration: (2/5) Poor [+1in 2 turns]
Education: (2/5) Poor [+1in 3 turns, +1 in 4 turns]
Health & Welfare: (1/5) Failing [+1 in 3 turns, +2 in 4 turns]
National Defense
Manpower: 3,315,633
Army: (3/5) Poor, 1921 technology
58 infantry divisions, 17 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (3/5) Failing, 1916 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 6 light cruisers, 3 destroyers, 0 submarines
Air Force: (2/5) Failing, 1917 technology
2 fighter wings, 2 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Watercress


Republic of Cuba
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Ramon Grau San Martin
Ideology: National liberalism
Alignment: None (US protectorate)
Capital: Havana
Political stability: 58%
Population: 3.796 m. (1.45% growth last year)
GDP: $ 5,998 m. (-2.19% growth last year)
Economic status: Agrarian, depression, market economy, $ 1,580 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 411 m., 7.82% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 444 m.
Balance: $ - 33 m.
Treasury: $ - 394 m.
Infrastructure: (3/5) Poor
Administration: (3/5) Poor
Education: (4/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (2/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 85,390
Army: (3/5) Poor, 1919 technology
2 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (2/5) Failing, 1910 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Air Force: (3/5) Failing, 1916 technology
0 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Shebedaone


Czechoslovakia
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk / Prime Minister Milan Hodža
Ideology: National conservatism
Alignment: Little Entente
Capital: Prague
Political stability: 77%
Population: 13.977 m. (0.67% growth last year)
GDP: $ 40,981 m. (-2.98% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 2,932 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 4,722 m., 13.90% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 4,360 m.
Balance: $ 362 m.
Treasury: $ - 12,222 m.
Infrastructure: (5/5) Average [+1 in 3 turns]
Administration: (2/5) Average [+1 in 2 turns]
Education: (5/5) Poor [+1 in 3 turns]
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 207,892
Army: (3/5) Average, 1928 technology
8 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Failing, 1918 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Air Force: (1/5) Average, 1925 technology
4 fighter wings, 3 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Julius Maximus


Republic of Finland
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Lauri Kristian Relander / Prime Minister Oskari Mantere
Ideology: Liberalism
Alignment: None
Capital: Helsinki
Political stability: 74%
Population: 3.471 m. (0.65% growth last year)
GDP: $ 9,210 m. (-0.99% growth last year)
Economic status: Agrarian, recession, market economy, $ 2,653 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 1,192 m., 16.15% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 1,283 m.
Balance: $ - 91 m.
Treasury: $ - 5,994 m.
Infrastructure: (3/5) Poor
Administration: (4/5) Poor
Education: (5/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (5/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 103,410
Army: (4/5) Poor, 1923 technology
7 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 1 armored brigade
Navy: (1/5) Poor, 1920 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 2 destroyers, 0 submarines [+4 submarines in 1 turn]
Air Force: (4/5) Failing, 1919 technology
1 fighter wing, 1 attack wing, 0 bomber wings
Player: alexander23


French Republic
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Pierre-Paul-Henri-Gaston Doumergue/Prime Minister Andre Pierre Gabriel Amedee Tardieu
Ideology: Conservatism
Alignment: None
Capital: Paris
Political stability: 72%
Population: 41.420 m. (0.46% growth last year)
GDP: $ 194,892 m. (0.36% growth last year)
Economic status: Industrial, stagnation, market economy, $ 4,705 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 29,199 m., 16.99% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 28,280 m.
Balance: $ 919 m.
Treasury: $ - 120,681 m.
Infrastructure: (1/5) Good
Administration: (3/5) Average
Education: (2/5) Good
Health & Welfare: (5/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 738,858
Army: (3/5) Good, 1926 technology
34 infantry divisions, 5 cavalry divisions, 2 marine divisions, 3 mountain divisions, 10 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Good, 1925 technology
0 fleet carriers, 1 light carrier, 9 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 2 heavy cruisers, 4 armored cruisers, 7 light cruisers, 60 destroyers, 40 submarines [+1 heavy cruiser in 1 turn, +2 heavy cruisers in 2 turns, +1 light cruiser in 2 turns, +11 destroyers in 1 turn, +3 submarines in 1 turn]
Air Force: (2/5) Average, 1924 technology
30 fighter wings, 5 attack wings, 2 bomber wings
Player: Fingon888


German Reich
Politics & Economy
Government: Federal constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Paul von Hindenburg / Chancellor Hermann Müller
Ideology: Social democracy
Alignment: None
Capital: Berlin
Political stability: 56%
Population: 65.063 m. (0.50% growth last year)
GDP: $ 255,019 m. (-2.77% growth last year)
Economic status: Industrial, depression, market economy, $ 3,920 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 30,001 m., 16.42% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 34,207 m. [+ $ 450 m. per year for 59 turns]
Balance: $ - 4,206 m.
Treasury: $ - 173,468 m.
Infrastructure: (3/5) Average
Administration: (2/5) Average
Education: (1/5) Good
Health & Welfare: (2/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 106,916
Army: (4/5) Poor, 1919 technology
6 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (3/5) Poor, 1924 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 6 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 3 light cruisers, 7 destroyers, 0 submarines [+1 light cruiser in 1 turn, +1 light cruiser in 4 turns]
Air Force: (1/5) Failing, 1918 technology
0 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Noco19


Kingdom of Hungary
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional “monarchy”
Leader(s): Regent Miklós Horthy de Nagybánya / Prime Minister István Bethlen de Bethlen
Ideology: Authoritarian conservatism
Alignment: None
Capital: Budapest
Political stability: 75%
Population: 8.633 m. (0.58% growth last year)
GDP: $ 21,278 m. (0.13% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, stagnation, market economy, $ 2,465 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 2,477 m., 17.43% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 2,500 m.
Balance: $ - 23 m.
Treasury: $ - 12,902 m.
Infrastructure: (4/5) Poor
Administration: (5/5) Poor
Education: (4/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 98,960
Army: (5/5) Poor, 1922 technology
4 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Failing, 1918 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Air Force: (1/5) Failing, 1918 technology
0 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Cloud Strife


Kingdom of Italy
Politics & Economy
Government: Fascist dictatorship
Leader(s): King Vittorio Emanuele III / Duce & Prime Minister Benito Amilcare Andrea Mussolini
Ideology: Italian fascism
Alignment: None
Capital: Rome
Political stability: 95%
Population: 40.760 m. (0.72% growth last year)
GDP: $ 127,909 m. (2.18% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, expansion, mixed economy, $ 3,138 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 20,279 m., 18.36% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 21,906 m.
Balance: $ - 1,627 m.
Treasury: $ - 104,421 m.
Infrastructure: (4/5) Average
Administration: (3/5) Average
Education: (5/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (2/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 540,046
Army: (3/5) Average, 1925 technology
28 infantry divisions, 6 cavalry divisions, 1 marine division, 2 mountain divisions, 4 armored brigades
Navy: (2/5) Good, 1926 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 4 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 2 heavy cruisers, 3 armored cruisers, 7 light cruisers, 73 destroyers, 18 submarines [+3 light cruisers in 1 turn, +1 light cruiser in 2 turns, +6 destroyers in 1 turn, +2 destroyers in 2 turns, +9 submarines in 1 turn]
Air Force: (4/5) Poor, 1924 technology
15 fighter wings, 2 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Harpsichord


Greater Japanese Empire
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): Emperor Showa / Prime Minister Hamaguchi Osachi
Ideology: Conservatism
Alignment: None
Capital: Tokyo
Political stability: 54%
Population: 64.016 m. (1.22% growth last year)
GDP: $ 122,799 m. (-4.15% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 1,918 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 13,969 m., 14.02% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 18,789 m.
Balance: $ - 4,820 m.
Treasury: $ - 112,418 m.
Infrastructure: (3/5) Average
Administration: (5/5) Average
Education: (3/5) Good
Health & Welfare: (2/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 800,062
Army: (1/5) Good, 1927 technology
24 infantry divisions, 4 cavalry divisions, 3 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 2 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Excellent, 1928 technology
2 fleet carriers, 1 light carrier, 6 battleships, 4 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 8 heavy cruisers, 3 armored cruisers, 20 light cruisers, 116 destroyers, 46 submarines [+1 battleship in 3 turns, +2 battleships in 4 turns, +1 battleship in 5 turns, +2 battlecruisers in 3 turns, +2 battlecruisers in 4 turns, +4 heavy cruisers in 2 turns, +3 light cruisers in 2 turns, +5 light cruisers in 3 turns, +2 light cruisers in 3 turns, +10 destroyers in 2 turns, +3 submarines in 1 turn]
Air Force: (1/5) Average, 1926 technology
12 fighter wings, 3 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Maxwell500


Republic of Poland
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Ignacy Mościcki / Prime Minister Kazimierz Władysław Bartel
Ideology: National conservatism
Alignment: None
Capital: Warsaw
Political stability: 72%
Population: 31.270 m. (1.34% growth last year)
GDP: $ 58,505 m. (-2.46% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, depression, market economy, $ 1,871 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 6,520 m., 14.01% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 6,009 m.
Balance: $ 431 m.
Treasury: $ - 15,669 m.
Infrastructure: (5/5) Poor
Administration: (1/5) Average
Education: (2/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (4/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 618,354
Army: (2/5) Average, 1926 technology [+1 in 2 turns]
17 infantry divisions, 5 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 2 armored brigades
Navy: (2/5) Poor, 1926 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines [+2 destroyers in 1 turn (France), +3 submarines in 1 turn (France)]
Air Force: (2/5) Poor, 1925 technology
5 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: aedan777


Kingdom of Romania
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King Michael I /Regents Prince Nicholas & Patriarch Miron / Prime Minister Iuliu Maniu
Ideology: Agrarian conservatism
Alignment: Little Entente
Capital: Bucharest
Political stability: 80%
Population: 14.108 m. (1.12% growth last year)
GDP: $ 16,216 m. (0.85% growth last year)
Economic status: Agrarian, stagnation, market economy, $ 1,149 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 1,588 m., 11.80% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 1,680 m.
Balance: $ - 92 m.
Treasury: $ - 10,494 m.
Infrastructure: (4/5) Poor [+1 in 2 turns]
Administration: (1/5) Average
Education: (4/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 214,625
Army: (1/5) Average, 1924 technology
9 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 2 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Poor, 1919 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 2 destroyers, 0 submarines [+2 destroyers in 1 turn (Italy)]
Air Force: (3/5) Poor, 1926 technology
4 fighter wings, 1 attack wing, 0 bomber wings
Player: Riccardo93


Kingdom of Spain
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary “constitutional” monarchy
Leader(s): King Alfonso XIII / Prime Minister Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja
Ideology: National conservatism & authoritarian centrism
Alignment: None
Capital: Madrid
Political stability: 59%
Population: 23.391 m. (0.78% growth last year)
GDP: $ 64,212 m. (1.01% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, expansion, market economy, $ 2,745 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 8,967 m., 16.99% tax rate
Expenditures: $ $ 9,939 m.
Balance: $ - 942 m.
Treasury: $ - 31,538 m.
Infrastructure: (3/5) Average
Administration: (5/5) Poor
Education: (3/5) Poor
Health & Welfare: (1/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 167,541
Army: (3/5) Poor, 1926 technology
6 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 1 marine division, 0 mountain divisions, 1 armored brigade
Navy: (3/5) Poor, 1922 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 2 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 1 armored cruiser, 6 light cruisers, 9 destroyers, 14 submarines [+1 light cruiser in 1 turn, +1 destroyer in 1 turn, +2 submarines in 1 turn]
Air Force: (3/5) Failing, 1919 technology
0 fighter wings, 0 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: Clophiroth


Republic of Turkey
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk / Prime Minister İsmet İnönü
Ideology: Kemalism
Alignment: None
Capital: Ankara
Political stability: 90%
Population: 14.940 m. (1.60% growth last year)
GDP: $ 18,682 m. (4.71% growth last year)
Economic status: Agrarian, boom, market economy, $ 1,251 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 2,579 m., 20.54% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 2,418 m.
Balance: $ 161 m.
Treasury: $ - 14,969 m.
Infrastructure: (3/5) Poor [+1 in 2 turns, +1 in 5 turns]
Administration: (1/5) Average
Education: (3/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (1/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 219,884
Army: (2/5) Average, 1923 technology
12 infantry divisions, 3 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 2 mountain divisions, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (2/5) Poor, 1917 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 1 battlecruiser, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 4 light cruisers, 3 destroyers, 2 submarines
Air Force: (3/5) Failing, 1921 technology
3 fighter wings, 1 attack wing, 0 bomber wings
Player: XVG


Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King Aleksandar I / Prime Minister Anton Korošec
Ideology: Liberalism
Alignment: Little Entente
Capital: Belgrade
Political stability: 70%
Population: 14.354 m. (1.12% growth last year)
GDP: $ 19,375 m. (0.06% growth last year)
Economic status: Agrarian, stagnation, market economy, $ 1,350 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 1,951 m., 12.91% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 1,908 m.
Balance: $ 43 m.
Treasury: $ - 7,780 m.
Infrastructure: (3/5) Poor
Administration: (4/5) Poor
Education: (3/5) Poor [+2 in 3 turns]
Health & Welfare: (2/5) Failing
National Defense
Manpower: 180,581
Army: (1/5) Average, 1924 technology
9 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 1 mountain division, 0 armored brigades
Navy: (2/5) Poor, 1923 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 1 light cruiser, 4 destroyers, 4 submarines
Air Force: (3/5) Poor, 1923 technology
4 fighter wings, 2 attack wings, 0 bomber wings
Player: baboushreturns


Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Politics & Economy
Government: Communist dictatorship
Leader(s): General Secretary Josef Vissarionovich Stalin
Ideology: Stalinism
Alignment: Comintern
Capital: Moskva
Political stability: 99%
Population: 174.769 m. (1.60% growth last year)
GDP: $ 246,903 m. (3.57% growth last year)
Economic status: Semi-industrial, boom, command economy, $ 1,413 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 188,533 m., 73.48% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 196,371 m.
Balance: $ - 7,838 m.
Treasury: $ - 258,937 m.
Infrastructure: (1/5) Average
Administration: (5/5) Good
Education: (2/5) Average
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 2,610,738
Army: (1/5) Good, 1925 technology
69 infantry divisions, 14 cavalry divisions, 1 marine division, 0 mountain divisions, 12 armored brigades
Navy: (5/5) Poor, 1923 technology
0 fleet carriers, 0 light carriers, 3 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 2 light cruisers, 14 destroyers, 33 submarines [+1 light cruiser in 2 turns, +1 light cruiser in 3 turns]
Air Force: (2/5) Poor, 1926 technology
14 fighter wings, 1 attack wings, 1 bomber wings
Player: Shynka


United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Politics & Economy
Government: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King George V / Prime Minister James Ramsay MacDonald
Ideology: Social liberalism
Alignment: None
Capital: London
Political stability: 67%
Population: 45.786 m. (0.25% growth last year)
GDP: $ 247,276 m. (-1.62% growth last year)
Economic status: Industrial, recession, market economy, $ 5,401 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 43,394 m., 15.27% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 43,810 m.
Balance: $ - 416 m.
Treasury: $ - 397,565 m.
Infrastructure: (2/5) Good
Administration: (2/5) Good
Education: (3/5) Good
Health & Welfare: (4/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 314,976
Army: (2/5) Good, 1926 technology
17 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 3 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 8 armored brigades
Navy: (2/5) Excellent, 1928 technology
0 fleet carriers, 5 light carriers, 16 battleships, 4 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 9 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 42 light cruisers, 157 destroyers, 47 submarines [+1 light carrier in 1 turn, +2 heavy cruisers in 1 turn, +8 destroyers in 1 turn, +9 submarines in 1 turn, +2 submarines in 2 turns]
Air Force: (1/5) Average, 1924 technology
16 fighter wings, 4 attack wings, 2 bomber wings
Player: Korona


United States of America
Politics & Economy
Government: Federal constitutional republic
Leader(s): President Herbert Clark Hoover
Ideology: Liberalism
Alignment: None
Capital: Washington, DC
Political stability: 73%
Population: 123.455 m. (0.99% growth last year)
GDP: $ 774,518 m. (-8.16% growth last year)
Economic status: Industrial, depression, market economy, $ 6,274 per capita
Government Spending & Services
Receipts: $ 58,737 m., 8.25% tax rate
Expenditures: $ 56,840 m.
Balance: $ 1,897 m.
Treasury: $ - 307,219 m.
Infrastructure: (1/5) Good
Administration: (4/5) Average
Education: (3/5) Good
Health & Welfare: (3/5) Poor
National Defense
Manpower: 1,358,375
Army: (3/5) Average, 1924 technology
10 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 2 marine divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 4 armored brigades
Navy: (1/5) Excellent, 1928 technology
2 fleet carriers, 1 light carrier, 18 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 1 heavy cruiser, 3 armored cruisers, 10 light cruisers, 298 destroyers, 86 submarines [+4 heavy cruisers in 1 turn, +3 heavy cruisers in 2 turns]
Air Force: (5/5) Poor, 1927 technology
24 fighter wings, 5 attack wings, 2 bomber wings
Player: naxhi24
 
Last edited:
GM NOTE: A rather boring yet necessary turn.

Everyone shame @alexander23 (Finland) and @Haresus (Austria) for not sending in orders. Shame. Shame. Shame.

Orders for 1930 due Saturday 23 September at 6pm EST (11pm GMT).
 
Towards a New Dawn, Part II.

330px-Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-08971%2C_Er%C3%B6ffnung_der_zweiten_Haager_Konferenz.jpg

The Prime Minister and members of the diplomatic corps at the Hague.

Preempting the worst was the best the Bethlen cabinet could do. While Hungary had--for the moment--avoided the same financial free-fall that was occurring across the globe, more assertive measures would have to be undertaken to address the situation. The Prime Minister had dominated Hungarian politics for most of the last decade. His handling of the initial stages of what looked to be a global depression had secured him the continued confidence of Regent Horthy to stay in office. With his political fortunes secured, Bethlen began to work the levers of his political machine harder. In 1921, Horthy asked Bethlen to form a strong government to eliminate the possibility of threats to the Kingdom in the post-war era. To this end, Bethlen founded the Party of National Unity. Through a system of ballot manipulation, handing out government jobs, and changing the electoral law to enfranchise supporters, he was able to form a political machine that was unstoppable in Hungarian politics. Bethlen was also able to unite the two most powerful factors in Hungarian society, the wealthy, primarily Jewish industrialists in Budapest and the old Magyar gentry in rural Hungary, into a lasting coalition; this effectively checked the rise of Fascism in the country during the 1920s. Bethlen was also able to reach an accord with the labor unions, earning their support for the government and eliminating a source of domestic dissent.

The key to maintaining forward momentum was to take advantage of the global downturn in ways that would accelerate Hungarian recovery from the injustices of the Great War. The major economic sectors, agribusiness and heavy manufacturing, would be protected by the same tariffs walls going up all around the world. Firms such as the rolling stock and railways concern MÁVAG and automobile and aeronautical corporation Magomobil would now have a captive market in the form of regulations that pushed out foreign competition. In the early 1920s the textile industry began to expand rapidly and by 1928 it became the most important industry in the foreign trade of Hungary; exporting textile goods worth more than 60 million pengős in that year. Now it was time to recapture the domestic market and push out foreign competition. These "industry leaders" would keep the masses employed and Jewish capital from Bethlen's allies would flow in to keep the firms solvent, all while government subsidies encouraged public purchases of Hungarian made goods over imports; this entire system was predicated on the global economic downturn justifying the government in Budapest picking winners and losers. This inaugurated an era of what would hopefully be great strides in Danubian industrialization, tempered by graft and private corruption that any such scheme would encourage in the hearts of men.

Together with Bethlen's application of infant industry theory and protectionism were moves to strengthen Hungary's financial sector in light of predicted instability in Austria's Österreichische Creditanstalt system. The Magyar Nemzeti Bank--the State Central Bank--would now move to guarantee to deposits of Hungarian nationals and legal residents in Hungarian banks in all accounts related to private, non-commercial transactions up to a certain deposit limit in pengős calculated by the Central Bank; similar mechanisms were created for commercial enterprises but unlike private accounts these would require a fee paid to the Central Bank to access what effectively would be insurance up to a certain limit determined by prevailing market conditions. Thus Hungarian nationals and corporations were encouraged to move their money into Budapest and out of Vienna, Paris, and London to take advantage of the greater protections given to their assets by the Central Bank savings diktat.

In Bethlen's opinion these contingencies would at the most keep the country treading water. What was needed for real relief was leadership by the major economic powers of the world. In his weekly audience, Bethlen confided to the Regent that the sheer incompetence of the new administration in Washington--such as creating regulatory boards that had no power to actually regulate to solve economic problems--suggested that a global downturn of between two to six years was becoming rather likely.
 
Last edited:
220px-Ramsay_MacDonald_ggbain.37952.jpg


His Majesty's Government at the start of 1930
Although losing the popular vote, Ramsay MacDonald still found himself the triumphant victory of the General Election of 1929. Riding the coattails of general dissatisfaction towards Baldwin, especially towards the end of the Conservative reign of the 1920s, the veteran Labour leader of over 12 years in two nonconsecutive reigns found himself in the strongest parliamentary position Labour had ever been in. Prepared to push through a series of long-promised policy initiatives, despite the recession hitting the country, MacDonald soon formed his Cabinet. Soon after the formation of his Cabinet, MacDonald's government introduced a variety of acts aimed at protecting the working and unemployed man, such as the Coal Mines Act of 1930 which established quotas and a 7 1/2 hour day for miners, as well as the 1930 Housing Act which demolished hundreds of thousands of slums and the construction of over 700k homes. In terms of the recession that was gripping the country, MacDonald's Chancellor of the Exchequer, Phillip Snowden, argued for fierce adherence to orthodox finance, refusing any deficit spending. Snowden soon came to blows with the Liberal leader Lloyd George, the economist John Keynes, and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and the up-and-coming Labour politician Oswald Mosley over this rigid adherence to a balanced budget. Financially, a grand battle was being prepared in the backrooms of Westminster over Labour's budget.

In terms of foreign affairs Ramsay MacDonald had his attention firmly focused on Britain proper, his head seemingly turned away from all of Britain's foreign woes. Britain's Empire was in a dire state of affairs, with Palestine erupting with Jewish-Arab conflict, India clamoring for independence, and recession gripping Britain's dominions, the Viceroys, Governor-Generals, and Commissioners found themselves with much more autonomy afforded to them by MacDonald than from Baldwin. Ramsay MacDonald had an uphill battle ahead of him, but he was prepared to go at it with reckless abandon and do his utmost to ensure that his party succeeded in it's second attempt at governance.

Key Figures of The Second MacDonald Ministry

Prime Minister: The Rt. Hon. Ramsay MacDonald
Lord Chancellor: The Lord Sankey
Lord President of the Council: The Lord Parmoor
Lord Privy Seal: J.H. Thomas
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Philip Snowden
Home Secretary: J.R. Clynes
Foreign Secretary: Arthur Henderson
Secretary of State for the Colonies: The Lord Passfield
Secretary of State for War: Thomas Shaw
Secretary of State for India: William Wedgewood Benn
First Lord of the Admiralty: A.V. Alexander
Minister of Labour: Margaret Bondfield
 
400px-Emblem_of_Thailand.svg.png
As it was to be feared, King Rama VII was unable to exert his will upon his own ruling council for any prolongued period of time. Prince Paribatra had too much influence over them, and too clear ideas about what had to be done in order to preserve the monarchy... even if that meant to slow down and suffocate any ideas coming directly from the Monarch. The council effectively bogged down the Kings project of constitution, deeming it unconvenient for the current moment, and being told -even by their western advisors, such as the north american Raymond Bartlett Stevens, that his people isn't ready for any sort of democratic order. Infuriated, it is said that the king asks Bartlett "If my subjects are not yet white enough to be ready". Bartlett, too baggaged to misbehave, speaks of educational policies, schools, education... and all the money that might cost. Money that is increasingly hard to find anywhere you look for it.
220px-RaymondBartlettStevens.jpg

Bartlett Stevens​
But Rama VII wasn't completely wrong, as Bartlett wasn't completely right. There WAS people in thailand ready for a change. The western -educated elites, filling the mid and upper echelons of the administration and the army. Alongside with some parts of the noble classes, these men were frustrated at the perspective of ten or more years of economic recovery in order to retrieve enough cash, so proper educational policies could be implemented. Some of them had, as a side-effect, being tempted by europes' fascist ideas. Some of them by socialist ideas. And the constant negatives of the ruling council to the constitutionalization of the government were everything but ignored by those elites, as they formed the corpus of experts an public servants who had to be consulted in order to elaborate a proper rejection report for the king.
125px-Signature_of_King_Prajadhipok.svg.png

King Rama VII Signature approves great expenditure cuts these days
Unknown to these elites or the people, but very much in the heads of his privy council, the King's own frustration increased, when new budget cuts had to be urgently ordered in a futile attempt to fight the consequiences of the stock market crash. The most meaningful reform he was able to pass during these months was relaxation of protocol and dress codes in the official actions of the government. Western clothing and uniforms will be more widespread acceptable, in order to reduce, among other things, the considerable difficulty of moving the king's retinue from one place to another. It means, obviously, little solace to anyone. While in the royal palace Rama VII is forced to stamp his signature in austherity decree after austherity decree, the public order forces receive orders from the ruling council -this means, prince Paribatra, minister of the Interior- to increase the surveillance of potentially dangerous or subersive groups or individuals. The police, suffocated by budget cuts bows down in front of the princes, but then continues with his work as if nothing had been ordered, because there's simply no men or means to do anything more. And also, partially, because it is the police and army officers the ones more stressed with the king's tools of absolute government. To what extent King Rama VII is aware of this stress or not, is yet to be seen. His council, certainly, doesn't seem to believe there's any compromise in the police or the army's loyalty to the King.

9e152442276fd1caca21865d1de8a381--police-officer-old-photos.jpg

Siamese police officers in high uniform​

What those men seemed to be forgetting was that loyalty to the King didn't meant, neccesarily, loyalty to the council. The crash being the final proof that political independence was dependant on economic independence, the considerations about tradition and monarchy became less important for the pro-fascist elements of the new elites, and of even less relevance for the pro-socialists. With independence of that, both groups became bolstered by the apparent crackdown of the international finance systems, some of them even talking about something they did have little actual understanding: Judaism. Both groups, howewer, had a point in common, and differently of what has been happening in the west, they accept it: both parties want Siam to survive the new times, modernize and recover the handling of it’s own destiny. The foundations of what would eventually be known as Khana Ratsadom were being stablished, and prince Paribatra had made it possible, unwillingly, by stubbornly trying to avoid even the slightest changes in the system. His failure, anyhow, is the King’s. Because the council is his creation. When the wolves arrive, the council will serve only as an expendable bulwark between the king and the people’s wrath.


With any luck.
 
Last edited:
Satyagraha
Jt7pD30.jpg

"Nonviolence is the greatest force at the disposal of mankind. It is mightier than the mightiest weapon of destruction devised by the ingenuity of man"

The British had rejected the demands from the Indian National Congress, Britain had not given the dominion status which India sought and rightfully felt it deserved. This had led the Congress to issue the declaration of sovereignty and self-rule late in 1929 against the British government, clearly stating the goal of the removal of British governance over Indian affairs. The Indian National Congress had given the task to Gandhi, to organize the first large act of civil disobedience against the British government. Both the Congress and Gandhi had for a long time supported the ideology of non-violence, which they would continue to use in their fight against the British, an ideology which had shaped, and would continue to shape, the history of both India and the British Empire.

Gandhi for his focus of the civil disobedience movement had chosen the salt laws. It was laws which by now had existed for almost fifty years, ever since the 1882 Salt Act. In the act, the British had given themselves a monopoly on the collection and manufacturing of salt. It forbade Indians from mining or extracting salt. This forced all Indians to buy from the British, even the Indians who lived by the coast where they could otherwise collect salt free of charge. Breaking the 1882 Salt Act was a criminal offense, with a high penalty.

The initial response to the salt march was met with mixed feelings and hesitation on the Indian side. Nehru and Sahoo were both having mixed feelings regarding the salt march; Patel instead suggested that a land revenue boycott occurred instead. Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, a prominent statesman within the Congress was the only leading figure who supported Gandhi and his salt march with his full might, stating; “Suppose, a people rise in revolt. They cannot attack the abstract constitution or lead an army against proclamations and statutes...Civil disobedience has to be directed against the salt tax or the land tax or some other particular point — not that; that is our final end, but for the time being it is our aim, and we must shoot straight.”

But while the leading Indian figures had mixed responses to the salt march, the British officials outright ridiculed the idea. The Stateman, which was a prominent newspaper within India and the official government newspaper, commented: "It is difficult not to laugh, and we imagine that will be the mood of most thinking Indians."

This mood was at large mirrored by the British officials. Lord Irwin, the Viceroy of India himself, wrote back to London stating: "At present the prospect of a salt campaign does not keep me awake at night.” He took neither the Indians nor the movement as a serious issue and perhaps even found it amusing that this was the object of their disobedience.

RWnDb5Y.jpg

Lord Irwin, Viceroy of India

But despite the lukewarm response with the leaders of the independence movements, Gandhi had hit the nail on the head with the people of India. Salt was needed across India, from food to other daily necessities. It was a tax, which much like the tea two centuries earlier had sparked an independence war in America, had become a symbol of the British government, and it was a tax which the poor could unite behind for it was them who had been hit the hardest by the salt laws.

While waiting for the march to begin, Gandhi wasted no time in contacting both local and foreign newspapers and filmmakers. He held interviews and meetings with various organizations, always upping the stakes by repeatedly declaring that he would be arrested by the British officials. Stating that the movement was now a struggle of life and death, that India was ready to make whatever sacrifice was needed.

Gandhi would take no chance, and as such he personally selected the eighty men who would walk with him during the march. Selecting eighty men from his own ashram; knowing that they would have the same restraint and discipline as he himself controlled. He would take no chance that may risk the non-violent movement, and as such refused to select any member of the Congress, political parties or untrained masses.

One final attempt was made by Gandhi, appealing to Lord Irwin though it fell on deaf ears who ignored his plea, his eleven demands, and as Irwin ignored, Gandhi began to march. March 12, the first of the 24-day march, Gandhi was greeted by 100,000 people on the road of his 13 mile march, another 30,000 people would greet them at Surat along with another 50,000 in Dandi, not to mention thousands upon thousands of others. The marcher had taken special care only to accept bread and water, to share in solidarity with the poor of India.

8L9tp5T.jpg

The Salt March

Finally upon the 5 April, Gandhi arrived at the coast, being interviewed and preparing for the following day where both he and his followers would break the salt laws. While speaking with the press he complimented the British policy of non-intervention for the duration of the march, but stated he did not believe it would last past tomorrow. The British had clearly shown in the past that the exploitation of India must remain at all cost.

At last the day came when Gandhi sat by the seashore, picking up a lump of salty mud and declaring: “With this, I am shaking the foundations of the British Empire." As he boiled away the seawater, the next short time would show how truly correct his statement had been as he encouraged his followers to break the law and likewise boil their salt, stating that it was a necessity.

Gandhi would continue his march, walking along the coast across India, holding meetings and making more salt. And as he did, his salt Satyagraha quickly turned into a mass Satyagraha, a tidal wave came over India as millions began making their own salt, ignoring British laws. Farmers began to refuse paying taxes, Indians boycotted British goods especially textiles, at other places great piles with British cloth was piled and burned. The chowkidar tax was likewise ignored while forest laws were discarded.

Control was rapidly sipping through the fingers of the British, no longer being able to enforce their laws and orders. Even as occasional violence broke, Gandhi did not halt the Satyagraha but merely appealed for an end to the violence. Millions were following the march from across the world. From the US, to the UK, France and Germany among many more the newspapers printed the story and newsreels ran wild.

Now it simply remained to be seen just how the British would respond to the loss of control in the Raj.
 
450px-Flag_of_the_Czech_Republic.svg.png

Czechoslovak Republic

New Era Policy (1930)/Economic Woes

The Czechoslovak Republic had undertaken a massive effort to correct the wrongs from it's past with the "New Era" policy, bringing up the Slovak and Carpathian Rus lands to the standards of Bohemia, Moravia & Silesia economically, politically and in education. President Masaryk had taken a leap of faith to bring this to fruition, his belief to truly unify Czechoslovakia as one prosperous and peaceful nation was underway under a strong mandate shown from the 1929 parliamentary elections. As the political landscape had generally been stable since 1919, the enactment of major reforms to expand minorities' future standing in the country energized and united opposition parties and voters behind the President.

As railroads were being laid down across Slovakia and the Carpathian Rus to the benefit of the people, shocking news came from across the Atlantic in the United States of a major crash of the New York Stock Exchange. A once-booming Czechoslovak economy ground to a halt and began to immediately contract from the immediate loss of credit across the board, only being mildly cushioned from the state-sponsored rail system being created to keep industrial demand up. Complete uncertainty was abound across Europe, as some nations made drastic measures to combat the loss while others simply left it out of government hands altogether. President Masaryk held private meetings with business leaders and highly influential politicians to discuss solutions to reverse the effects and bring Czechoslovakia back to a minimum of economic growth.

While higher tariffs, subsidizing vulnerable businesses and bank holidays were floated as options to give both time and secure the local market from the massive crash in the price of goods, it was the somewhat unexpected suggestion by Foreign Minister Edvard Beneš that caught the attention of the President and others. He gave a "simple solution" to give some relief to the Czechoslovak economy, as export markets began drying up throughout Europe and across the world. As almost all of Europe was feeling the effects, the Soviet Union was isolated from the world market and was undergoing (from limited first-hand accounts and massive Soviet propaganda) a boom with an aim of rapid industrialization and would require the sophisticated machinery and expertise to do so which Czechoslovakia had mastered and now had no customer to sell to.

250px-Edvard_Bene%C5%A1.jpg

Edvard Beneš, Minister of Foreign Affairs


Czechoslovak-Soviet relations had been since the end of the Great War cordial (especially compared to other European nations) and it was the hope of Beneš that Soviet officials would be welcome to an agreement to allow the Czechoslovak industrial sector to rebound while the Soviet Union's industry begins to blossom. What was also expected during the year was the implementation of the promised education reforms across the country. President Masaryk did not want to have to handle both an economic crisis and social upheaval and would rather "keep his promise" than risk the long-term stability of the country and abandon his heavily popular New Era policy only 2 months since it's inception.
 
640px-KiMOiG.jpg

The Turkish Army's entry into Izmir, Atatürk and Liberation War Museum, Ankara

Kurtuluş

İzmir Marşı

“…The Alliance in which the Ottoman Empire had taken part had been defeated in the Great War. The Ottoman Army was hard pressed on all sides and an armistice had been signed with severe conditions. The nation was tired and impoverished after the long years of the Great War… The government was weak and lacked dignity and courage. The army had been deprived of its arms and ammunitions… under various pretexts the navies and troops of the Entente were in Istanbul, The province of Adana had been occupied by the French, and Urfa, Maraş and Ayıntap by the British… There were Italian troops in Antalya and Konya, and British soldiers in Merzifon and Samsun. Foreign officers, officials and special agents were active in everywhere… Finally, on May 15 1919, the Greek Army landed in Izmir, with the agreement of the Powers of Entente… What is more, the Christian parts of the population were working all over the country, either openly or secretly, trying to realize their own particular ambitions and to undermine the Empire, the sooner, the better…”

Mustafa Kemal’s six-day “Nutuk” speech, Second Congress of the CHP, October 1927
In the wake of the Great War the Turkish nation stood at the very brink of a destruction even more grave than that which had befallen on the German or Austrian empires. Indeed, driven by ancient claims and chauvinism all its neighbours and indeed many of its old subjects were greedy and eager to carve their own parts out of lands that for centuries had been the homeland of the Turks. With the Ottoman administration utterly corrupt, incapable and increasingly unpopular, the task of liberating the Turkish people fell upon a clique of patriots. The allied demands were extraordinarily harsh and resistance began almost immediately. At its helm were the patriotic young officers ready to disregard their Sultan’s orders. Arms and ammunition were smuggled from occupied regions to Central Anatolia, which would become the core region of the struggle for liberation and independence. On April 30 1919 honorary aide-de-camp to His Majesty the Sultan Mirliva Mustafa Kemal Paşa was assigned as the inspector of the 9th Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security in the unoccupied parts of Anatolia that had spiralled to chaos in the power vacuum following Entente occupation of large swatches of what still was officially the Ottoman Empire. Mustafa Kemal Paşa and his carefully selected and likeminded staff left for Samsun aboard the steamer SS Bandırma, arriving on May 19. This event would later come to be regarded as the starting point of the Turkish War of Independence.

As an Ottoman general staff officer, a member of the truly highest elite of the Empire, it would have been natural for Mustafa Kemal to side with the establishment. But the hero of Anafartalar came from humble origins in lost Rumelia, and had always felt sympathetic towards the common Turkish people, his nation, rather than the religious-military elite formed around the Sultan and his bureaucracy. He had for long thought that the military shouldn’t involve itself with the civil affairs, a thought reinforced by the 1908 revolution, but now arriving in Samsun he saw the military as the only possible tool that could salvage the threatened homeland. This would indeed later become the method of action of the Great Turk; military organization and discipline applied to politics on a grand scale. Mustafa Kemal had a strong resolve. The War of Independence wouldn’t be a simple revolt against the foreign power, it would be a great revolution against the reactionary forces and decadent Sultanate, to truly usher an independent Turkish nation free of foreign dominance and constraints of an outdated system of administration. “Despite the fact that Mustafa Kemal is a great soldier, his political sagacity is well below his military talents.” This pessimistic judgment of the Minister of Interior of the Sublime Porte, who ordered him in June 1919 to report immediately back to Istanbul and abandon any idea of reorganizing the national struggle, shows how the Sultan's men were without vision and understanding of what was to unfold.

Four days before the arrival of Mustafa Kemal to Samsun the Greeks had seized Izmir, and the bellicose proponents of the Megali Idea were rousing the population of Greece proper and their countrymen in Anatolia to go further than the Entente powers, by outright annexing a great deal of Turkish territory. Mustafa Kemal made the Greek interference the culminating point of his call to arms, as it constituted an even more grave threat than the presence of the British or French, who were unlike to outright seize Turkish farmlands and expel Turkish families from their ancestral lands. Indeed, the struggle had now become existential. On June 22 1919 Mustafa Kemal and his fellow officer associates issued the Amasya Circular, calling for a congress of nationalist patriotic elements at Sivas, and decrying the Istanbul Ottoman government as incapable of defending the Turkish nation, which was according to the text at a great risk of losing its independence. This document was the first one to put the Turkish War of Independence into true motion. A subsequent congress at Erzurum elected Mustafa Kemal as its head and made him the official representative of the national movement. The representatives of the six eastern vilayets further declared the inviolability of “Ottoman frontiers”, the vilayets inhabited by Turks at the time of the signing of the Armistice of Murdos. The next congress was held at Sivas with delegates coming from a wider geographic area, and called for new elections, which would be the last of the Ottoman Empire. During all this time the Kuvâ-yi Milliye militia, formed by defectors from the Ottoman Army, had been skirmishing with the Greeks troops extending their occupation deeper and deeper into Anatolia. A guerrilla war was starting, but irregular means were not going to be enough to liberate the Turkish nation.

On January 12, 1920, the last Ottoman Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. The British began to sense that a Turkish Nationalist movement had infiltrated it, and realized the Ottoman government was both reluctant and incapable to do enough to restraint the spread of a movement so hostile to British interests. The Parliament developed the National Pact, Misak-ı Millî, laying claims to territories considered vital to retain as a homeland of the Turkish nation. The outrage by the Allied powers was natural, and on 16 March they occupied Istanbul abolishing the parliament. Mustafa Kemal, in a speech he made on 19 March 1920 announced that “an Assembly will be gathered in Ankara that will possess extraordinary powers”. Elections were hastily held and the new Grand National Assembly met in Ankara on 23 April 1920, electing Mustafa Kemal as its chairman and now the undisputed leader of the struggle of liberation. What remained of the legitimacy of the Ottoman state had now completely been eroded, and many conservatives continued to flock to the ranks of the only movement able to defend the interests of the Turkish nation. Treaty of Sèvres, peace treaty between the principal and secondary Allied powers and the Ottoman Empire was signed in a porcelain factory on 10 August 1920, turning the occupation from a simple de facto reality to a de jure state of affairs. Only a small stretch of Turkish territory along the Black Sea and in central Anatolia was to remain unoccupied, the rest of Anatolia carved into occupation territories. Thrace was to be permanently lost, along with the Aegean coast and a large part of Eastern Anatolia. Financial and military restrictions were put into place to keep the Turkish nation on its knees till eternity.

By now the forces of the nationalists had already been victorious against the French army of Cilicia and their Armenian allies in the south, and the ultimate victory at Maraş had allowed the Ankara government to secure an armistice following the withdrawal of French troops. To properly wage a war of liberation, the conflict had to be reduced to a single front. Thus Mustafa Kemal resolved to remove the next weak link in the alliance seeking to dismember Turkey. After an initial Armenian occupation of what is now eastern Turkey, the army of the Turkish National Movement under Kâzım Karabekir reversed the Armenian gains and further invaded and defeated Armenia, in alliance with the forces of Soviet Russia. The Red Army entered Yerevan on December 4 1920, effectively ending the Armenian Republic and allowing the Grand National Assembly to focus on the main struggle against the Greeks. Support from the Soviet Russians also started to flow, as weapons, instructions and ammunition began to reach the slowly developing new Turkish military. In 1920 alone, Bolshevik Russia supplied the forces of Mustafa Kemal with 6,000 rifles, over 5 million rifle cartridges, and 17,600 shells as well as 200 kg of gold bullion. The Treaty of Kars between the Russian SFSR, Armenian, Azerbaijan and Georgian SSRs and the Grand National Assembly even returned territories lost by the Ottoman Empire in 1878 to the Turkish nation, greatly boosting the legitimacy of Mustafa Kemal and his associates. Meanwhile the Greco-British-Ottoman summer offensive in Anatolia had effectively crushed the Kuva-yi Milliye and the Grand National Assembly in Ankara now formed a real Turkish army to salvage the front and halt the enemy advance. The first battle of the new army was at İnönü in Hüdavendigâr Vilayet, where Mustafa İsmet Pasha managed to finally halt the Greek advance albeit the battle was still largely a stalemate.

The stage was set for the second phase of the war, a phase of a more united, more organized and above all tougher Turkish resistance. By this time all other fronts had been settled in favour of Ankara, and support started to arrive not only from the Soviets but also from Italians who viewed the Greek plans for Anatolia with great suspicion. In the Greek summer offensive of 1921, the battles of Afyonkarahisar-Eskişehir culminated in a victory of the attackers, as the defences of the Army of the Grand National Assembly crumbled, albeit Mustafa İsmet Pasha managed to avoid encirclement and create a new defensive line along the Sakarya River. But the Greeks, determined to end the struggle there once and for all, opted to press on and seize Ankara, in order to end the nationalist government and reinstate Ottoman control over the entirety of Anatolia, as by then the government of Istanbul had been reduced to nothing more than a puppet of British interests. King Constantine, Prime Minister Dimitrios Gounaris, and General Anastasios Papoulas were all eager and greedy to see the fulfilment of the Megali Idea, not realizing the ever-growing strength of the national movement and the logistical problems their army was facing deep in Anatolia. The ensuing Battle of Sakarya lasted for 21 days. The Greeks won a pyrrhic victory at best and were forced to retreat and abandon hopes of imposing a settlement on Ankara with the force of arms. Mustafa Kemal returned in triumph to Ankara where the Grand National Assembly awarded him the rank of Field Marshal of the Army, as well as the title of Gazi rendering honours as the saviour of the Turkish nation. The initiative was now in the hands of the Turks.

Having failed to reach a military solution, Greece appealed to the other Allies for help, but early in 1922 Britain, France and Italy decided that the Treaty of Sèvres could not be enforced and had to be revised. The price of the Great War had been heavy, and there was little public support for a further military campaign to fulfil the irredentist dreams of the Greek Kingdom, already heavily indebted and with its morale badly crippled. In accordance with this decision, the Italian and French troops evacuated their positions, leaving the Greeks even further exposed. Only the British remained somewhat committed to aiding the Greeks in their campaign. An armistice was proposed in March, but Mustafa Kemal turned the offer down knowing very well that the strategic situation was on his side, as further soldiers were being trained for the Turkish Army every month, and shipments of weaponry from the Bolsheviks kept arriving by rail and by sea. Political resistance to the campaign in Anatolia intensified in Greece, and claims of a botched plan for a military coup in Athens further demoralized the troops and officers stationed hundreds of kilometres away from the Aegean in barren Anatolian highlands. The decision to deal the final decisive strike to the Greeks was taken in August 1922, as Mustafa Kemal launched the Büyük Taarruz, the Great Attack. The decisive Field Battle of the Commander-in-Chief was fought at Dumlupınar for four days, and the Greek Army of Asia Minor was all but destroyed, resulting in a complete collapse and hasty retreat in face of advancing Turkish troops of the Western Front, totalling over 200,000 men in 18 infantry and 5 cavalry divisions. Already on September 9 the Turkish Army entered İzmir, in a great symbolic victory that permanently reversed any Greek hopes of major territorial gains, being regarded as the symbol of the whole war of liberation by Turks. Indeed, the mere word İzmir was to become almost synonymous with liberation in the minds of the nationalists. Mustafa Kemal would later choose the date of the liberation as the foundation date of the Republican People’s Party.

However, the mission of the Turkish Army had not yet come to an end. The European Turkey, the Eastern Thrace and above all Istanbul, was still awaiting its rescue. After re-capturing Smyrna, Turkish forces headed north for Bosporus, the Sea of Marmara, and the Dardanelles where the Allied garrisons were reinforced by British, French and Italian troops from Istanbul. Turkish officers already started to infiltrate Istanbul and create underground networks that could spark a revolt once the Army under Mustafa Kemal initiated the last stage of the battle of liberation. However, this stage would never materialize, as the will of Mustafa Kemal and his Grand National Assembly prevailed and on October 11, 1922, an armistice was signed at Mudanya. The conference had dragged on far beyond the original expectations. In the end, it was the British who yielded to Ankara's advances. One after one their demands had been dropped, first Istanbul, then Eastern Thrace east of the Maritsa. The only concession to which Ismet Pasha had agreed at the negotiations was an agreement that his troops would not advance any farther toward the Dardanelles, which gave a safe haven for the British troops as long as the conference continued. By then Greek troops were already withdrawing. On 1 November 1922, the Grand National Assembly declared the Ankara government to be the Turkish government and abolished the Sultanate. On 17 November 1922, Mehmed VI Vahideddin the last Ottoman Sultan departed from Constantinople aboard the British ship HMS Malaya. Both liberation and revolution had been achieved; Turkey was now a truly independent country, free of foreign occupation and ancient constraints. Negotiations for a full peace treaty soon began at Lausanne, and lasted till the next summer. Ismet Pasha collectively refused any concessions, and thanks to the decisive victories won by the Turkish Army was able to net major gains, not only territorially but also by removing the capitulations of the Ottoman Empire and returning Turkish finances to control of the new Ankara government, which the Allies were forced to recognize as the successor of the Ottoman Empire. The Treaty of Lausanne was signed on July 24 1923 and the Allies started to evacuate Istanbul in the autumn. The first Turkish troops entered Constantinople on 6 October 1923 and on 29 October, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed with Ankara as its capital city.

“The victory in Anatolia is the best expression in history of how powerful an ideal fostered by a nation can be.”
-
Mustafa Kemal
 
The Qissa Khwani Bazaar Massacre
tT2V0MS.jpg



23 April 1930 would be a day that would go down in infamy within India, sparking protests and outrage across the Raj in response to the actions of the British administration , the slaughter of unarmed protestors who made no resistance or fight against the British, and the brutality of the event.

The event came about following the arrest of Khān Abdul Ghaffār Khān, a friend of Gandhi who supported the movement of non-violence and opposition to the British regime within India, along with several other leaders of the Khudai Khaidmatgar. Khān was a devoted Muslim who had founded the Khudai Khidmatgar (Servants of God), and had at times been nicknamed as the Frontier Ghandi. He was arrested on the 23 April after giving a speech with urged resistance to British rule in India.

In response to the arrests, large crowds began to gather at the Qissa Khwani Bazaar, which in turn made the British move into the bazaar to disperse the crowd. At first the crowd was reported to be loud with several stones being thrown, resulting in the death of a British dispatch rider. The British responded with driving two armored cars into the bazaar at high speed, killing several individuals. The Khudai Khaimatgar remained non-violent, offering to disperse if they could gather the dead and wounded, as well as having the British leave the square at which they were located.

The British refused, and instead issued orders to open fire upon the Indians who, true to their non-violence civil disobedience, refused to fight back, standing strong and proud as one after another fell. It was reported that as one man fell, another would simply take his place. The event lasted for six hours before the British finally ceased.

For the British, it was a disaster. They claimed only 20 demonstrators had been killed, but Indian sources quickly claimed that up to 400 had been slaughtered in the event, with countless more wounded. But apart from the mere number of lives lost, the attention it had gathered across India had lit the subcontinent aflame with anger and protest. One of the worst signs for the British, may very will just have been the refusal of the Royal Garhwal Rifles to partake in the event, having refused to board the buses. The Royal Garhwal Rifles were one of the most prestigious units in the Indian military, having partaken on the western front during the Great War. And like the rest of the events that day, their refusal to partake sent shockwaves through India.
 
Last edited:
320px-Flag_of_the_Soviet_Union_%281924-1936%29.svg.png

The Czechoslovak-Soviet Agreement of 1930

1. A program to exchange knowledge will take place between the Czechoslovak Republic and the Soviet Union.

a. Three hundred Soviet engineers and technicians will spend one year studying the industry and systems of the Czechoslovak Republic, and then compare the methods of the Czechs and Slovaks to those utilised in the Soviet Union and present the report to a plenum of the politburo.
b. Three hundred Czechoslovak engineers and technicians will spend one year studying the industry and system of the Soviet Union and then present the findings to the government.
2. The economies of the two countries will be tied closer together.
a. Tariff rates on all industrial and select consumer products will be fixed between the two countries at the current rate until 1935.


[X] - Soviet Union
[ ] - Czechoslovakia
 
[x] Signed, Czechoslovak Republic
 
Election Time in the Dominion of Canada

M8rZraWm.jpg
0Qf6Ulmm.jpg
s0ReApum.jpg

With respect to giving moneys out of the federal treasury to any Tory government in this country for these alleged unemployment purposes, with these governments situated as they are to-day, with policies diametrically opposed to those of this government, I would not give them a five-cent piece. – William Lyon Mackenzie King, House of Commons, April 3, 1930

wOcrblZm.jpg

You say our tariffs are only for the manufacturers. I will make them fight for you [farmers] as well. I will use them to blast a way into the markets that have been closed to you. - R. B. Bennett, election speech, Winnipeg, June 9, 1930

BYWDfQ4m.jpg

I propose that any government of which I am the head will at the first session of Parliament initiate whatever action is necessary to that end, or perish in the attempt. - R. B. Bennett, on the elimination of unemployment, June 9, 1930

TTjHHIHm.jpg
uGX899vm.jpg


The CANADIAN FEDERAL ELECTION shall be held on JULY 28, 1930, in all NINE PROVINCES

VdHn0x8m.jpg
8rQaAEJm.jpg
zpMzZqYm.jpg

 
Last edited: