[Forum Game] World in Revolution: 1929

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    Real Strategy Requires Cunning

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Sleater

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Rattanakosin Kingdom


King Prajadhipok (King Rama VII) Since 1925

Form of Government:
Absolute Monarchy
Head of State: King Prajadhipok (King Rama VII)
Head of Government: Prince Paripatra, regent and Minister of the Interior. Senior Member of the Supreme Council


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MastahCheef117

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GM Note: Orders are due at 4pm EST (GMT -5), 12 September (Tuesday). Orders are ALWAYS DUE at 4pm EST unless otherwise specified.
 

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Official communicate of the abbyssynian empire to Italy.


Many years ago a war was fought between the Italians and the abbyssinians, it was a long war and many people died in the two sides, it ended in the battle of adwa and italy was oblirated to recognized the indepence of abbysinia, many years has passed since that and the italians and abbysians even fought wars against the common enemie that was the dervishes. I hope that actions like these are proof of a new friendship betwenn or nations, so I hope agree to sign a non-agression pact.



(X) Empress Zewditu of Abbyssinia

( ) Italian minister of foreign affairs
 
Last edited:

Riccardo93

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Regatul României
Kingdom of Romania

History and stuff to be here later probably
 

Fingon888

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Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré Resigns!
July 29th, 1929
Prime Minister since 1926 and former President of France Raymond Poincaré has announced that he will resign from the Presidency of the Council, remaining a Senator, citing health concerns. Minister of Foreign Affairs Aristide Briand has taken the place as Prime Minister pledging to continue the work of M. Poincaré and promising new foreign policy initiatives in the coming months. All Ministers have been retained in their current positions by the new Prime Minister, himself retaining the Ministry of Foreign Affairs...

(Article continues on Page 4)
 

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Republic of the United States of Brazil

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Gorganslayer

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Australia in the Great War



When War broke out in Europe in 1914, Australia automatically found itself at war with the central powers. However there was considerable support among the australian population for the war effort, with preparations being made for an overseas force to be raised for war in the European theatre. Volunteers flocked to recruiting offices and while strict physical requirements were set for service by the end of 1914 over 50,000 men had volunteered themselves for service. Far outweighing Prime Minister Joseph Cooks call for 20,000 men and the aim of the Australian Military who aimed to establish an 18,000 strong force (comprised of 12,000 Australians and 6,000 New Zealanders)


One of the primarily concerns of the Australian Government at the outbreak of war was the existence of German Colonies in New Guinea and the surrounding islands which were being used by the Germans as wireless bases for the German East Asia squadron representing a threat to Australian Merchant Shipping. In August 1914 Australia suffered her first casualties of the war when an Australian force seized the German colonies. The operation was arguably mismanaged as the australians were delayed by a understrength German colonial militia but the skill of the Australian troops at close-quarters fighting and outflanking German positions won themselves regard and unnerved the Germans. The fighting in New Guinea was effectively ended by the end of the siege of Toma following heavy RAN bombardment by HMAS Encounter and the German surrender of the Territory on the 17th of September. Australian forces would garrison the island until the end of the war.




Due to constitutional restrictions on the use of conscription. The First Australian Imperial Force was an all volunteer force and had some of the strictest selection criteria in the world with up to 30% of all applicants being rejected. The first Imperial force was made up of one Infantry Division and the prestigious Australian Light Horse Brigade but the high numbers of enlistment allowed a 4th Infantry Brigade to be raised and two further Light Horse Brigades as well. By the end of the war Australia would field 5 Divisions apart from a briefly raised 6th Division which was disbanded to ensure that the other 5 maintained full strength. In order to replace loses the strict requirements were slowly lowered over time as the high casualties meant that Australia’s relatively small population could not maintain the high standards. Indeed of the 32,000 members of the original Imperial Force only 7,000 would survive through the entire war.


In November 1914 the Australian 1st Division left Albany for Egypt after delays over concerns of German warships. Concerns which proved well founded after the light cruiser HMAS Sydney found and engaged the SMS Emden which after a 25 minute firefight was forced to ground itself in order to avoid sinking. After this the convoy continued on unmolested and Australian troops arrived in Egypt where they were initially used to defend the Suez Canal against attacks by the Ottoman Empire. Following this the Australian troops underwent a training exercise to prepare them for the European theatre, as well as being merged with their fellow New Zealand troops to form the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC). However instead of the being sent to the European theatre they were kept in Egypt over the winter, and they were instead earmarked for service in the Dardanelles as part of Churchill’s plans to open the Black Sea and the Bosphorous.


Gallipoli is often regarded as Australia’s baptism by fire and not without reason. ANZAC forces originally intended to land of Cape Helles found themselves through some fault or another clustered north in an area no referred to as ANZAC cove. While lightly defended the ANZACS were faced with a treacherous series of tangled undergrowth and step spurs and the Turks under Mustafa Kemel were quick to reinforce the area leading to a race from both sides to capture the valuable high ground. While the ANZACS managed to secure the first ridgeline their advance was checked at the second ridgeline where a series of bloody battles were fought over a knoll dubbed ‘baby 700’. Though it changed hands several times the Turkish eventually forced the ANZACS off the hill, though a follow up attack to force the ANZACS off the ridge failed, with both sides settling into trench warfare.

Snipers on both sides of the Gallipoli campaign caused significant casualties among the forces and the mishandled second Battle of Krithia led to over 1,800 Australian casualties in a daylight advance that could have easily been avoided by a night maneuver. Once again though the ANZACs held off the following Turkish counterattack with Lance Corporal Albert Jacka earning Australia’s first Victoria Cross of the War.


The Stalemate at Gallipoli continued and in August another offensive was planned with 2 new divisions to be landed north of ANZAC cove while the ANZACs themselves were to launch a series of diversionary attacks on weak points along the Turkish trench system while at places like Krithia the fighting again bogged down with heavy casualties on both sides and no significant gains at the Battle of Lone Pine, Australian forces inflicted 7,000 loses on the Turks for the loss of 2,000 of their own. However the main attacks bogged down with drastic consequences for the 3rd Light Horse Brigade who suffered heavy loses and while the diversion allowed the British to land north relatively unopposed the failure of the commander to capitalise on this and secure more than just the initial beachhead again allowed the Turks to capture the high ground and turned the new Suvla front into another Trench stalemate. The last attacks on Hill 60 and Scimitar Hill failed to unite the ANZAC and Suvla units and signified the end of the British effort to break out of Gallipoli.


Thus after 8 months of heavy fighting the decision was made to evacuate from the peninsula. In a well executed plan (Arguably the best of the campaign) the troop numbers were progressively reduced from December with the Allies playing cunning traps on the Turkish to hide their motives. (Common strategies employed by Australians included keeping an entire Trench section quiet for hours until a Turkish patrol came to investigate before opening fire or jury-rigging rifles with simple water-drop mechanisms to keep them firing. The evacuation was completed without a casualty.




Gallipoli had a significant impact on the mindset of the Australian people and soldiers. Over 26,000 Australian and 7,500 New Zealander casualties were suffered by the ANZACs in Gallipoli and none of the major objectives of the campaign had been achieved. Because of this australian troops quickly came to regard these losses as having been from uncaring and incompetent British Officers. Gallipoli has been pinpointed as a moment that lead to the development of an Australian National Identity as opposed to Australians still regarding themselves as British. Even today the official day of the landings the 25th of April is an official public holiday and stories of Gallipoli such as the ideals of ‘mateship’ and the tale of Simpson and his Donkey - a medic who would carry casualties down the steep terrain on a donkey he befriended have found a place in the Australian national zeitgeist.


Following the Gallipoli campaign the Imperial force was expanded and split up. A total of 5 infantry divisions were now in australian service and these were dispatched to the European theatre while the Mounted forces were also expanded and remained stationed in Egypt. Australians also made up the majority of the Imperial Camel Corps. In Egypt these troops aided in the suppression of the Senussi uprising as well as in the Battle of Romani where the Australian Light Cavalry pursued the retreating German and Ottoman forces back to their base Bir el Abd where the later forced them out effectively ending the threat to the Suez Canal. Australians continued to show their merit in Egypt successfully capturing the fortified position of Magdhaba. The Australians after being told to withdraw just before launching their attack deliberately misplaced the orders and managed to capture the position resulting in the capture of the entire garrison and opening the way into Palestine. One of the most significant engagements for the Australian forces in Egypt was the Battle of Beersheba.


After the continued failure of the Egyptian forces to break through the heavily fortified Gaza-Beersheba line the Australian mounted divisions were committed to the attack. Initially the attacks by British infantry made headway against the strong fortifications. Late in the afternoon the only remaining uncommitted unit of the Australian mounted forces, the 4th Light Horse was ordered to capture Beersheba before nightfall. Aerial reconnaissance had shown that the Beersheba trenches lacked barbed wire and were vulnerable to a mounted attack. Drawing on experiences from the Boer Wars the Light Horse prepared for a Cavalry charge, armed only with Bayonets for Melee combat. The Light horse prepared for the attack roughly 4 miles out from Beersheba and began their charge on Beersheba. Though coming under fire from Ottoman batteries many of these were in turn quickly silenced by British batteries. After reaching the main Ottoman trenches the 12th Light Horse regiment at a gallop simply jumped the trenches before dismounting and engaging the shaken defenders in hand to hand fighting. Soon the Ottomans surrendered and the 4th Light Horse consolidated the position while the 12th Light Horse continued the charge on to Beersheba itself. It is estimated that more than half of the Ottoman troops were captured or killed. The overall impact of the greater Gaza broke the position of the Ottomans in Palestine and lead to the capture of Jerusalem 6 weeks later. Beersheba is still remembered as one of the last great Cavalry charges. Australian troops in Egypt were also the first to enter Damascus.




Meanwhile Australian infantry divisions were active in Western Europe with them being reorganised as I and II Australian Corps respectively. The transfer was complete by April 1916 in time to participate in the Battle of the Somme. Though the Australians did not see action on the first day after three weeks 4 of the 5 Australian divisions had been committed to the campaign. The 5th Division saw action first in the Battle of Fromelles, under German attack the division suffered over 5,000 casualties; The battle is often referred to as the worst 24hrs in Australia’s history. Further casualties continued to mount as the Australians faced strong German counterattacks, at Pozieres the initial Australian attack captured the position with few losses but intensive German bombardment led to another 5,000 casualties which led to the 1st Division being replaced with the 2nd Division which was subjected to the same brutal ordeal suffering close to 7,000 loses in turn and also being withdrawn. After 45 days of brutal fighting on the Somme the AIF was replaced by the Canadian Corps in order to reorganize and reinforce with the entire force suffering over 23,000 casualties.


In 1917 the AIF was responsible for pursuing the Germans back to the Hindenburg line. While the first attempt to break the line was a disaster, and the Australians were forced to fall back after a series of German counterattacks aimed against the British in the Battle of Arras losing several artillery pieces in the process. However the Australians rallied and recaptured the town before later launching a second attack - this time successful against the Hindenburg Line. The breach was successfully held until the Australians could be further reinforced. Australians also served in the Battle of Passchendaele and the preceding Battle of Messines


The Australians made early advances, successfully sweeping the German line away from Broodseinde and other strong points even turning a German counterattack into a rout. The next phase of the battle would not be as easy, as horrid weather stepped in turning the battlefield into a muddy quagmire stalling the attacks and preventing the Australian advance. By the time the Australians had been withdrawn they had suffered over 38,000 casualties.


In 1918 Australian forces were faced with the German Spring Offensive. The Australian Divisions were rushed south to the Messines. Over a period of 5 months all divisions would be engaged against the Germans fighting many significant battles notably, Villers-Bretonneux and Hamel. The first significant for being the first case of tank vs tank warfare though the town was only recaptured later by Australians. Every blackboard in the town’s school is engraved with the words “Let us never forget the Australians” and since in 1923 a project to build an official australian cemetery in France has been in the works with final approval expected to be given by the French Government some time in 1929. Hamel is significant as the first set piece battle organised by the legendary Australian General John Monash and has since been referred to as a model for conducting a combined arms attack. Using coordination between aircraft, armour and artillery the attack was over in 93 minutes - 3 minutes more than the 90 window Monash had planned for and completed its main objectives of straightening the allied lines, forcing the Germans back over 2 kilometres.


In preparation of the Allied Hundred Days Offensive, Small Australian units conducted small raids to capture sections of the German Line. Australians further played a significant role in the Battle of the Amiens, described by Ludendorff as a “black day for the German Army.” The last actions of the AIF were during the Second Battle of the Somme by which point the few reinforcements arriving from Australia and the high casualties had stretched the AIF to the limit of its fighting capability. When the armistice was signed Australians were already pulled off the line for rest and recovery. Total Australian casualties for the Western Front stood at over 180,000. Which for a nation of roughly 5 million people represented around 3.6% of the entire population.


The Home Front was significantly impacted during the War. The Australian economy itself suffered heavily during the war as the Government took more and more control of the economy. While Australia was small pre-war its population was arguably one of the most prosperous. While during the war exports increased by 45%, notably in steel and iron manufacturing it led to an increase in inflation and cost for consumer goods ultimately leading to an increase in the Australian cost of living. The Trade Union movement also grew rapidly and while wages were increased by up to 12% this often did not match inflation. Industrial action over both the economy and the issue of conscription led to a significant loss of wages and work days. The cost of the war also added up to 377 million pounds (70% of which was borrowed.) GDP declined by 9.5%, civilian employment by 6% and per capita incomes by 16%.


The issue of conscription was the biggest domestic dispute of the war. Under the terms of the constitution Australia was barred from using conscripts in overseas conflict and as such the original AIF was an all-volunteer force. However by 1916 the increasing casualties and declining enlistment rates brought the issue of conscription into the national debate. A Public plebiscite on the issue showed the public was deeply divided over the issue with 51% voting no to 49% voting yes. The result split the Labor party and the pro-conscription Billy Hughes left the party to found the Nationalist Party of Australia. A second plebiscite in late 1917 was defeated by an even greater margin which resulted in manpower shortages in the AIF throughout 1917 and 1918. To rectify this Monash disbanded Battalions and condensed them. This order was often ignored by soldiers for whom the Battalion formed the nucleus of their military position and acted as a position of pride and identification. The war ended before this confrontation could come to a head however.


At the Paris Peace Conference the Australian Delegation was primarily concerned with receiving reparations and the annexation of German Papua New Guinea. Furthermore, while Billy Hughes stated that he had no objection to the Japanese racial equality proposal he demanded that it be stated in unambiguous terms that this did not confer any rights to enter Australia. As a result of his lobbying the Japanese proposal was ultimately not included in the Treaty, straining relations between Australia and Japan.


Though Britain had given its consent for Japan to occupy the German Pacific and East Asian colonies, Hughes was alarmed by this idea and with the Governments of South Africa and New Zealand argued that they should be allowed to retain their occupied German territories. This was because Hughes was concerned over the potential threat of a rising Japan. In the end Australia was awarded a Class C mandate over Papua New Guinea. Furthermore Australia also demanded its own seat on the League of Nations. Hughes and Wilson notoriously clashed over the demands of the Australian delegation. One of their more famous arguments goes as follows:


Wilson, “you speak for only five million people”

Hughes, “I speak for sixty thousand dead”


Despite Wilson’s distaste, Hughes managed to secure Australian control over Papua New Guinea. Something some people view as his greatest achievement.
 

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中華民國
Zhōnghuá Mínguó
The Republic of China


Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek
President of the National Government of the Republic of China
 

Guaire123456789

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Anglo-Ethiopian Railway Agreement

In light of the past friendship of our two nations the Ethiopian people have learned of the British way of life and the great industrial strengths of the British railroads. The benefits of these machines for trade and transportation are great and we wish to seek aid from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in the creation of railways in the Kingdom of Abyssinia to encourage economic development and the strengthening of trade ties between our two nations. Therefore, we offer this treaty to the United Kingdom:

I. A railway will be constructed between Addis Ababa and Khartoum by privateBritish railroad companies.

II. The Kingdom of Abyssinia will pay 50% of the total cost of constructing the Addis Ababa-Khartoum Railway.

III. Any British company contracted to build and maintain the Addis Ababa-Khartoum Railway will maintain special diplomatic privileges on their private property in Abyssinia and diplomatic judicial privileges throughout the Kingdom.

It is the wish of this government that the government of the United Kingdom accept this treaty to foster greater friendship and economic ties between our great and ancient nations.

[ ] Representative of the Monarch ofAbyssinia
[ ] Representative of His Majesty'sGovernment of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
 
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Korona

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The Foreign Office of the United Kingdom
God Save the King

Regretfully, His Majesty's Government has informed me that the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland will not be able to attach it's signature to the Anglo-Ethiopian Railway Agreement. His Majesty's Government wishes to express their condolences to Empress Zewditu, and hopes that this unfortunate incident will not harm the friendly and cordial relations that have existed between our two countries for many years.

~ Sydney Waterlow, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Abyssinia
 

Harpsichord

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Official communicate of the abbyssynian empire to Italy.


Many years ago a war was fought between the Italians and the abbyssinians, it was a long war and many people died in the two sides, it ended in the battle of adwa and italy was oblirated to recognized the indepence of abbysinia, many years has passed since that and the italians and abbysians even fought wars against the common enemie that was the dervishes. I hope that actions like these are proof of a new friendship betwenn or nations, so I hope agree to sign a non-agression pact.



(X) Empress Zewditu of Abbyssinia

( ) Italian minister of foreign affairs



In response to the Abyssinian communiqué I refer their government to the Italo-Abyssinian Treaty of 1928, in which our two nations declared their "constant peace and perpetual friendship". I believe this makes superfluous any talk of a ' non-aggression pact' between our governments, having so recently declared everlasting friendship. I also note that the treaty outlines provision for a modern road between the port of Assab and the town of Dessie; I suggest that in the interests of friendship and mutual development, this road be continued to Addis Ababa with an adjacent railroad to facilitate the export of goods through Assab. Further, I believe it may be in our mutual interests to establish a railroad between the ports of Mogadishu and Assab. Please consider these proposals in detail.

Benito Mussolini, Prime Minister of Italy and Duce of Fascism
 

Gorganslayer

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Australia from 1920 - 1929


After the Great War the australian political scene was dominated by the nationalist party led by Billy Hughes. Comprised of mostly old liberal members it also contained some notable of Labor breakaways primarily over the conscription debate. Of these, Billy Hughes himself was the most significant. Australia was also hit by the Spanish Flu pandemic with an estimated 12,000 people killed by the sickness that was most likely brought back by returning soldiers.


In 1920 following on from the success of the revolution in Russia the Communist Party of Australia was formed although it remained a fringe party and the Country Party was also established. Promoting its view of agrarianism referred to as ‘countrymindedness’ the party aimed to secure subsidies for farmers and graziers as well as raise their status. The Country Party notably saw significant electoral success and formed coalition government with the Nationalists.


The 20’s were characterised by large scale industrial action. Notably the 1923 Victorian Police strike. Starting on the 31st of October when a squad of 29 Constables at the Russell Street Police Headquarters refused to work citing their opposition to the continued use of Labour Spies. At the time the Victorian police force was underpaid compared to other police forces and furthermore they were understaffed. Despite Government assurances that an Industry pension would be introduced this was continuously deferred and by 1923 had not been implemented.


The Police association had made numerous attempts to negotiate with the Nationalist Victorian Government but itself was not responsible for directing the strikes though it did later negotiate on behalf of the strikers. Instead the strike was mostly led by constables while senior officers and detectives did not take part.


After 24 hours the premier called for a return to work with promises of no victimisation, when this was refused he again called for a return to work after another 48 hours this time with no guarantee regarding victimisation. The Victorian Trades Hall council volunteered to negotiate on behalf of the strikers but was rebuffed by the government. Consequently nearly a third of the Victorian Police force lost their jobs and were never employed.


During the strike on the Friday and Saturday nights riots and looting broke out in Melbourne leading to three deaths. Tramway staff and uniformed sailors were forced to direct traffic in absence of the Police those of which were on duty had retreated to Town Hall following harassment by crowds. The Premier appealed to the Federal Government for troops to restore order which was refused. In response over 5,000 volunteer special constables under the authority of Sir John Monash were raised to restore order to the street, mainly comprised of former AIF forces.


Following the Strike a royal commision investigated the strike and handed down its findings leading to the government increasing pay and conditions and implementing a pension scheme in 1923.


The Victorian strike was just one of the larger of the many industrial action throughout the period that struck industries along the waterfront as well as the coal mining and timber industries. In response to the government efforts to reduce the power of unions - traditionally strong in Australia resulting in the formation of the Australian Council of Trade Unions in 1927.


In 1927 the Northern Territory was also divided up in the Northern Territory and the territory of Central Australia centred around Stuart Town (modern day Alice Springs)


Culturally, Australia was influenced by culture with Jazz music, entertainment culture, new technology and consumerism all being found in Australia. While Prohibition itself was never implemented in Australia, anti-alcohol lobbyist groups were able to have success in forcing hotels to close after 6pm if not entirely in some areas of the cities. At the time however the Australian film industry also began to decline, despite a royal commision in 1927 to investigate the causes the decline continued, a sorry end for an industry that had produced the first feature film - the 1906 ‘The Story of the Kelly Gang.’


In 1923 Stanley Bruce became the Prime Minister of Australia and established his priority for Australia as, “men, money and markets accurately defined the needs of Australia.” This was underpinned by a migration campaign run throughout the 1920’s which encouraged 300,000 Britons to migrate to Australia. Though plans to settle these migrants and returned settlers in new agricultural regions in Queensland and Western Australia were generally at best unsuccessful and at worst disastrous. Throughout the 1920s Federal and State governments funded infrastructure projects through foreign loans and as a result in 1928 a Loan Council was established in order to coordinate these loans. The Government also followed the policy of Imperial Preference but despite this was unable to achieve a balance of trade with Britain, with more than 40% of imports coming from Britain will ~38% of exports went to Britain. Australia was also dangerously reliant on two export goods; Wheat and Wool


Australia was also quick to adopt new technologies. Coastal sailing ships were replaced by steamships and major improvements were found in both rail and motor transport leading to the end of the Cobb and Co stage coach company in 1924. In 1918 there was perhaps 50,000 lorries and cars across all of Australia by 1929 this number had increased tenfold with at least 500,000 in use. Australians also adapted to the new significance of air travel. In 1920 the Queensland and Northern Territory Air Service was established (Which would later become the airline QANTAS) while in 1928 Reverend John Flynn established the Royal Flying Doctors Service - the world's first air ambulance service. The pilot Sir Charles Kingsford Smith also achieved several aerial accomplishments completing a round Australia trip in 1927 and traversing the pacific in 1928 travelling from the USA via Hawaii and Fiji to arrive in Australia in his aircraft the Southern Cross.


Despite all this the Australian economy was already showing signs of stress going into 1929 and who knows how the oncoming depression will impact the young federation.
 

Sneakyflaps

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The Indian Question

Speech by Vallabhbhai Patel; leader of a delegation on behalf of the Indian National Congress to the United Kingdom to solve the unresolved issue of the Nehru Commission and the demand for Indian Dominion status by the end of 1929.

”When walking the streets here in London, one is consumed by the election. It is in the newspapers, it is on the lips of the people and none of this is strange, and neither should it be. But when one begins to talk about the election topics, especially with the British people whom I meet here on the streets, it seems as if most cares stop at the coast. It doesn’t really come off as strange either, the high unemployment, along with the questionable economic stability over the past decade here in Britain, the focus of the election on the economy can’t truly be blamed.

But despite the rather understandable focus of the British public on their financial state and security. It seems that it fall flat for the British public at large to have notice the change taking place in a large part of the British Empire, in the part which has often been described as the jewel in the Crown, that of India. This election, which is taking place right now in Britain, is far more important than what may scratch the surface, for it is the government which will be elected in a few months that will decide if the British Empire will manage to stand the test of time, and the waves of change. As such, for this election, it is also the British public at large which now must decide the course of the Empire, and most importantly, if Britain has a future in India.

Now the last line which I just spoke may come as a shock to many here in Britain, especially those which have not been following affairs closely in India. But the fact of the matter is that India is no longer the same that it was in the glory days of Empress Victoria, its people are no longer the same, its politics are no longer the same, and the British Empire is certainly not the same.

Over the last few decades, the desire for self-rule in India has risen at a great pace. It has swept across the continent and can no longer be ignored by not just the British authorities, but the British Public at large. India has faced hardships following the Great War, similar to events which have happened here in Britain, and it has awoken the public, a public across the continent who now wish to rule themselves.

It is not my hope that I come across today, as if Britain has done nothing for India, or has not improved upon several parts of India. Britain has done several wonders in India, such as the construction of railroads and the expansion of education under British rule. But Britain has also brought hardship, such as the brutality shown against Lala Lajpat Rai, a Muslim in India, just to name one example whom died under police brutality late last year.

I bring him up because he was a symbol of resistance to British Rule, he was especially important within the Muslim community in the Raj. I bring him up because upon his beating he is noted to have said: ‘I declare that the blows struck at me today will be the last nails in the coffin of British rule in India’. Now, I personally don’t believe this, and neither, I believe, does the majority of India. His beating alone is not enough, but sadly it has not been his beating alone.

I feel it is far more important to remember the words of Gandhi, who nearly a decade said, and forgive me for paraphrasing: ‘The question of whether India would remain within the Empire or leave it completely would be answered by the behavior and response of the British.’

Now as I have already pointed out earlier, it is no longer just the fringe groups which desire self-rule, but the vast majority if not the whole of India, which seeks a change of status for India. India itself is as we speak being split down two dividing paths, which of those who seek a complete end to British rule and influence, and those of us who seek to attain the status of Dominion alongside many other Dominions in the Empire. Previous colonies such as Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand.

I feel it especially important to remember Gandhi’s words, now that India is beginning to face this divide over the question of the British Empire, which the future of India within the British Empire relies solely on the response which the British Empire gives onto India. These weeks in India, protests, riots and fights are already erupting between the two various groups. Personally I am a supporter of the Dominion cause, just like a greater number of Indians, and I believe that India is best served as a member of the Empire. I also believe that Britain itself is best served by the elevation of India as a dominion.

I say this because I doubt anyone here can deny the importance of India to Britain, both in terms of trade, culture and resources. Indians have served in this Empire, prospered and suffered alongside with Britain, Canada, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand. The Indian army invaded Mesopotamia during the Great War, Indian soldiers fought at the Somme, Tsingtao and Gallipoli, to name a few, alongside the rest of the Empire. A responsibility which we would wish with all our hearts to continue, but to do so we must also be recognized as equals, and receive the same status as Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand.

And it is my sincerest hope that we may all soon stand alongside as equals, which can only happen when India is granted the status it deserves in the Empire, and most importantly that India is granted its right to rule over itself, rather than from London.

Once more returning to the words of Gandhi, the time has come from that response from Britain, India can no longer wait. Last year, the Indian Congress requested a response from the British government, to give dominion status of that alongside of Canada, Australia and so on, no later than the 31st of December this year, 1929, less than a year from this speech. So far India has yet to be granted it, and every day that there is delay, the movement for the complete end to British Rule grows. While the cause I deeply support, that of Dominion status, weakens.

I hope that my speech and presence here, as a representative of the Indian National Congress, allows the people of Britain to realize the seriousness and the urgency which all of India desires this resolution and the grant of dominion status.

I hope that the Prime Minister, both the present and whoever may take up the mantle following the election, if it shall still be Mr. Baldwin or someone else, takes our request with the utmost seriousness, as well as my visit here and that of my delegation, with all the gravity which it deserves. It is my deepest hope that we may reach a resolution which grants India that which it so sorely desires, so that we may stand together in unity and harmony as an Empire for centuries more to come. For should the hope of all of India be granted, cheers will be sung high as India, along with the rest of the Empire, enters a new and prosperous era of cooperation and friendship.

Thank you for your time.”
 

Fingon888

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Address by Prime Minister Aristide Briand to the Assembly of the League of Nations
Geneva, Reformation Hall, 5 September 1929

My colleague and friend M. Hymans, in his very fine speech, touched upon another delicate problem which the League of Nations had taken up and on which it had gathered excellent and very interesting documentation. This is the problem of economic disarmament; for there is not only peace among the peoples from the political point of view, but also economic peace.

M. Hymans has proposed certain solutions which, for my part, I will consider with sympathy. But, let me say, in this field too, the League of Nations must decide to move forward with a firm step. She must not treat these questions with the timidity which the difficulties of the task might inspire.

I do not believe in the solution of such a problem - I mean a genuine solution, that is to say, of ensuring economic peace - by purely technical means. Admittedly, technical advisers must be sought; we must surround ourselves with them and respect them; it is necessary to accept to work on the basis of a serious and solid documentation. But if we were to rely solely on the technicians responsible for dealing with these problems, every year we should resign ourselves to making beautiful speeches and every year bitterly recording many disappointments.

It is only on the condition that the problem is solved and that a political point can be envisaged that governments will be able to solve it. If it remains on the technical plane, all the particular interests will be seen to arise, to unite, to oppose: there will be no general solution.

Here, with some concern, I might say with some uneasiness, which gives rise to a timidity in me which you will excuse, I approach another problem. For the last few years I have been associated with active propaganda in favor of an idea which has been kindly described as generous, perhaps to dispense with calling it imprudent. This idea, which was born many years ago, has haunted the imagination of philosophers and poets, which has earned them what can be called successes of esteem, this idea has advanced in many minds by its own value. It ended up appearing as responding to a necessity. Propagandists have come together to spread it, to make it enter the minds of the nations, and I confess that I was among those propagandists.

I have not, however, without concealing from myself the difficulties of such an undertaking, or perceiving the inconvenience of a statesman in undertaking what would readily be called such an adventure. But I think that in every act of man, even the most important and wise, there is always some grain of folly or temerity. So I gave myself absolution in advance and I took a step forward. I did it with caution. I realize that improvisation would be formidable and I do not deny that the problem is perhaps a little outside the League of Nations program; it is connected with it, for since the Covenant, the Society has never ceased to advocate the rapprochement of peoples and regional unions, even the most extensive.

I think that between peoples who are geographically grouped like the peoples of Europe there must be a sort of federal link; these peoples must at all times have the opportunity to enter into contact, to discuss their interests, to take common resolutions, to establish a bond of solidarity among themselves, enabling them to cope, at the right moment, with serious circumstances, should they arise.

It is this connection which I should like to try to establish.

Obviously, the Association will act mainly in the economic field: this is the most pressing issue. I think we can achieve success. But I am also sure that from a political point of view, from a social point of view, the federal bond, without affecting the sovereignty of any of the nations that could be part of such an association, can be beneficial, and I propose during this session, to request those of my colleagues here representing European nations to kindly consider this suggestion informally and propose it for consideration by their governments. Perhaps, the possibilities of the realization of this goal, I believe, will be discerned.
 

Shebedaone

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República de Cuba
The Republic of Cuba



The Government of the Republic of Cuba

President Ramon Grau San Martin





Domestic Affairs:

The Resignation of Gerardo Machado


Foreign Affairs:

Others:
 
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Guaire123456789

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In response to the Abyssinian communiqué I refer their government to the Italo-Abyssinian Treaty of 1928, in which our two nations declared their "constant peace and perpetual friendship". I believe this makes superfluous any talk of a ' non-aggression pact' between our governments, having so recently declared everlasting friendship. I also note that the treaty outlines provision for a modern road between the port of Assab and the town of Dessie; I suggest that in the interests of friendship and mutual development, this road be continued to Addis Ababa with an adjacent railroad to facilitate the export of goods through Assab. Further, I believe it may be in our mutual interests to establish a railroad between the ports of Mogadishu and Assab. Please consider these proposals in detail.

Benito Mussolini, Prime Minister of Italy and Duce of Fascism
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I think is a very good and interesting suggestion, if we accept that offer can bring beneficts for our two glorious nation and will increase even more our good relations. But we cant just accept the offer without knowing how much money we need to invest. When we have tht information we can value the offer.

Empress Zewditu
 

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The Zionist Organization

The People Without a Homeland: 1929-

Communiques and press releases:
Historical Developments:

The Yishuv: