The Election of 1850 (Campaign)
Suffrage and the Japanese Electoral System:
Under Hidetoshi's new constitutional reforms, suffrage was granted to all males of the samurai classes above the age of 16. (the traditional age of adulthood in Japanese culture.) Landowners not of the samurai class, the upper echelons of the clergy, and a handful of industrialists and merchants who owned property were also granted the vote. In order to stand for election, an eligible voter had to pay a “deposit” of 50 Ryo (a great deal of money in those days.) ensuring that only the wealthy could stand for election. Despite limiting the electorate to only the upper crust, the broad church that was and is the Samurai Class meant that the Japanese electorate was much larger by percentage of population than many contemporary European democracies.
Each province (with the exception of Karafuto, which was merged into the West Hokkaido constituency and Mutsu, which was split in two due to it's geographical size.) was a constituency and would return one peer, regardless of the size of its electorate: this meant that urban Osaka or Hizen would have as much representation as rural East Hokkaido or Sado Island. Elections were conducted under the First Past the Post (FPTP) electoral system. All current peers in the Kizokuin would have to stand for election every four years, excepting the Shogun, who held his “seat” for life.
Japan's First Political Parties:
Japan's politically-active wasted no time after the Legalisation of Political Parties Act in forming political pressure groups, or lobbies. Lobby groups such as the now legal Constitutionalist Party were made up primarily of the educated lower and lower-middle classes, and since the vast majority of their membership couldn't yet vote themselves, these groups focussed their attention on petitioning peers to represent their interests in the Kizokuin. A few radical samurai even sympathised with these groups, and even joined the Constitutionalists outright! Including the scions of such noble and prestigious families as the Uesugi (Harunori's grandson) and the Yamana. Japan's first mass political party was born.
Plebeians weren't the only people to form political parties though, the Act also caused the (partial) break-up of the loose Kizokuin factions which had existed since the days of Mitsunari. The largest and most powerful faction, the Pro-Shogunate Daimyo, evolved into the Ishida Hoshu-tou (or just Hoshu-tou), known in English as the Conservative Party.[1] Like their British contemporaries, (and some would say namesake) the Hoshu-tou were united behind loyalty towards the Shogun, the Church (albeit the one in Rome rather than in Canterbury) and the expansion of the Empire. Unlike their British contemporaries, they were also united behind Protectionism. They were the largest and wealthiest of the new parties, and had the backing of most of the old Daimyo. Their first leader was none other than General Otani Yoshinaga, Lord of the Ishida's home province of Omi.
The Pro-Rangaku Daimyo had a less coherent break up than the Conservatives. The old Pro- Rangaku were united on issues such as Free Trade, extending the franchise to the middle class and freedom of the press. They were however very divided on which of these issues was the most important, and on religion. The majority of the old Pro-Rangaku faction joined the Jiyu-tou (or the Liberal Party), which was led – and indeed shaped – by another of Japan's great modernisers and war heroes, Otomo Takeshi, Lord of Hizen. The Otomo family had been stalwarts of foreign trade since the days of St. Sorin, and Takeshi was no different. Indeed, Takeshi preached the gospel of Free Trade with an almost missionary-like zeal, and naturally won the support of many of Japan's budding plutocrats. Suitably for a man of such aristocratic pedigree, he was also fairly conservative, and agreed with the Conservatives on many issues of social, religious and foreign policy, not to mention loyalty to the Shogun and expansion of the Empire.
Some Liberals felt however that Takeshi didn't go far enough, and a few even felt that he went too far. A small rebel group of ex-Pro-Rangaku peers led by the egalitarian Lord Kuroda formed the Minshu-tou, or Democratic Party [3]. The Democrats felt that Suffrage, not Free Trade, should be the guiding light of any Liberal party, Japanese or otherwise. They also supported Free Trade to an extent, but favoured a more interventionist approach than their former comrades. Kuroda had sent his sons to study in Paris, and his party was heavily Francophone. This reflected on some of their policies, such as the separation of Church from State – quite a radical proposal by Japanese standards.
Whereas the Liberal party had the support of the Industrialists, Plutocrats and Merchants, the Democrats had the support of Intellectuals, Philosophers and Thinkers (a later generation would refer to such men as “scientists”) disillusioned by the proto-proletarian Constitutionalists[4]. Japan's fifth political party would derive its support from the clergy. The Khirishtan Minshu-tou, or Christian Democrats[5] were led by none other than that great Anti-Jacobin pamphleteer Father Doi. Doi and his followers supported an economic line similar to the Democrats, and a radical religious policy. There the similarity ends. The Christian Democrats believed in an end to religious pluralism, which had been the norm in Japan for centuries. They also were less than enthusiastic about the Empire, though were rather happy to convert these heathens to Catholicism at the nearest opportunity.
Japan's final political party were the Ou-tou, or The Royalists[6]. The Ou-tou were the successors to the various Pro-Imperial, Anti-Shogunate, reactionary movements active in Japan for the past 250 years or so. The Royalists had learned their lesson from their reactionary brethren and also how to walk successfully on eggshells. Their leader was a court official from one of Japan's original “Big Three” families[7] Fujiwara Masamichi. Masamichi was therefore above suspicion, and as a court official he knew an awful lot about how to avoid attracting it: after all his family had done just that for the past eight centuries. Masamichi carefully structured the party around a pro-Shinto-Buddhist (but not any specific school or “denomination”), Pro-Monarchy core: He wanted the Ou-tou to be seen as “Pro-Monarchy” rather than “Anti-Ishida”. Their other policies involved more rights for landowners and more power to the Court and the Shinto-Buddhist clergy. They were also isolationist and against industrialisation.
Party Manifestoes:
Hoshu-tou (Conservative Party)
Party Leader and Prospective Kampaku: Otani Yoshinaga
Position on the Japanese political spectrum: Centre-right to Right (social and economic)
Party Colour(s): Blue and white
Financial Policy: The Conservatives believe that taxes should be kept at 50% throughout the next four years. Tariffs should be kept at 3% to build a treasury surplus and raised or lowered as the state finances dictate. Military build up should continue at present levels. No change in the defence, administration or education budgets; these will be funded through tariffs.
Industrial Policy: Industrial growth to be protected through tariffs on foreign goods. State intervention is required to build and subsidise Japan's growing Military-industrial complex; partial nationalisation of the steel and shipbuilding industries.
Domestic Policy: Defend the absolutism of the Shogunate; no need for social or political reforms.
Colonial Policy: Honourable nations do not break treaties! Wait for the peace treaty with the Kingdom of Siam to expire, then invade. In the meantime, isolate the Kingdom of Siam by annexing their allies, starting with Dai Nam, as soon as possible.
Foreign Policy: Japan should focus on building ties with its traditional friends in Europe: Portugal and The Netherlands. Cordial relations with the French and/or Prussians might be necessary to stave off the hungry Russian bear. The United States is starting to muscle their way into Indochina through the Emperor of Dai Nam and the British are starting to do to the King of Siam what they did to the King of Burma. Both must be stopped at all costs, even at the expense of diplomatic relations between Japan and these two countries. Boost relations with France and Mexico as a potential counterweight to aggressive Anglo-Americanism. Unfortunately, war with our Qing friends is inevitable. Prepare for war with China, but wait for them to strike first. Boost Japanese troop presence on the Sino-Korean border.
Jiyu-tou (Liberal Party)
Party Leader and Prospective Kampaku: Otomo Takeshi
Position on the Japanese political spectrum: Left (economic), Centre-right (social)
Party Colour(s): Yellow and black.
Financial Policy: Under no circumstances will a Liberal Government raise tariffs. Keep taxes at 50% for the time being to build a small surplus, then cut upper class taxes to around 40% to encourage industrial growth. Keep education, military and administration budgets as they are for now, but prepare to slash administration costs as necessary if the state finances go into deficit.
Industrial Policy: No nationalisation, and put an end to industrial subsidies. Japan can always import what it needs from other nations if need be – this goes for arms as well as domestic goods. Cut upper class taxes if possible to encourage industrial growth.
Domestic Policy: The Liberals believe that current restrictions on the media are not only morally reprehensible, but a waste. We should lift media restrictions and allow entrepreneurs and tycoons to start their own newspapers. Licensing non-State run newspapers is a license to print money.
The Liberals also believe that due to their high population density, Japan's major cities (Osaka, Sakai (or “Port Osaka”), Nagasaki, Edo, Himeji (or Kobe) and Kyoto) should receive extra parliamentary representation. We propose that each city should have its own seat in the Kizokuin. (The fact that most of these cities are Liberal strongholds has absolutely nothing to do with our enthusiasm for this proposal.) If city constituencies are a success, the Liberals pledge to increase their number in the near future. [8]
The Liberals feel there is no need to extend the voting franchise at this time.
Colonial Policy: The Liberals pledge to continue the annexation of Siam once the peace treaty expires. There isn't that long to go until the treaty expires, so Japan should be in no hurry to invade Dai Nam. Try to rebuff the American advisors in Dai Nam through non-violent, diplomatic means. If this fails, Japan should annex Dai Nam forthwith, but only
after annexing Siam.
Foreign Policy: Cordial relations with the British should take precedence over all other nations, followed by the Dutch, then maybe the French. Japan should try to build strong ties with Latin America to counter US influence in Southern Asia. War with China might still be avoided, Japan shouldn't antagonise the Qing by stationing even more troops along its borders. Try to keep China out of any indochinese war through diplomatic means.
Minshu-tou (Democratic Party)
Party Leader and Prospective Kampaku: Kuroda Kiyotaka
Position on the Japanese political spectrum: Centrist (economic), Centre-left to Left (social)
Party Colour(s): Orange and black.
Financial Policy: Cut all taxes by 10%. Keep tariffs at zero but be prepared to use them if the financial situation deteriorates. Under no circumstances will a Democratic Government cut education spending, but cut the military budget by 50% and the administration budget by 25% in order to save money.
Industrial Policy: Keep industry in private hands, but subsidise struggling factories. Subsidise both civilian and military factories. No preference for the military-industrial complex.
Domestic Policy: Extending the franchise to the middle classes is of the highest priority. The Liberals' City Constituency scheme is a good idea, but it doesn't go far enough! Each of the trading ports should have its own constituency, as should every University![9] Introduce separation of Church (or Shrine, Temple, etc.) from State.
Colonial Policy: There is no need to invade Siam. Try to keep the British out through diplomatic means, and use violence only as a last resort. The Americans are a credit to civilisation, let them interfere with Indochinese affairs!
Foreign Policy: France and the US provide a model for Japan to follow; increasing relations with both nations should be a high priority, followed by our old allies, the Dutch. Making friends with the Latin American republics can only be a good move. No war with China; move Japanese troops to Southern Korea to avoid antagonising the Qing Emperor.
Khirishtan Minshu-tou (CDP)
Party Leader and Prospective Kampaku: Father Tatsuro Doi
Position on the Japanese political spectrum: Centrist (economic), Right to Far Right (social)
Party Colour(s): Purple and white.
Financial Policy: Initiate a progressive tax rate, whereby the lower classes pay 5% less than the middle classes, who pay 5% less than the upper classes. Education and Administration spending is vital to the state's missionary work; under no circumstances will the CDP cut administration or education spending. Cut military spending by 75% to fund tax cuts and public spending.
Industrial Policy: Industrial development is no business of the state. Subsidise struggling factories and farms to keep unemployment down.
Domestic Policy: Political reforms are not needed at this time. Defend the rights of the Holy Church at all costs! No concessions to heretics and heathens!
Colonial Policy: Increase funding for Catholic churches and missionaries in the colonies, ensure the establishment of dioceses throughout Japanese holdings in Korea, Malaya and Siam and more funding set aside towards colonial education. There is no need to extend the empire at this time.
Foreign Policy: Japan must improve relations with our Catholic brethren! Work on establishing diplomatic relations with the Vatican as well as out Traditional allies Portugal, then other Catholic powers like Spain and Mexico. Send Catholic missionaries to proselytise in China; only wage war China if they are threatened.
Kensei-tou (Constitution Party)
Party Leader and Prospective Kampaku: Uesugi Narinori
Position on the Japanese political spectrum: Centre-left (economic), Left (social)
Party Colour(s): Sea green and white.
Financial Policy: Cut all taxes by 10%, keep tariffs at 0 at all costs. Cut military and administration by half to save money, keep education at 100%.
Industrial Policy: Leave industrial development in private hands, no nationalisation. Subsidise agriculture instead of industry to keep food stocks high.
Domestic Policy: The Constitutionalists will not rest until Universal Suffrage is achieved. We will support other political forms, such as a bill to outlaw voter intimidation, but these are less important than the extension of the franchise, and we will not initiate such proposals until universal suffrage has been achieved.[10]
Colonial Policy: There is no need for war with Siam or China at the present time. Russia is the real threat to Japanese sovereignty!
Foreign Policy: Only increase relations with “enlightened” nations, like Britain, France, The Netherlands and the United States. Try to influence the Qing Emperor, and promote Russophobia throughout China.
Ou-tou (Royalist Party)
Party Leader and Prospective Kampaku: Fujiwara Masamichi
Position on the Japanese political spectrum: Right to Far Right (economic), Far Right to Extreme Right (social)
Party Colour(s): Black and white.
Financial Policy: Raise taxes and tariffs back to pre-Shogunate levels. Leave military and administration spending at 100%, lower education spending to 80%.
Industrial Policy: Subsidise agriculture, only build and subsidise factories part of the military-industrial complex.
Domestic Policy: No political reforms. Reinstate Shinto as the state religion, and encourage Shintoism amongst the Buddhist population while discriminating against Buddhists who refuse to convert.
Colonial Policy: There is no need to wait for the expiration of treaties! Invade Siam at once! Export Shinto to Korea and Siam.
Foreign Policy: Japan should enter into an era of “splendid” diplomatic isolation. Try to reach an entente with Russia. No war with China, invade Dai Nam and Luang Prabang instead.
Newspaper Endorsements, Opinion Polling and the Election Campaign:
Japan's first ever nationwide election campaign began with much public enthusiasm – even amongst the disenfranchised. Candidates campaigned in the traditional, 19th Century way: by hosting mass open air rallies – some which had attendance figures well over twenty-thousand. Constitutionalists and Liberals attracted the largest numbers to their rallies on average, but record for the largest single rally by attendance went to Otani Yoshinaga's campaign launch outside Osaka Castle. Contemporary estimates put the attendance figure at over 150'000 – or about 175% of the local electorate! It's clear from figures like these that the disenfranchised had as much enthusiasm for democracy as those who actually cast their ballots.
Campaigns in Japan were much longer in 1850 then they are in Japan today, stretching over seven whole months.[11] The main event of any Japanese election campaign – then as now – were three set piece debates: one in Nagasaki, one in Edo and one outside Osaka Castle. These debates were not only as well attended as any mass rally, they were also reported on at length by the state paper. Japanese people often talk up the importance of these great debates, and analysts often say that the outcome can make or break an election campaign.
The first of these debates was held in the Free Trade capital of Japan, Nagasaki. This was very much the Liberals' home base – it was their leader's constituency after all. As one might expect, the debate was dominated by economic policy. The Liberals were riding high; this was their territory and their policy of Free Trade was almost tailored for the North Kyushu electorate. According to contemporary accounts, Takeshi and Narinori performed best; they were preaching to the choir. Yoshinaga however was hounded down for doing so much as dare speak that hated word – protectionism. Memories of the food riots were still very much fresh in the Japanese public's mind.
The conservative
Nihon Shimbun covered up Yoshinaga's dismal performance as best it could. Fortunately for the Hoshu-tou, they were rather successful. Few people outside of Northern Kyushu caught wind of Yoshinaga's humiliation, and of those that did, most of them – like most the electors of Nagasaki – would have voted Liberal anyways. Most of what we know of the Nagasaki Debate comes from reporting by the
Nagasaki Merchant's Daily, a foreign-owned, English-language publication catering to Nagsaki's expatriate and financial community. It was avowedly classically liberal with only a fraction of the readership of the NS, but given the shape and composition of the electorate, the influence of the
Merchant's Daily was perhaps greater than it might otherwise have been.
Newspaper endorsements for the 1850 General Election. The Nihon Shimbun was the only legal, mass-market newspaper at the time and had a large readership, but was trusted by few amongst the upper classes. The Merchant's Daily was technically illegal, but tolerated due to its ownership and niche market. It was more trusted, at least by liberals but had a much smaller leadership. The Constitutionalist was an underground, party paper for the Kensei-tou. The only electors likely to read it were probably Kensei-tou voters or members anyway.
The second debate was held in friendlier territory for the conservatives. In Edo, military adventures abroad mattered more than economic policy, and the debate focused on Colonial policy. This was an area where both Yoshinaga and Takeshi were very much at home, and together they both ran rings around the leaders and representatives of the other parties. The
Merchant's Daily wasn't around to help the Liberals this time, and thanks to the ever-faithful NS, the Conservatives won most of the credit and surged forward in the polls.
Things were looking very rosy for the Conservatives indeed. They were polling high, and had been for most of the campaign. The Liberals had polled steadily at around 30-35 percent for most of the campaign, compared with the 40-55 % of the Conservatives. Takeshi had a lot of work to do to turn the campaign around, and in September, this he did. Takeshi, in concert with the Democrats, Constitutionalists and even a few Christian Democrats launched a vitirolous and scathing verbal assault against not the Conservatives themselves – as most of his previous campaigning could be described as – but on Protectionism. This “policies, not personalities” strategy proved successful, and the Hoshu-tou's poll figures went into free-fall. Liberals, Constitutionalists and Democrats thundered this message across the entire length and breadth of the country and like at Nagasaki, Yoshinaga was mostly impotent. Unfortunately for the Liberals, most of the support which ebbed from the Conservatives, flowed towards the other parties – especially the CDP.
The final battle would be (most fittingly) hosted at Osaka Castle. In this debate no punches would be pulled, no swords sheathed, as Takeshi and Yoshinaga went all out, attacking each other on every imaginable party plank position. The others could at only dig their heels and hope to hold their ground against the clash of words which reverberated from the lips of two of the greatest statesmen of their age. In the aftermath the press were befuddled as to who actually won: the NS believed it was Yoshinaga while the
Merchant's Daily awarded the victory to Takeshi. No surprises there. The real question of the 1850 General election would be whether the Hoshu-tou would be able to keep its head above water until polling day, or whether they had sunk deep enough for the Liberals (with much thanks to the CDP, Democrats and Constitutionalists) to nip ahead. One thing was for certain though, and on this both legal papers agreed: the result would be very close...
Opinion Polling for the 1850 Election Campaign as published by the Nihon Shimbun.
Opinion Polling for the 1850 Election Campaign as published by the Nagasaki Merchant's Daily.
Notes:
[1] The Hoshu-tou are entirely fictional, as although Japan has had several conservative parties (the LDP springs to mind) they have never had – until recently – a party called the Conservative Party. The Hoshu-tou were naturally inspired the British Conservative & Unionist Party of the One Nation/Disraeli era and their direct ancestors, the Tory Party. Their in-game policies are: Conservative; State Capitalist; Protectionist; Pluralist; Ltd. Citizenship and Pro Military.
[2] There have been several Jiyu-tou parties throughout Japanese history – both before and after WWII. Probably the most important is the Jiyu-tou which existed in the 40's and 50's, and would go on to merge with the Minshu-tou forming the Liberal Democratic Party (Jiyu-Minshutou), that governed Japan almost uninterrupted for over five decades.
This Jiyu-tou was inspired by both the British Liberal Party (on economic and social policy) and Chamberlain's Liberal Unionist party. (on foreign and colonial policy) They are the more classically liberal of the three liberal parties. Their in-game policies are: Liberal; L-F; Free Trade; Pluralist; Ltd. Citizenship and Pro Military.
[3] The Minshu-tou are named after one of the two major non-socialist Japanese parties that existed after WWII. The Democrats are inspired partly by the post-Roosevelt US Democratic Party and the various France Centre parties which have existed over the past two centuries. They are the more Social Liberal, or Centrist of the three liberal parties. Their in-game policies are: Liberal; Interventionist; Free Trade; Secularist; Ltd. Citizenship and Anti-Military.
[4] the Kensei-tou, or Constitutionalist Party are named after a real Japanese political party of the 19th century led by Ito Horibumi. The real Kensei-tou espoused constitutional monarchy and a British-style parliamentary system. This Kensei-tou is more of a grassroots-type movement than the real Kensei-tou – I needed a rebellious Chartist-type movement for plot reasons and I thought the name fit the purpose. They are the more radical of the three liberal parties. Their policies are: Liberal; Interventionist; Free Trade; Pluralist; Full Citizenship and Anti-Military.
[5] Obviously the Christian Democrats are fictional! “Buddhist Democratic” parties are however gaining ground in Japan – the third largest party in the Japanese Lower House at the time of writing (the New Komei-tou) could be considered a “Buddhist Democratic Party”. Their in-game policies are: Conservative; Interventionist; Free Trade; Moralism; Full Citizenship and Anti Military.
[6] The Ou-tou are basically the Vicky II “token reactionary party” like the Tories or the Southern Democrats. You probably won't be hearing an awful lot about them. Their policies are: Reactionary; Planned Economy; Protectionism; Moralism; Residency and Jingoism.
[7] Dating back to before the Gempei war and the First Shogunate: Fujiwara, Taira and Minamoto. The “Big Three”of this era would be the Ishida, Otomo and Otani.
[8] i.e the Liberals will pass “Censored Press” at the first available opportunity, and “Gerrymandering” at the second available opportunity.
[9] i.e. the Democrats will pass “Weighted Wealth” at the first available opportunity and “Gerrymandering” at the second available opportunity.
[10] The Constitutionalists will extend the voting franchise at every available opportunity until “ Weighted Universal Suffrage” is passed. Only then will they consider passing other political reforms, namely working towards “Secret Ballots”.
[11] The length of election campaigns in Vicky II really are a tad too long.
