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Interlude at the château de Reverseaux, Eure-et-Loir
Saint-Cyr has grown tired of the endless debates in the legislature and once the the session had closed he traveled to his estates southwest of Paris. His lands were scattered throughout France, some Lorraine where his ancestors had originated and vast estates in the Eure and Loir rivers that he owed to service under Napoleon. He had come from a military family of note but rebelled against going into the family regiment and made his way to Rome to learn art. He spent two years in Rome where he studied the Italian masters. Forced to return to France by financial constraints, he was admitted to Nicolas Guy Brenet's studio as a painter. At the same time, François-Joseph Talma and his other actor friends encouraged him to take to the stage, first as an amateur and the professionally. His ringing voice, good looks and solid physique made him a natural, but bouts of stage-fright forced him to retire from the theatre. From there the rest was history, the Revolution broke out and La Fayette himself secured Saint-Cyr's employment as an analyst and planner in his headquarters. For the rest of his life he had to rely on he skills he had learned from a young age in the art of war.
Surrounding by family and friends and with fresh air to boot, the War Minister began finalizing France's de facto return to the regimental system. He had commissioned a board comprised of prominent emigre and Imperial officers to summarize a list of regimental identities to be resurrected, battle honors to be accorded to such regiments, and which departments they would be "twinned" with as a vestigial nod to the old departmental legions. Recruitment solely by department had been an abject failure and resulted in severe manpower shortages. The famine had made recruitment somewhat easier as thousands of young, hungry peasants were willing to take the oath and join the Army. Problems with recruitment and retention of officers were still endemic to the Army's state but at least those who continued under the King's colors now had men to command and lead into battle if necessary.
Aside from military matters, Saint-Cyr attended to the needs of his lands. As part of the Beauce region, the Eure-et-Loir is responsible for much of France's oilseed harvest and is also notable in production of peas and wheat. The château de Reverseaux was more modest than Maintenon and other nearby châteaux but due to Saint-Cyr's rewards under the Empire and acquisitions during the restoration it commanded more land, and more production. Such were his family's fortunes that the Marshal had acquired the nearby Bonneval Abbey, a former Benedictine monastery nationalized during the Revolution, for reuse. It had hosted a carpet factory during the Imperial years but the Marshal wished to re-endow it as a religious institution to pray for the repose of all members of the House of Gouvion de Saint-Cyr. Some of the old lands attached to it had been bought back by Saint-Cyr in preparation for this use.
Saint-Cyr has grown tired of the endless debates in the legislature and once the the session had closed he traveled to his estates southwest of Paris. His lands were scattered throughout France, some Lorraine where his ancestors had originated and vast estates in the Eure and Loir rivers that he owed to service under Napoleon. He had come from a military family of note but rebelled against going into the family regiment and made his way to Rome to learn art. He spent two years in Rome where he studied the Italian masters. Forced to return to France by financial constraints, he was admitted to Nicolas Guy Brenet's studio as a painter. At the same time, François-Joseph Talma and his other actor friends encouraged him to take to the stage, first as an amateur and the professionally. His ringing voice, good looks and solid physique made him a natural, but bouts of stage-fright forced him to retire from the theatre. From there the rest was history, the Revolution broke out and La Fayette himself secured Saint-Cyr's employment as an analyst and planner in his headquarters. For the rest of his life he had to rely on he skills he had learned from a young age in the art of war.
Surrounding by family and friends and with fresh air to boot, the War Minister began finalizing France's de facto return to the regimental system. He had commissioned a board comprised of prominent emigre and Imperial officers to summarize a list of regimental identities to be resurrected, battle honors to be accorded to such regiments, and which departments they would be "twinned" with as a vestigial nod to the old departmental legions. Recruitment solely by department had been an abject failure and resulted in severe manpower shortages. The famine had made recruitment somewhat easier as thousands of young, hungry peasants were willing to take the oath and join the Army. Problems with recruitment and retention of officers were still endemic to the Army's state but at least those who continued under the King's colors now had men to command and lead into battle if necessary.
Aside from military matters, Saint-Cyr attended to the needs of his lands. As part of the Beauce region, the Eure-et-Loir is responsible for much of France's oilseed harvest and is also notable in production of peas and wheat. The château de Reverseaux was more modest than Maintenon and other nearby châteaux but due to Saint-Cyr's rewards under the Empire and acquisitions during the restoration it commanded more land, and more production. Such were his family's fortunes that the Marshal had acquired the nearby Bonneval Abbey, a former Benedictine monastery nationalized during the Revolution, for reuse. It had hosted a carpet factory during the Imperial years but the Marshal wished to re-endow it as a religious institution to pray for the repose of all members of the House of Gouvion de Saint-Cyr. Some of the old lands attached to it had been bought back by Saint-Cyr in preparation for this use.
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Chapter 3: The Massacre of the Ministers
Otherwise known as The Liberal Experiment
Otherwise known as “Under my Purview”
Among Honoré de Balzac's oeuvre, few modern critics have dared challenge the masterpiece known as Un Problème de Vertu (1835). A composite novella of La Comédie Humaine, Un Problème de Vertu is the epitome of Restoration realism, recounting with tragic detail rural and urban life in the midst of the deadly 1817 famine. Balzac’s principal character — the (now famous) peasant Belle — is depicted as the contemporary incarnation of tried virtue in a disreputable time of hardship and desperation. Each day Belle is abused by the physical and emotional impressions of the handsome and rapacious Gaston, ever desperate for unwanted romance and stolen treasures. Assisted only by the ecclesiastical generosity of the local Bishop, which complemented Balzac’s Catholic légitimisme, the conflict between Gaston and Belle evokes the social tensions between the old agrarian royal order and the new urban bourgeoisie. The entire incident laments the lack of relief from authorities and the manifold misfortunes that befall the common populace. Balzac would continue to incorporate Belle into further additions of La Comédie Humaine, typically as minor characters and occasionally as the protagonist.
Early illustrations of Balzac's Un Problème de Vertu (1835)
Victor Durand
Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr, marquis de Gouvion-Saint-Cyr
A confused Louis XVIII arrives for a council session.
Saint-Cyr now knew that Valence and Durand found him distasteful, and folded to Durand’s agenda after the Interior Minister demanded for a retraction of comments that had been made. The acquiescence was too little and too late — all of France knew that the Cabinet was at war with itself. The comte d’Artois begged His Majesty to intervene, but Louis XVIII wanted to know the sentiments of the Chamber before he took further action. Saint-Cyr’s eventual submission to the policies of the ministry ensured that Decazes was able to deploy his energies to ensure unanimity in the legislature and procure the confidence of the Independents. Contrary to Artois’ wishes, the Reform Act and the Electoral Law passed through both Chambers, where the moderates and the liberals held the majorities. The two bills were granted royal ratification, but the passage was not to be the conclusion of the ministries’ difficulties. The initial difficulty was the formulation of the Commission of Agriculture, which unsurprisingly proved an interminable affair of formulation and political delegation. The absence of Valence, who had gone to Rome, and would then proceed to the Congress at Aachen, made the whole affair much worse. In the absence of Dhuizon (for typical reasons) and Valence, only Decazes had the political clout to preside over the council, but Decazes found too many foes in the cabinet to effectively dictate the daily charges of governance. It soon became apparent that Durand’s policies — a brilliant pièce de résistance of long-term administration — would utterly fail to rectify the immediate famine as it worsened and encroached on Paris. The composition of the Agricultural Commission, partially due to the opposition tactics of the Ultra-Royalists, had only just been selected by the time the powers of Europe gathered in Aix-la-Chapelle. The cabinet was now thrown into a state of disarray more severe than the previous arguments had allowed; silence. Aside from the appropriation by Durand of the prince du Polignac’s comestible programme, which Saint-Cyr referred to as “more malnourished than it's helping,” the ministry became distracted by external affairs, and devoted their hopes to a speedily rectification of the famine by the infantile Commission. But the Commission required time to deliberate and conjure policies, as stipulated in the law, and it was thus evident that no relief was imminent.
A scene from the famine outside Berry.
Monsignor Deficit; otherwise known as the "Good Bishop"
Therefore in fierce tempest is he coming,
In thunder and in earthquake, like a Jove
Now the government was presented with the gravest threat to its sovereignty, and was compelled to ask itself; “How long until the barricades?”
[1] Ministerial responsibility established. [+1 Constitutionalism].
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The government has an additional 24 hours for proposition before voting and bonuses. More events, obviously henceforth.
Obviously, I'll be conducting government affairs.
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((Private letter to @Eid3r ))
Monseigneur Bishop,
I believe both of us see the need of action in order to end the suffering of the good people. I would like to cooperate with you on to draft a petition for an Emergence Relief Committee. I want to negotiate on the finances of it and it's powers and roles. We have seen the effects of your good work, still we need it all on a much grander scale for our people to no longer be famished. And I suppose the situation is getting out of hands and therefore we need appropriate action and that swift.
-Capitaine Lécuyer.
((Private letter to @MadMartigan ))
Friend,
I read your articles and I believe they are good and sound, unfortunately I doubt the government will accept such radical propositions. However I ask of you if you could help me with the Emergence plan. It is vital that we give them immidiate relief to end their suffering and I would like your help on the matter.
Your friend,
Lothaire.
((Private letter to @etranger01 ))
Honored Colonel,
I write to you again. The former government fell apart, but the famine still plague the motherland. Reforms might be in place and help us in the longterm, but for many of the people that is not enough. They are already starving and might soon go to the barricades. I ask you if you heard of my plans, before the government fell, to set up an Emergency Committee? It's purpose is to be politically neutral and gain emergency funds to do what they seem are appropriate to end this famine. The time of talk is over and we need to show action and dedication before the people starve to death or worse.
I ask you to take a look on my draft and help me in developing it. Not for my sake, not for the sake of the Doctrinaires but for the sake of France and her people.
-Capitaine Lécuyer.
Monseigneur Bishop,
I believe both of us see the need of action in order to end the suffering of the good people. I would like to cooperate with you on to draft a petition for an Emergence Relief Committee. I want to negotiate on the finances of it and it's powers and roles. We have seen the effects of your good work, still we need it all on a much grander scale for our people to no longer be famished. And I suppose the situation is getting out of hands and therefore we need appropriate action and that swift.
-Capitaine Lécuyer.
((Private letter to @MadMartigan ))
Friend,
I read your articles and I believe they are good and sound, unfortunately I doubt the government will accept such radical propositions. However I ask of you if you could help me with the Emergence plan. It is vital that we give them immidiate relief to end their suffering and I would like your help on the matter.
Your friend,
Lothaire.
((Private letter to @etranger01 ))
Honored Colonel,
I write to you again. The former government fell apart, but the famine still plague the motherland. Reforms might be in place and help us in the longterm, but for many of the people that is not enough. They are already starving and might soon go to the barricades. I ask you if you heard of my plans, before the government fell, to set up an Emergency Committee? It's purpose is to be politically neutral and gain emergency funds to do what they seem are appropriate to end this famine. The time of talk is over and we need to show action and dedication before the people starve to death or worse.
I ask you to take a look on my draft and help me in developing it. Not for my sake, not for the sake of the Doctrinaires but for the sake of France and her people.
-Capitaine Lécuyer.
At the château de Reverseaux, Eure-et-Loir
After writing congratulations to Marshals Marmont and Moncey, Saint-Cyr finished any outstanding business at the War Ministry and then paid a visit to Moncey's Paris townhouse to turn over his portfolio and other documents of use. A day before, he had shared a kind word with the King as he tendered his resignation and had taken the opportunity to thank him approving his policies of reconciliation between Imperials and emigres in the Army. With the situation in Paris quickly deteriorating he resolved to maintain his family in the countryside and made preparations to return to Reverseaux yet again to clear his mind. While thoughts of retirement to enjoy his family and his wealth, while he was still hale and hearty, had crossed his mind he felt a sense of duty to those Liberals and proponents of measured reform that had attached themselves to him in the past few years. They keenly wished Saint-Cyr's continued participation in the active business of the legislature and Marmont could perhaps use his support; even if he was a snake who had betrayed his best friend--Napoleon--in his moment of need.
Without many official responsibilities he painted a bit, wrote a bit of comedy, and enjoyed the downtime with his family. He still found occasion to take up his pen and write a letter or two in support of this or that measure but it was news of unrest in Army cantonments, related to the dwindling food supply, that captured his rapt attention. The Ultras were too busy letting desire for a Counter-Enlightenment get in the way of pursuing good government and perceptive policy making. The Constitutionnels and Liberal Independents were too radical and hasty in reform, many forgetting the lessons of the Terror. It was left again to the Doctrinaires to recover their footing for the betterment of France; the de facto right-leanings of Dhuizon had failed to produce a union of Ultra and Doctrinaire interests, the legal formalism of Durand has proven disastrous, measured and practical reform was what was needed. With these ideas in mind, Saint-Cyr penned another long letter to to be published on the major papers, in particular those of Doctrinaire and Liberal leanings;
"On the duty to render aid."
The good Lord only helps those who help themselves. It would be farcical, perhaps even tragic, if any Frenchmen would consider the current state of famine gripping our lands an unsolvable problem. What could have been and indeed, should have been, a straight-forward policy undertaken by the government to implement immediate aid was turned into a chimerical omnibus of half-solutions, and untruths. Much ink has been spilled already about who and what to blame. As someone who sat in the halls of power as minutiae and micromanaging became the order of the day, it was most vexing to see the slowness of response, with hands bound against action by those who know very little of the human condition. However, that is not say the obverse automatically is proven by the failure of recently departed Ministry, and it is to that dubious assumption that the polices of certain factions would have brought relief, I wish to now turn towards.
Any system of human organization is doomed to fail without adequate expertise and experience applied. Those who cry out for Reform or Reaction are but two halves of the same flawed path; one neglects the propensity of humans to have failings, the other assumes that deviation from precedent is a moral blemish upon one's soul. The sensible path, one followed by every long-standing nation of note, is one like a reed blowing in the weed; supple enough to adapt to the time, strong enough to maintain its form and remain rooted in the soil. We find this proven in the words of Our Lord and Savior. The good news maybe translated in any language and retain its relevance, yet, the content and inherent truth remains the same. We ought to look towards truth but remember there is such a thing called proper application.
With regards to the famine, I continue to find it evidence that man is not the creature of circumstances, circumstances are the creatures of men. This is to say that unlike the wild beasts we have tools to ameliorate our present circumstances. Whether by Christian charity or the direction of government, our fortunes are not solely dependent on chance and having been endowed by Providence with a mind, we are not left without a panoply offered by the Lord God to solve problems. It is very clear that the passage of complex, obtuse legislation from a government led by any particular faction would not have prevented the weather from going bad. When some critics of the former government point to prior legislation as a solution, they by virtue of their own argument accept that their legislation would be suffering from all the limitations and travails of the former Interior Minister's omnibus bills. Instead, what is necessary, and continues to be necessary is a prompt and through reaction by the King's Ministers in the event of a crisis.
The King trusted we of the outgoing ministry with power, for all power is a trust and we are accountable for its exercise. It is a matter of record that the outgoing ministry failed to deliver a timely and prompt solution. However, the opponents of the outgoing ministry have the gall to claim complete plagiarism of prior ideas, while at the same time denouncing those selfsame ideas when enacted by the outgoing ministry. It ought to be evident that the main and primary claim of the enemies of the outgoing ministry would argue against itself. These fellows ought to make up their minds; are these ideas proffered by the former Interior Minister inherently bad, or do the opponents of the outgoing ministry continue make accusations of plagiarism? At the point where they continue to vociferously cling to both lines of attack, we can be most assured they only wish to talk out of both sides of their mouths.
Having thoroughly shown how the attacks on the outgoing ministry were purely--and obviously--political hitjobs, devoid of any possibility of moving towards a solution to the famine gripping France, the question on the minds of the readership is surely what is now to be done? I again repeat my call for simple, straightforward solutions to this famine. Namely, the immediate creation of a grain price stabilization fund to bring the cost of bread under control. Paris alone requires a subsidy of 50 million francs to see the prices stabilize within the next few months. I urge the government to directly enact these measures, without reference to committees or red tape, so as not to stall the pace of relief. Remember, grief is the agony of an instant; the indulgence of grief the blunder of a lifetime. We cannot give ourselves over the a feeling of helplessness but instead take decisive action, not only by undertaking Christian charity but by writing to Cabinet about the needs to introduce legislation to stabilize the price of grain.
Sincerely,
M. Saint-Cyr
After writing congratulations to Marshals Marmont and Moncey, Saint-Cyr finished any outstanding business at the War Ministry and then paid a visit to Moncey's Paris townhouse to turn over his portfolio and other documents of use. A day before, he had shared a kind word with the King as he tendered his resignation and had taken the opportunity to thank him approving his policies of reconciliation between Imperials and emigres in the Army. With the situation in Paris quickly deteriorating he resolved to maintain his family in the countryside and made preparations to return to Reverseaux yet again to clear his mind. While thoughts of retirement to enjoy his family and his wealth, while he was still hale and hearty, had crossed his mind he felt a sense of duty to those Liberals and proponents of measured reform that had attached themselves to him in the past few years. They keenly wished Saint-Cyr's continued participation in the active business of the legislature and Marmont could perhaps use his support; even if he was a snake who had betrayed his best friend--Napoleon--in his moment of need.
Without many official responsibilities he painted a bit, wrote a bit of comedy, and enjoyed the downtime with his family. He still found occasion to take up his pen and write a letter or two in support of this or that measure but it was news of unrest in Army cantonments, related to the dwindling food supply, that captured his rapt attention. The Ultras were too busy letting desire for a Counter-Enlightenment get in the way of pursuing good government and perceptive policy making. The Constitutionnels and Liberal Independents were too radical and hasty in reform, many forgetting the lessons of the Terror. It was left again to the Doctrinaires to recover their footing for the betterment of France; the de facto right-leanings of Dhuizon had failed to produce a union of Ultra and Doctrinaire interests, the legal formalism of Durand has proven disastrous, measured and practical reform was what was needed. With these ideas in mind, Saint-Cyr penned another long letter to to be published on the major papers, in particular those of Doctrinaire and Liberal leanings;
"On the duty to render aid."
The good Lord only helps those who help themselves. It would be farcical, perhaps even tragic, if any Frenchmen would consider the current state of famine gripping our lands an unsolvable problem. What could have been and indeed, should have been, a straight-forward policy undertaken by the government to implement immediate aid was turned into a chimerical omnibus of half-solutions, and untruths. Much ink has been spilled already about who and what to blame. As someone who sat in the halls of power as minutiae and micromanaging became the order of the day, it was most vexing to see the slowness of response, with hands bound against action by those who know very little of the human condition. However, that is not say the obverse automatically is proven by the failure of recently departed Ministry, and it is to that dubious assumption that the polices of certain factions would have brought relief, I wish to now turn towards.
Any system of human organization is doomed to fail without adequate expertise and experience applied. Those who cry out for Reform or Reaction are but two halves of the same flawed path; one neglects the propensity of humans to have failings, the other assumes that deviation from precedent is a moral blemish upon one's soul. The sensible path, one followed by every long-standing nation of note, is one like a reed blowing in the weed; supple enough to adapt to the time, strong enough to maintain its form and remain rooted in the soil. We find this proven in the words of Our Lord and Savior. The good news maybe translated in any language and retain its relevance, yet, the content and inherent truth remains the same. We ought to look towards truth but remember there is such a thing called proper application.
With regards to the famine, I continue to find it evidence that man is not the creature of circumstances, circumstances are the creatures of men. This is to say that unlike the wild beasts we have tools to ameliorate our present circumstances. Whether by Christian charity or the direction of government, our fortunes are not solely dependent on chance and having been endowed by Providence with a mind, we are not left without a panoply offered by the Lord God to solve problems. It is very clear that the passage of complex, obtuse legislation from a government led by any particular faction would not have prevented the weather from going bad. When some critics of the former government point to prior legislation as a solution, they by virtue of their own argument accept that their legislation would be suffering from all the limitations and travails of the former Interior Minister's omnibus bills. Instead, what is necessary, and continues to be necessary is a prompt and through reaction by the King's Ministers in the event of a crisis.
The King trusted we of the outgoing ministry with power, for all power is a trust and we are accountable for its exercise. It is a matter of record that the outgoing ministry failed to deliver a timely and prompt solution. However, the opponents of the outgoing ministry have the gall to claim complete plagiarism of prior ideas, while at the same time denouncing those selfsame ideas when enacted by the outgoing ministry. It ought to be evident that the main and primary claim of the enemies of the outgoing ministry would argue against itself. These fellows ought to make up their minds; are these ideas proffered by the former Interior Minister inherently bad, or do the opponents of the outgoing ministry continue make accusations of plagiarism? At the point where they continue to vociferously cling to both lines of attack, we can be most assured they only wish to talk out of both sides of their mouths.
Having thoroughly shown how the attacks on the outgoing ministry were purely--and obviously--political hitjobs, devoid of any possibility of moving towards a solution to the famine gripping France, the question on the minds of the readership is surely what is now to be done? I again repeat my call for simple, straightforward solutions to this famine. Namely, the immediate creation of a grain price stabilization fund to bring the cost of bread under control. Paris alone requires a subsidy of 50 million francs to see the prices stabilize within the next few months. I urge the government to directly enact these measures, without reference to committees or red tape, so as not to stall the pace of relief. Remember, grief is the agony of an instant; the indulgence of grief the blunder of a lifetime. We cannot give ourselves over the a feeling of helplessness but instead take decisive action, not only by undertaking Christian charity but by writing to Cabinet about the needs to introduce legislation to stabilize the price of grain.
Sincerely,
M. Saint-Cyr
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((Private letter to @Cloud Strife ))
Dear M. Saint-Cyr,
I read your latest letter and agree with most of it. We do need swift and decisive actions. Now you seem to be under the understanding that brining the cost of bread under control is the solution. However let us not forget the very reason for this famine: failed crops. The reason is that we don't harvest enough wheat, oats and potatoes not only in France, but Britian, the German speaking countries, the Americas and even Asia. I feel such an action would of course send a clear signal, but it would not bring an end to the famine itself. Remember also that all over Europe several cities and storages have been looted empty of bread, wheat and such. It help little if the prices are lowered when there is no supply of the commodity.
You also claim that a committee will only slow the pace. Perhaps. But I do not believe so. If we set down a committee we may still run paralell programs such as your price control. But this committee, in my opinion, would be given emergency funds and would ahve several members from several sectors. They will look into giving proper aid, coordinating several aid programs, policies and even scientific advances in areas such as plant nutrition. That's why I would like you to take part in forming it, if given adequate political will it may be used as a powerful tool that will help with immidiate relief and secure ourselves against future similar events.
-Capitaine and Deputy Lécuyer.
Dear M. Saint-Cyr,
I read your latest letter and agree with most of it. We do need swift and decisive actions. Now you seem to be under the understanding that brining the cost of bread under control is the solution. However let us not forget the very reason for this famine: failed crops. The reason is that we don't harvest enough wheat, oats and potatoes not only in France, but Britian, the German speaking countries, the Americas and even Asia. I feel such an action would of course send a clear signal, but it would not bring an end to the famine itself. Remember also that all over Europe several cities and storages have been looted empty of bread, wheat and such. It help little if the prices are lowered when there is no supply of the commodity.
You also claim that a committee will only slow the pace. Perhaps. But I do not believe so. If we set down a committee we may still run paralell programs such as your price control. But this committee, in my opinion, would be given emergency funds and would ahve several members from several sectors. They will look into giving proper aid, coordinating several aid programs, policies and even scientific advances in areas such as plant nutrition. That's why I would like you to take part in forming it, if given adequate political will it may be used as a powerful tool that will help with immidiate relief and secure ourselves against future similar events.
-Capitaine and Deputy Lécuyer.
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((A reply is sent to Leucyer. @ThaHoward))
Captain,
Let me stress that I believe we have had enough of committees and planning; the people want action, and the government has the means to do so. The failure to produce action before pushing forward the omnibus bill doomed the outgoing ministry and creating overlapping bureaucracies--your proposed committee, on top of the agrarian board envisioned by the omnibus bill--will slow down any decisive response. Famine is the enemy and we do not divide our collective forces against such a threat. We have the potential to both deal with future issues of supply and study whatever future reforms are needed, however, I do not think this is the time to contemplate uncoordinated efforts.
Honestly, in my opinion, the notion you push of creating an "emergency committee" suggests the creation of a parallel structure of government, independent of the King's cabinet and would send the wrong signal to the people. Have faith in Marshal Marmont, he has the trust of the King and my personal confidence. The new ministry will deliver on necessary measures to combat famine. If unrest continues and order must be restored, I equally have faith in Marshal Moncey to take measured yet decisive action against those who would turn their anger into violence.
While I appreciate your offer to serve on such a committee, I fear taking on such a role would be a deliberate snub and signal that I lack faith in the judgement of my fellow Marshals. It would be impudent on my part to serve on any such parallel structure that lacks government sanction, and sadly, probably will never have sanction. For the moment I will urge those Doctrinaires who have placed faith in my person over the past few years to support the incoming government and contribute towards constructive, measured solutions to this crisis.
Please do kindly let me know if any in your Veteran's League have any ideas that echo mine regarding price stabilization. More voices on that matter put towards the ears of Cabinet might be aid in swift adoption as government policy. If they need letters of introduction or endorsements, I would be happy to validate their credentials so that may pass on their petitions to the Cabinet in confidence.
Sincerely,
M. Saint-Cyr
Captain,
Let me stress that I believe we have had enough of committees and planning; the people want action, and the government has the means to do so. The failure to produce action before pushing forward the omnibus bill doomed the outgoing ministry and creating overlapping bureaucracies--your proposed committee, on top of the agrarian board envisioned by the omnibus bill--will slow down any decisive response. Famine is the enemy and we do not divide our collective forces against such a threat. We have the potential to both deal with future issues of supply and study whatever future reforms are needed, however, I do not think this is the time to contemplate uncoordinated efforts.
Honestly, in my opinion, the notion you push of creating an "emergency committee" suggests the creation of a parallel structure of government, independent of the King's cabinet and would send the wrong signal to the people. Have faith in Marshal Marmont, he has the trust of the King and my personal confidence. The new ministry will deliver on necessary measures to combat famine. If unrest continues and order must be restored, I equally have faith in Marshal Moncey to take measured yet decisive action against those who would turn their anger into violence.
While I appreciate your offer to serve on such a committee, I fear taking on such a role would be a deliberate snub and signal that I lack faith in the judgement of my fellow Marshals. It would be impudent on my part to serve on any such parallel structure that lacks government sanction, and sadly, probably will never have sanction. For the moment I will urge those Doctrinaires who have placed faith in my person over the past few years to support the incoming government and contribute towards constructive, measured solutions to this crisis.
Please do kindly let me know if any in your Veteran's League have any ideas that echo mine regarding price stabilization. More voices on that matter put towards the ears of Cabinet might be aid in swift adoption as government policy. If they need letters of introduction or endorsements, I would be happy to validate their credentials so that may pass on their petitions to the Cabinet in confidence.
Sincerely,
M. Saint-Cyr
((letter to @Cloud Strife ))
Marshal,
I believe you misunderstand my intentions. First of all if this committee were to be laid down I would like it to have clear set goals. Now the numbers I use now are not relevant, it is just to show an example of how a structure might be.
-Provide the needy of food 100.000 in such commodities in 1 month.
-Provide medical help worth 200.000 in 2 months.
-In 1 week time start to coordinate the various aid programs under government control.
-In 2 months time collect necessairy policies to the government which they are to look over.
So in effect I envision that this committee will be given time restraint to give results. And it is not to circumnavigate the government, and I understand if you believe so. It is to aid the government in times of need. For future policies and such it would of course present these causes to the government and the government would weight it to their own needs.
It is in order to gain decisive actions to combat the famine as both of us seem to wish. It will in many ways help Marshal Marmont in his great undertaking, it would free up resources for his disposal and they could both learn from eachother. And now I do believe in the government, but I must say that during the last government I also put my faith in them and that they would plan a decisive blow to the famine. But it were not as such. I would also like to bring in some points to the price ceiling you are wanting to implement.
Don't forget the law of General Maximum that the Revolutionary government put forth with the same interests as you in mind. They sought to hurt those who profiteer from the hunger of the masses, but it was indeed the masses that got hurt as farmers withheld their crops as they did not seek to sell their goods at a loss of profits. If we are to implement a ceiling, I advise you that we keep this in mind and the fact that it is a supply shortage that have led to this problem first hand. We are wise to not endanger the supply situation further.
Now I will listen to the Veterans, but we are supposed to be political neutral. Mostly to shed of the myth of Bonapartism. Currently they are busy giving medical aid and food relief, but as we both know the donations of the good hearted won't solve the issue. Another point of the committee, that they are to coordinate all these various groups under the government. Also I did not wish for you to be on that committee, alltough I would not objected, but to take part in the Legaslative Chambers to discuss this committee and put it into effect.
Kind regards,
Lothaire Lécuyer.
Marshal,
I believe you misunderstand my intentions. First of all if this committee were to be laid down I would like it to have clear set goals. Now the numbers I use now are not relevant, it is just to show an example of how a structure might be.
-Provide the needy of food 100.000 in such commodities in 1 month.
-Provide medical help worth 200.000 in 2 months.
-In 1 week time start to coordinate the various aid programs under government control.
-In 2 months time collect necessairy policies to the government which they are to look over.
So in effect I envision that this committee will be given time restraint to give results. And it is not to circumnavigate the government, and I understand if you believe so. It is to aid the government in times of need. For future policies and such it would of course present these causes to the government and the government would weight it to their own needs.
It is in order to gain decisive actions to combat the famine as both of us seem to wish. It will in many ways help Marshal Marmont in his great undertaking, it would free up resources for his disposal and they could both learn from eachother. And now I do believe in the government, but I must say that during the last government I also put my faith in them and that they would plan a decisive blow to the famine. But it were not as such. I would also like to bring in some points to the price ceiling you are wanting to implement.
Don't forget the law of General Maximum that the Revolutionary government put forth with the same interests as you in mind. They sought to hurt those who profiteer from the hunger of the masses, but it was indeed the masses that got hurt as farmers withheld their crops as they did not seek to sell their goods at a loss of profits. If we are to implement a ceiling, I advise you that we keep this in mind and the fact that it is a supply shortage that have led to this problem first hand. We are wise to not endanger the supply situation further.
Now I will listen to the Veterans, but we are supposed to be political neutral. Mostly to shed of the myth of Bonapartism. Currently they are busy giving medical aid and food relief, but as we both know the donations of the good hearted won't solve the issue. Another point of the committee, that they are to coordinate all these various groups under the government. Also I did not wish for you to be on that committee, alltough I would not objected, but to take part in the Legaslative Chambers to discuss this committee and put it into effect.
Kind regards,
Lothaire Lécuyer.
"They are all gone? All?"
"Yes, Minister. All except Decazes."
"Good for him, that tin-pot Talleyrand. I assume the Duc de Raguse shall take the War Ministry?"
"The Duc de Conegliano, actually; he is to be recalled. Marmont is to become the new president of the council."
"A marshal in the prime ministry. How reassuring for the Alliance..."
"What shall we do, Minister?"
"Keep this to yourself, draft a suitably congratulatory message to Marmont and Moncey, and pray to God that they manage to hold the government together long enough for me to sign this damn treaty."
---
"Yes, Minister. All except Decazes."
"Good for him, that tin-pot Talleyrand. I assume the Duc de Raguse shall take the War Ministry?"
"The Duc de Conegliano, actually; he is to be recalled. Marmont is to become the new president of the council."
"A marshal in the prime ministry. How reassuring for the Alliance..."
"What shall we do, Minister?"
"Keep this to yourself, draft a suitably congratulatory message to Marmont and Moncey, and pray to God that they manage to hold the government together long enough for me to sign this damn treaty."
Addressed to His Grace, the Marshal Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey, duc de Conegliano,
His Majesty's Minister of War;
His Majesty's Minister of War;
Your Grace,
Please excuse the brevity of this missive for I am much consumed by the proceedings of the conference. Receive this expression of my congratulations on your recent return to the Government. Prior to your unfortunate departure, the Duke was most competent in your previous occupation of that office, and I am sure you shall render valuable service yet.
Please excuse the brevity of this missive for I am much consumed by the proceedings of the conference. Receive this expression of my congratulations on your recent return to the Government. Prior to your unfortunate departure, the Duke was most competent in your previous occupation of that office, and I am sure you shall render valuable service yet.
Sincere salutations,
Valence
Valence
Addressed to His Grace, the Marshal Auguste Frédéric Louis Viesse de Marmont, duc de Raguse,
President of His Majesty's Council of Ministers;
President of His Majesty's Council of Ministers;
Your Grace,
Please excuse the brevity of this missive for I am much consumed by the proceedings of the conference. Receive this expression of my congratulations on your supreme appointment to the chief magistracy. In these turbulent times, it shall be most reassuring to have a gentleman of your calibre and integrity at the helm of the Government. Should you require any clarification regarding the affairs of the conference, you need only ask and I shall furnish His Grace with them at once. At any rate, I shall endeavour to keep you informed of developments as they arise.
Please excuse the brevity of this missive for I am much consumed by the proceedings of the conference. Receive this expression of my congratulations on your supreme appointment to the chief magistracy. In these turbulent times, it shall be most reassuring to have a gentleman of your calibre and integrity at the helm of the Government. Should you require any clarification regarding the affairs of the conference, you need only ask and I shall furnish His Grace with them at once. At any rate, I shall endeavour to keep you informed of developments as they arise.
Sincere salutations,
Valence
Valence
---
Proposal on the League for Peace in Christendom
"Distinguished delegates,
It has become readily apparent, throughout the course of our discussions, that the Powers here in conference assembled are united by common purpose, but divided on method. There has been not a single expression against the preservation of order in Europe, the defence of the constituted regimes against radical violence, and the necessity of their maintenance by regular collusion between the Powers of Christendom. On this we all concur. Unanimity has yet to be achieved, however, on how these noble aims might best be served.
There are two treaty-systems which underpin the present order. Namely, these are the collective treaties of the European Alliance, and the tripartite treaty of Austria, Prussia and Russia, both contracted in 1815. In each case, there are certain obstacles to the universal expansion of these treaties, which act to limit their utility as a foundation for recurrent discourse between the Powers. In the case of the former, there is a desire that it should be retained as a guarantee against a particular Power. In the case of the latter, there is a reluctance on the part of certain States to be bound to a statement of principles, and a commensurate desire to retain their distance and liberty of action. In neither case can the parties involved be remonstrated to the contrary. If the downfall of Bonapartism has taught us anything, it is that any effort to manage European affairs along the lines of bullying and coercion shall undoubtedly founder. Therefore, there shall have to be compromise - one which retains that which already exists and must continue to exist, yet supplements them by fulfilling the omissions in their formulation.
As such, His Majesty's Government wishes to propose a draft statement for the consideration of the Powers, which may yet serve - subject to their consultation, criticism and amendment - as the foundation for a lasting peace based on common consensus. We shall have this circulated for the attention of the delegates.
It has become readily apparent, throughout the course of our discussions, that the Powers here in conference assembled are united by common purpose, but divided on method. There has been not a single expression against the preservation of order in Europe, the defence of the constituted regimes against radical violence, and the necessity of their maintenance by regular collusion between the Powers of Christendom. On this we all concur. Unanimity has yet to be achieved, however, on how these noble aims might best be served.
There are two treaty-systems which underpin the present order. Namely, these are the collective treaties of the European Alliance, and the tripartite treaty of Austria, Prussia and Russia, both contracted in 1815. In each case, there are certain obstacles to the universal expansion of these treaties, which act to limit their utility as a foundation for recurrent discourse between the Powers. In the case of the former, there is a desire that it should be retained as a guarantee against a particular Power. In the case of the latter, there is a reluctance on the part of certain States to be bound to a statement of principles, and a commensurate desire to retain their distance and liberty of action. In neither case can the parties involved be remonstrated to the contrary. If the downfall of Bonapartism has taught us anything, it is that any effort to manage European affairs along the lines of bullying and coercion shall undoubtedly founder. Therefore, there shall have to be compromise - one which retains that which already exists and must continue to exist, yet supplements them by fulfilling the omissions in their formulation.
As such, His Majesty's Government wishes to propose a draft statement for the consideration of the Powers, which may yet serve - subject to their consultation, criticism and amendment - as the foundation for a lasting peace based on common consensus. We shall have this circulated for the attention of the delegates.
Proposal for the League for Peace in Christendom
Preamble
Whereas our predecessors have endeavoured to establish dominion or superiority over Christendom, whence dire conflicts have tormented for an eternity the nations and peoples of the Christian faith: we, the undersigned Parties, having regard to the butchery, calamities, and innumerable iniquities which, in the course of such wars, have repeatedly befallen the peoples of all States, and to the wealth with which each State, if united by the assurance of perpetual peace, might abound to their mutual advantage, thereby rendering them more secure against the harmful efforts of those conspiring to rebel against the social and political order, or to assault Christendom from abroad.
Article I.
The League for Peace in Christendom (hereafter “the League”) shall be a society of sovereign States, acting in harmony to settle their grievances for the sake of the preservation of peace, law and justice.
Article II.
The Parties of the League at inception shall be the Austrian Empire, the Russian Empire, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Kingdom of France and the Kingdom of Prussia.
Article III.
Additional Parties may be admitted to the League by unanimous approval of the existing Parties and accession to this Treaty.
Article IV.
Whenever a controversy arises in the affairs of Europe or between Parties of the League, any Party may notify all the others of their petition to convene a congress within three months.
Article V.
The venue for the Congress shall be Vienna, unless otherwise determined by the common consent of the Parties.
Article VI.
The language of the Congress shall be French.
Article VII.
The Congress shall conclude with a Declaration of Resolution (hereafter “Declaration”) concerning the inciting matter, with a view to its peaceful resolution.
Article VIII.
The Declaration shall be adopted by the States in unanimity.
Article IX.
All Parties to the League shall adopt without reservation the following principles:
(i) No Party shall attempt to alter, or allowed to be altered, by force or intimidation, the settlement agreed at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, as pertains to the sovereignty of the States, the demarcations of their territories, and the form of their constitutions;
(ii) No Party shall contract a treaty of peace with reservations providing for the resumption of hostilities;
(iii) No Party shall contract a secret treaty, protocol or accord which is aimed at inciting or supporting war against another Party;
(iv) No Party shall attempt to suborn or subvert, or allow to be suborned and subverted, the independence of another Party;
(v) No Party shall, in the event of war, avail themselves of such measures which are contrary to Christian ethics and the opinion of mankind, namely: assassination, breach of terms of truce or surrender, and external incitement to treason.
Additional Protocol
The Parties of the League, with one voice and one mind, declare their eternal opposition to anarchy, unlawfulness, ochlocracy, atheism, extremism, terrorism and all forms of violence against the constitutional order, as being contrary to the principles of the laws of man and God, and resolve to act in concert to prevent and contain the recurrence of such disorders.
Preamble
Whereas our predecessors have endeavoured to establish dominion or superiority over Christendom, whence dire conflicts have tormented for an eternity the nations and peoples of the Christian faith: we, the undersigned Parties, having regard to the butchery, calamities, and innumerable iniquities which, in the course of such wars, have repeatedly befallen the peoples of all States, and to the wealth with which each State, if united by the assurance of perpetual peace, might abound to their mutual advantage, thereby rendering them more secure against the harmful efforts of those conspiring to rebel against the social and political order, or to assault Christendom from abroad.
Article I.
The League for Peace in Christendom (hereafter “the League”) shall be a society of sovereign States, acting in harmony to settle their grievances for the sake of the preservation of peace, law and justice.
Article II.
The Parties of the League at inception shall be the Austrian Empire, the Russian Empire, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Kingdom of France and the Kingdom of Prussia.
Article III.
Additional Parties may be admitted to the League by unanimous approval of the existing Parties and accession to this Treaty.
Article IV.
Whenever a controversy arises in the affairs of Europe or between Parties of the League, any Party may notify all the others of their petition to convene a congress within three months.
Article V.
The venue for the Congress shall be Vienna, unless otherwise determined by the common consent of the Parties.
Article VI.
The language of the Congress shall be French.
Article VII.
The Congress shall conclude with a Declaration of Resolution (hereafter “Declaration”) concerning the inciting matter, with a view to its peaceful resolution.
Article VIII.
The Declaration shall be adopted by the States in unanimity.
Article IX.
All Parties to the League shall adopt without reservation the following principles:
(i) No Party shall attempt to alter, or allowed to be altered, by force or intimidation, the settlement agreed at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, as pertains to the sovereignty of the States, the demarcations of their territories, and the form of their constitutions;
(ii) No Party shall contract a treaty of peace with reservations providing for the resumption of hostilities;
(iii) No Party shall contract a secret treaty, protocol or accord which is aimed at inciting or supporting war against another Party;
(iv) No Party shall attempt to suborn or subvert, or allow to be suborned and subverted, the independence of another Party;
(v) No Party shall, in the event of war, avail themselves of such measures which are contrary to Christian ethics and the opinion of mankind, namely: assassination, breach of terms of truce or surrender, and external incitement to treason.
Additional Protocol
The Parties of the League, with one voice and one mind, declare their eternal opposition to anarchy, unlawfulness, ochlocracy, atheism, extremism, terrorism and all forms of violence against the constitutional order, as being contrary to the principles of the laws of man and God, and resolve to act in concert to prevent and contain the recurrence of such disorders.
We are grateful for your consideration."
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Chamber of Deputies, Paris
The good Bishop of Montauban had been back in the Capital but for a few days, coordinating the relief effort against the famine though his Isidorian society. He spoke briefly.
"Monsieur le Président,
For too long, the previous ministry has ignored the plight of the hungry masses of France and left a difficult situation grow to calamitous proportions. While some good work had been done throug the passage of the reform and stability act, there is a lack of action on the very short term. People dying of hunger do not have the luxury to wait for reform, they need bread now.
I have been in many of our regions, coordinating Christian relief efforts and I commend all the good souls who very generously donated to the cause. However, the days were the Church, through charity, could feed all of France are long gone. We need government action and we need it now.
Which is why, I will introduce today a very simple bill, allowing the government to engage all necessary expanses to alleviate the effects of the famine and purchase the food stocks necessary for the very survival of the French people. It is my dearest hope that we can all rally around such a simple legislation quickly, across political lines."
The good Bishop of Montauban had been back in the Capital but for a few days, coordinating the relief effort against the famine though his Isidorian society. He spoke briefly.
"Monsieur le Président,
For too long, the previous ministry has ignored the plight of the hungry masses of France and left a difficult situation grow to calamitous proportions. While some good work had been done throug the passage of the reform and stability act, there is a lack of action on the very short term. People dying of hunger do not have the luxury to wait for reform, they need bread now.
I have been in many of our regions, coordinating Christian relief efforts and I commend all the good souls who very generously donated to the cause. However, the days were the Church, through charity, could feed all of France are long gone. We need government action and we need it now.
Which is why, I will introduce today a very simple bill, allowing the government to engage all necessary expanses to alleviate the effects of the famine and purchase the food stocks necessary for the very survival of the French people. It is my dearest hope that we can all rally around such a simple legislation quickly, across political lines."
((Private @Cloud Strife ))
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to Marshall Saint-Cyr
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to Marshall Saint-Cyr
Your Grace,
It is with much sorrow that I have learned of your dismissal from the Ministry of War, a decision which appears wholly unjustified to my untrained eyes. Rest assured that, while we diverged on many political issue, I always found a great relief into having a person if your talent and expertise at the helm of our military affairs.
I shall be concise, for I know your time to be precious. In order to avoid endless talks of committees on how to better solve the famine, I have proposed an appropriations bill which will enable the government to engage all necessary sums to provide the food stocks needed to tend to the plight of our fellow citizens.
I sincerely hope to count on your support for such initiative, and I stand ready to modify my proposal shall you have constructive input to offer.
Avec vous dans la Foy,
Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
((Private @ThaHoward))
Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy for the Seine
Dear Captain Lécuyer,Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy for the Seine
It is with much satisfaction that I found your letter offering collaboration on the issue of resolving this terrible famine which threatens the very foundations of the realm and the livelyhood of so many pious and devout Frenchmen.
I sincerely thank you for your good works regarding the charitable actions of the Most Christian Society of Saint Isidore the Laborer. Should you wish to add action to your good words, the Society is still very much in need of gestures of Christian charity.
With regards to the issue of your letter, I believe the previous government was mistaken by giving up to overcomplexification. It is not the first famine to strike the realm, and therefore, food stocks must simply be purchased to weather this most unfortunate event.
I have thus tabled a Bill which is brilliant by its simplicity, to allow the Government to take the necessary sums to alleviate the plight of our beloved citizens. I sincerely hope that you shall rally your influence behind this Bill to ensure speedy passage.
Avec vous dans la Foy,
Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
Chamber of Deputies.
"M.President,
I am pleased the Good Bishop the Deputy of Gers too share my opinion that we need to act now. I too am behind his demand of government action. I will support his petition. And yes it may be costly, but I believe we can't measure the lives of innocents in gld and silver. I will support his simple, yet needed and elegant, proposal and hope that other reformists and liberals support it even if it is an Ultra who proposed it. I also hope this will not hinder my other proposal of a Committee. Let it be known that this Committee will not be a vague one in the past. It will be given clear goals in a clear area of time. Hopefully this will work along other needed reforms. For example if the Good Bishop's petition is made into actual law, they could advise the Ministers the Excellencies to what that amount should be, and what they should focus on. There would also be other foci of th Committee that would benefit the short erm issues and to prevent another disaster.
Even then I will support the Good Bishop's petition sincerly and hope that others will too. Let us move outside of our ideological cages and come together for the people of France and our King.
Thank you that is all".
"M.President,
I am pleased the Good Bishop the Deputy of Gers too share my opinion that we need to act now. I too am behind his demand of government action. I will support his petition. And yes it may be costly, but I believe we can't measure the lives of innocents in gld and silver. I will support his simple, yet needed and elegant, proposal and hope that other reformists and liberals support it even if it is an Ultra who proposed it. I also hope this will not hinder my other proposal of a Committee. Let it be known that this Committee will not be a vague one in the past. It will be given clear goals in a clear area of time. Hopefully this will work along other needed reforms. For example if the Good Bishop's petition is made into actual law, they could advise the Ministers the Excellencies to what that amount should be, and what they should focus on. There would also be other foci of th Committee that would benefit the short erm issues and to prevent another disaster.
Even then I will support the Good Bishop's petition sincerly and hope that others will too. Let us move outside of our ideological cages and come together for the people of France and our King.
Thank you that is all".
Le Désolé
History: Founded in 1817 in Toulouse, Le Désolé Journal was organised under the name of Jules-Jean du Royaliste (a fake name of Henri-Maurice de St. Germain). It was formed in order to provide less legitimate attacks than acceptable in L'Elan. Les Hommes, although not known in the contemporary, was the operator of Le Désolé. Technically focused on politics and society, it was more or less a slander machine for the Ultraroyalistes. The journal was burned down in 1819 due to a disagreement between Le Désolé and M. de Bourbon due to an 1818 issue printed.
Notable Publications: The struggles of Saint-Cry (1817)
Saint-Cry fights the Dullaries (1818)
On the Comings and Goings of Henri Jules de Bourbon (1818)
Notable Occurrences: Burning of 1819
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Le Désolé Journal
On the Comings and Goings of Henri Jules de Bourbon
His day begins by going to the house of Lecuyer, where inappropriate activities for publication are done to each other, unseen to the eyes of man since the Emperors of Rome and the days of Sparta. However, it is known that it is done before an alter of Napoleon, a painting of the Tyrant wreathed in upside down crosses and topped with the head of a goat.
Following a ritual of unknown origin (most likely Asiatic), Henri Jules walks to have lunch in the cafes of Paris. There he gorges himself on brioche and fruits, laughing at the starving around him. One eye witness said that Henri Jules even threw pieces of his brioche at the mob in an effort to provoke them. "He did it, he did it! He said Napoleon is the only Emperor of the French and laughed at us (the mob) for ever thinking anything else." This obviously true statement is supported by the crumbs of brioche the witness had, which he said he was hit with.
This is followed by Henri Jules going to the chamber, where he does nothing but titter politely, going home soon afterwords. Henri Jules rarely speaks, and when he does it's only to oppose the clever and wise legislation presented by members of the clothe like the Good Bishop. We suspect this is due to his anti-Catholic nature, having an inborn hatred for God and the Church.
After the chamber, Henri Jules goes straight to the local Freemason lodge, where he is grand-master. There he takes tincture upon tincture of Laudanum, while overseeing the Satanic chants of the Freemasons. Once their dedication to Beelzebub has been completed, decadency and degeneracy most foul occurs between man, man, and beast. Cries to Satan echo the chamber until they all collapse of exhaustion, to which the day begins again.
This most shocking discovery means that the bastard child of the Prince du Conde is the worst influencer upon Parisian society, politics, and state since the days of the Catharists in the South.
THE CONGRESS OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE
The proposed League of Christendom found few friends in the Congress. The British were the most opposed, but the other Congressional compatriots simply balked from French proposition of a fresh league at this delicate time. The content of the proposition, however, had been most appeasing to the conservative sympathies of delegates, and all reservations about the prevention of France into the collective and Holy Alliance were dissuaded. And thus the following proposition was made to Valence.
-
The Ministers of Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia, in pursuance of the exchange of the Ratifications of the Convention signed on the 9th of October, 1818, relative to the Evacuation of the French Territory by the Foreign Troops, and after having addressed to each other the Notes, of which copies are annexed have assembled in conference, to take into consideration the Relations which ought to be established, in the actual state of affairs, between France and the co-subscribing Powers of the Treaty of Peace of the 20th of November, 1815—Relations which, by assuring to France the place that belongs to her in the European system, will bind her more closely to the pacific and benevolent views in which all the Sovereigns participate, and will thus consolidate the general tranquillity.
After having maturely investigated the conservative principles of the great interests which constitute the order of things established in Europe, under the auspices of Divine Providence, by the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814 (No. 1), the Reces of Vienna (9th June, 1815, No. 27), and the Treaty of Peace of the year 1815 (20th November, No. 40), the Courts subscribing the present Act, do, accordingly, unanimously acknowledge and declare :—
1. That they are firmly resolved never to depart, neither in their mutual Relations, nor in those which bind them to other States, from the principle of intimate Union which has hitherto presided over all their common relations and interests—a Union rendered more strong and indissoluble by the bonds of Christian fraternity which the Sovereigns have formed among themselves.
2. That this Union, which is the more real and durable, inasmuch as it depends on no separate interest or temporary combination, can only have for its object the Maintenance of general Peace, founded on a religious respect for the engagements contained in the Treaties, and for the whole of the rights resulting therefrom.
3. That France, associated with other Powers by the restoration of the legitimate Monarchical and Constitutional Power, engages henceforth to concur in the maintenance and consolidation of a System which has given Peace to Europe, and which can alone insure its duration.
4. That if, for the better attaining the above declared object, the Powers which have concurred in the present Act, should judge it necessary to establish particular meetings, either of the Sovereigns themselves, or of their respective Ministers and Plenipotentiaries, there to treat in common of their own interests, in so far as they have reference to the object of their present deliberations, the time and place of these meetings shall, on each occasion, be previously fixed by means of diplomatic communications; and that in the case of these meetings having for their object affairs specially connected with the interests of the other States of Europe, they shall only take place in pursuance of a formal invitation on the part of such of those States as the said affairs may concern, and under the express reservation of their right of direct participation therein, either directly or by their Plenipotentiaries.
5. That the resolutions contained in the present Act shall be made known to all the Courts of Europe, by the annexed Declaration, which shall be considered as sanctioned by the Protocol, and forming part thereof.
Done in quintuple, and reciprocally exchanged in the original, by the subscribing Cabinets.
Aix-la-Chapelle, 15th November, 1818.
[ ] Presented for signature to the Minister of France.
[x] Séverin Maximilien, the MARQUIS DE VALENCE
---
((Private - @Eid3r ))
Addressed to His Excellency, Monseigneur Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget,
Bishop of Montauban;
((Private - @Eid3r ))
Addressed to His Excellency, Monseigneur Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget,
Bishop of Montauban;
My dear monseigneur,
Please excuse the brevity of this letter. Word has been received of the popular despair even in distant Aix-la-Chapelle. I understand that His Excellency is organising charitable relief. Please be assured that I shall send word to my household to make available 25,000 francs to the Most Christian Society of Saint-Isidore the Labourer. I pray this shall be some of small benefit to your good works.
Please excuse the brevity of this letter. Word has been received of the popular despair even in distant Aix-la-Chapelle. I understand that His Excellency is organising charitable relief. Please be assured that I shall send word to my household to make available 25,000 francs to the Most Christian Society of Saint-Isidore the Labourer. I pray this shall be some of small benefit to your good works.
Sincere salutations,
His Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs
Marquis de Valence
His Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs
Marquis de Valence
DECAZES: Master of France
With Valence still away, and Dhuizon excised from power, Decazes now became master of France. Only Marshal Marmont could act as an impediment to his power, but the Marshal's fierce independence was compensated by his relative lack of political acumen.
The first order of business was the matter of famine. Legislation was drafted by recommendation of Marmont to provide for an immediate fund for the purchase of bread from those surplussed stocks; the Ministry was also relieved by the good accounting done by Durand's Commission of Agriculture when it became clear that the harvest season of 1818, which began in October, would prove more bountiful then the drowned return of the previous year.
Decazes, for his part, would take credit when things went well, and would guilt when things went awry.
With the situation most desperate still, Decazes pressed the king to take drastic action, and give the ministry greater majority to act; in this regard the King consented and appointed fifty-nine names to the Chamber of Peers.
--
Law for the Relief of the Famine
Article I. This law shall remain active for the duration of ninety days, after the expiration thereof, the contents and purposes of this statute shall become invalid.
Article II. The present price of bread, produced in Paris and provincial departments, shall be ceased, and hereafter established at 27 centimes a pound.
Article III. The Ministry of Finance shall fund an adjustment fund for the monetary compensation of the bakers in the amount of 25 million francs.
Article IV. The Ministry of Finance shall make purchase of wheat to the transacted cost of 80 million francs from foreign importation without duty.
Article V. Departmental Prefects are directed to exercise local budgets in excess of 30% of annual revenue to the mobilization of distribution, stockpile, and charitable endeavors.
Article II. The present price of bread, produced in Paris and provincial departments, shall be ceased, and hereafter established at 27 centimes a pound.
Article III. The Ministry of Finance shall fund an adjustment fund for the monetary compensation of the bakers in the amount of 25 million francs.
Article IV. The Ministry of Finance shall make purchase of wheat to the transacted cost of 80 million francs from foreign importation without duty.
Article V. Departmental Prefects are directed to exercise local budgets in excess of 30% of annual revenue to the mobilization of distribution, stockpile, and charitable endeavors.
[A note to people who seem to think that my approval equates inevitability of success; it ain't true. In fact, I'm more likely to be misleading you because I'm a jerk.]
--
Anyway the Congress will end today, and we will expedite time. A short voting round will begin tonight.
((@99KingHigh ))
FINAL SUBMISSIONS
by His Excellency,
Monsieur Séverin Maximilien, marquis de Valence,
Minister-Plenipotentiary for His Most Christian Majesty,
Louis XVIII,
King of France and Navarre,
to the Proceedings of the Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle;
by His Excellency,
Monsieur Séverin Maximilien, marquis de Valence,
Minister-Plenipotentiary for His Most Christian Majesty,
Louis XVIII,
King of France and Navarre,
to the Proceedings of the Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle;
ITEM A:
Convention on the Repression of Piracy in the Mediterranean Sea
The Plenipotentiaries who signed the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 9th June 1815, assembled in conference at Aix-la-Chapelle, motivated by the pernicious evil of piracy, which has been the scourge of the Mediterranean Sea since living memory, harassing its trade, commerce and communications and threatening its peoples with injury and captivity, resolved to concert amongst themselves as to the means of attaining resolution to this matter.
The aforesaid Plenipotentiaries, being duly authorised, have adopted the following convention:
Article I.
All States shall cooperate to the fullest possible extent in the repression of piracy and corsairism in the Mediterranean Sea.
Article II.
Piracy shall be defined as any illegal act of violence, detention or depredation, committed for private ends by the crew of a vessel, and directed against another vessel, or against persons or property on board such a vessel, without authorisation of a declaration of war.
Article III.
All States shall refrain from inciting or intentionally facilitating acts of piracy, whether by granting port to pirate vessels, encouraging their efforts through informal sanction, and directing their actions against third parties.
Article IV.
Every State may seize a pirate vessel, or a vessel taken by piracy and under the control of pirates, and arrest the persons and seize the property on board, with the determination of further action reserved to the State, subject to the rights of third parties acting in good faith.
Article V.
Where the seizure of a ship on suspicion of piracy has been effected without adequate grounds, the State making the seizure shall be liable to the State responsible for the vessel, by provision of flag or nationality, for any loss or damage caused by the seizure.
Article VI.
A seizure on account of piracy may be carried out only by warships or such vessels which are clearly marked and identifiable as being on the government service and authorised to that effect.
The Governments of the undersigned Plenipotentiaries engage to bring the present declaration to the knowledge of the States which have not taken part in the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, and to invite them to accede. The present Declaration is not and shall not be binding, except between those Powers who have acceded, or shall accede, to it.
Done at Aix-la-Chapelle, DATE.
The Plenipotentiaries who signed the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 9th June 1815, assembled in conference at Aix-la-Chapelle, motivated by the pernicious evil of piracy, which has been the scourge of the Mediterranean Sea since living memory, harassing its trade, commerce and communications and threatening its peoples with injury and captivity, resolved to concert amongst themselves as to the means of attaining resolution to this matter.
The aforesaid Plenipotentiaries, being duly authorised, have adopted the following convention:
Article I.
All States shall cooperate to the fullest possible extent in the repression of piracy and corsairism in the Mediterranean Sea.
Article II.
Piracy shall be defined as any illegal act of violence, detention or depredation, committed for private ends by the crew of a vessel, and directed against another vessel, or against persons or property on board such a vessel, without authorisation of a declaration of war.
Article III.
All States shall refrain from inciting or intentionally facilitating acts of piracy, whether by granting port to pirate vessels, encouraging their efforts through informal sanction, and directing their actions against third parties.
Article IV.
Every State may seize a pirate vessel, or a vessel taken by piracy and under the control of pirates, and arrest the persons and seize the property on board, with the determination of further action reserved to the State, subject to the rights of third parties acting in good faith.
Article V.
Where the seizure of a ship on suspicion of piracy has been effected without adequate grounds, the State making the seizure shall be liable to the State responsible for the vessel, by provision of flag or nationality, for any loss or damage caused by the seizure.
Article VI.
A seizure on account of piracy may be carried out only by warships or such vessels which are clearly marked and identifiable as being on the government service and authorised to that effect.
The Governments of the undersigned Plenipotentiaries engage to bring the present declaration to the knowledge of the States which have not taken part in the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, and to invite them to accede. The present Declaration is not and shall not be binding, except between those Powers who have acceded, or shall accede, to it.
Done at Aix-la-Chapelle, DATE.
ITEM B:
Declaration on the Abolition of the Slave Trade
The Plenipotentiaries of the Powers who signed the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 9th June 1815, assembled in conference at Aix-la-Chapelle,
Having recalled the Declaration of the Powers on the Abolition of the Slave Trade, by which the Powers of Christendom condemned that commerce, denominated as ‘the Slave Trade’, as ‘repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality’, and committed to ‘prompt and effectual execution’ of its abolition,
The Powers of Christendom hereby reaffirm their intention to eliminate the Slave Trade by the adoption of legislation, so as to render the practice illegal, in all haste and according to their own considerations, with a view to its general and total abolition by 1830.
The Plenipotentiaries of the Powers who signed the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 9th June 1815, assembled in conference at Aix-la-Chapelle,
Having recalled the Declaration of the Powers on the Abolition of the Slave Trade, by which the Powers of Christendom condemned that commerce, denominated as ‘the Slave Trade’, as ‘repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality’, and committed to ‘prompt and effectual execution’ of its abolition,
The Powers of Christendom hereby reaffirm their intention to eliminate the Slave Trade by the adoption of legislation, so as to render the practice illegal, in all haste and according to their own considerations, with a view to its general and total abolition by 1830.
Signed,
M. de Valence
M. de Valence
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