It prob would yes, but considering he's playing as a friendly, anti-war Germany, he wouldn't need to care about expansion like that.
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Well, I know it's 'friendly, but he's been attacked already, so there is not much you can do other than taking it all the way to Moscow. However with Poland in the axis, you'd be pushing it through as polish territory... unless you make a landing somewhere.
Pushing through Poland doesn't matter for who takes the land when the USSR surrenders. Wargoals matter. It will depend on which war goals are chosen.
However, Poland could cause supply issues. I doubt its supply throughput technologies are at the same level as Germany's.
However, Poland could cause supply issues. I doubt its supply throughput technologies are at the same level as Germany's.
Color me impressed (admittedly, it doesn't take much). You managed to mangle the RN and the French navy to the extent that you could invade from Normandy, with the French Army immobilized at the Maginot Line. Good use of the tools at your disposal and some creative thinking.
Also enjoyed the 'Das Boot' review. Perhaps Wolfgang was inspired by our OTL 'Pearl Harbour', with its own <ahem> strict adherence to realism.
I received Pearl Harbor as a gift from my mother for Christmas one year. Before I opened it (not knowing what it was), I complained bitterly about the movie. Awkward....
Well, the next update addresses this dilemma.
But just because I'm kinder and gentler doesn't mean I'm not a total jerk.
Chapter 6: An excerpt from Winston Churchill’s history of the war entitled Why We Failed
German naval successes in February and March demonstrated a fundamental point that some of my friends in the admiralty had been advocating for years. The naval disarmament treaties, even if they were adhered to properly, could not ensure British naval dominance if newer ships were never built. While the Royal Navy had rearmed somewhat from 1936 to 1943, the assumption held by the Cabinet was that older ships could continue to improve over time, negating the need for significant new ships. But time and again, the minority opinion held by myself and my friends was validated. Outdated primary armaments ensured that older battleships, even with newer fire control and RADAR systems, could not hit or sink German screens. And no matter how advanced the SONAR or anti-aircraft guns were on our destroyers, the older screens found themselves sinking from even mediocre dive bombing runs or torpedo attacks. And as German pilots got more experienced, our losses increased.
But the biggest blow to the naval war came when France surrendered and submitted to German authority. With air bases on the coast of the Channel, land based air cover could be extended to our shore. During the first months of the war, our fleet could at least retreat under air cover and be somewhat safe. And, as the invasion of France indicated, the German navy would take horrific carrier aircraft losses when the RAF could get involved. With the Luftwaffe able to challenge our coverage of the Channel, this advantage was ended. Even if not a single German bomber dropped ordnance on British soil, any long term naval advantage we could enjoy from land based air cover was over. But in April, the real worry was that German bombers would begin attacking our industry or logistics directly. Visions of port facilities being bombed and factories getting leveled filled the nightmares of the Cabinet.
As it turned out, we had little to fear in this regard. The German navy spent some time in port undergoing repairs and refits. Most German bombers were diverted to the Eastern front. We would find out after the war that coordination between the Italians and Germans had been poor. Had it been better, they might have been diverted to North Africa, but poor coordination meant that German leadership had no idea that our forces were closing the noose in Libya. The offensive into Libya had been successful, and while complete victory eluded us, these successes mitigated the loss of Gibraltar and Malta to Italian forces.
The Luftwaffe did begin a campaign of air superiority over southern England. Our failure to rearm was demonstrated yet again. While Germany did have numerical superiority overall, half of the Luftwaffe’s fighters were in the east fighting the Soviets. We had rough parity in numbers and that should have led to a stalemate. Instead, our lack of upgrades meant that even though we had some aircraft rolling off the assembly line with air search RADAR and drop tanks, existing interceptor wings were still fielding older models of aircraft. Furthermore, Germany’s rearmament meant that they were more proficient at researching new technologies. Jet engines and RADAR guided ordnance were making our lives difficult both on the water and in the air. The RAF’s initial worry was that German heavy bombers would begin either isolating the southern airfields using logistical strikes, as they did in Fall Rot, or would conduct runway cratering missions to neutralize the airfields directly. But once again, our assessment was off. German strategic bombers were based in the east, but given a lengthy repair and upgrade hiatus from any active missions. We had no way of knowing this at the time; had we known, RAF Fighter Command would have been much more aggressive in trying to run air superiority missions over France to push the fight back across the Channel. With the threat of large bombers looming over our heads, the RAF felt a more conservative approach was called for. While not fatal, this flaw in operational planning let the RAF get sucked into an attritional struggle that it could not win. The Luftwaffe could easily afford to replace all losses at this stage of the war. We, alas, could not.
The Cabinet felt heartened when Poland’s government went into exile as the Soviets overran Warsaw and Krakow. It seemed that the Soviets would be able to put so much pressure on Germany that our efforts would not be in vain. But when Rommel led the breakthrough and encircled the entire 3rd Soviet Army, destroying it, hope was dashed again. Propaganda from Goebbels’s office depicted the unwashed hordes of the steppe pouring into Germany, indicating to our own government that the war in the east was going to be the focus of the war. ULTRA transcripts backed this up. The best leaders were in the east; Guderian, Rommel, and the other great heroes of the war turned what seemed to be defeat into stunning victories that made even Achtung! Panzer look like a conservative estimate of the capabilities of combined arms warfare. All of these factors indicated to the Cabinet that Germany would turn its attention mostly towards the east. Surely one of their brightest leaders would run an invasion of our shores if one was planned?
We were so wrong.
German naval successes in February and March demonstrated a fundamental point that some of my friends in the admiralty had been advocating for years. The naval disarmament treaties, even if they were adhered to properly, could not ensure British naval dominance if newer ships were never built. While the Royal Navy had rearmed somewhat from 1936 to 1943, the assumption held by the Cabinet was that older ships could continue to improve over time, negating the need for significant new ships. But time and again, the minority opinion held by myself and my friends was validated. Outdated primary armaments ensured that older battleships, even with newer fire control and RADAR systems, could not hit or sink German screens. And no matter how advanced the SONAR or anti-aircraft guns were on our destroyers, the older screens found themselves sinking from even mediocre dive bombing runs or torpedo attacks. And as German pilots got more experienced, our losses increased.
But the biggest blow to the naval war came when France surrendered and submitted to German authority. With air bases on the coast of the Channel, land based air cover could be extended to our shore. During the first months of the war, our fleet could at least retreat under air cover and be somewhat safe. And, as the invasion of France indicated, the German navy would take horrific carrier aircraft losses when the RAF could get involved. With the Luftwaffe able to challenge our coverage of the Channel, this advantage was ended. Even if not a single German bomber dropped ordnance on British soil, any long term naval advantage we could enjoy from land based air cover was over. But in April, the real worry was that German bombers would begin attacking our industry or logistics directly. Visions of port facilities being bombed and factories getting leveled filled the nightmares of the Cabinet.
As it turned out, we had little to fear in this regard. The German navy spent some time in port undergoing repairs and refits. Most German bombers were diverted to the Eastern front. We would find out after the war that coordination between the Italians and Germans had been poor. Had it been better, they might have been diverted to North Africa, but poor coordination meant that German leadership had no idea that our forces were closing the noose in Libya. The offensive into Libya had been successful, and while complete victory eluded us, these successes mitigated the loss of Gibraltar and Malta to Italian forces.
The Luftwaffe did begin a campaign of air superiority over southern England. Our failure to rearm was demonstrated yet again. While Germany did have numerical superiority overall, half of the Luftwaffe’s fighters were in the east fighting the Soviets. We had rough parity in numbers and that should have led to a stalemate. Instead, our lack of upgrades meant that even though we had some aircraft rolling off the assembly line with air search RADAR and drop tanks, existing interceptor wings were still fielding older models of aircraft. Furthermore, Germany’s rearmament meant that they were more proficient at researching new technologies. Jet engines and RADAR guided ordnance were making our lives difficult both on the water and in the air. The RAF’s initial worry was that German heavy bombers would begin either isolating the southern airfields using logistical strikes, as they did in Fall Rot, or would conduct runway cratering missions to neutralize the airfields directly. But once again, our assessment was off. German strategic bombers were based in the east, but given a lengthy repair and upgrade hiatus from any active missions. We had no way of knowing this at the time; had we known, RAF Fighter Command would have been much more aggressive in trying to run air superiority missions over France to push the fight back across the Channel. With the threat of large bombers looming over our heads, the RAF felt a more conservative approach was called for. While not fatal, this flaw in operational planning let the RAF get sucked into an attritional struggle that it could not win. The Luftwaffe could easily afford to replace all losses at this stage of the war. We, alas, could not.
The Cabinet felt heartened when Poland’s government went into exile as the Soviets overran Warsaw and Krakow. It seemed that the Soviets would be able to put so much pressure on Germany that our efforts would not be in vain. But when Rommel led the breakthrough and encircled the entire 3rd Soviet Army, destroying it, hope was dashed again. Propaganda from Goebbels’s office depicted the unwashed hordes of the steppe pouring into Germany, indicating to our own government that the war in the east was going to be the focus of the war. ULTRA transcripts backed this up. The best leaders were in the east; Guderian, Rommel, and the other great heroes of the war turned what seemed to be defeat into stunning victories that made even Achtung! Panzer look like a conservative estimate of the capabilities of combined arms warfare. All of these factors indicated to the Cabinet that Germany would turn its attention mostly towards the east. Surely one of their brightest leaders would run an invasion of our shores if one was planned?
We were so wrong.
Chapter 6: Poland is lost, but the United Kingdom is gained
Alright, let’s talk tech for a moment.
Late game wars demonstrate the power of weapon techs and doctrines. Some people who play HOI3 talk about how overpowered aircraft are, but if you think air power is too effective at 1941 tech levels, you haven’t seen the power of bombers in the late game ahead of the tech curve. Most wars players fight tend to be in 39 and 41, with maybe some mop up in 42 if you are the USA and didn’t get an early start. Even if the war drags on for more than two years, the final parts of the war tend to be a foregone conclusion, so the effects of tech are harder to see. But in this case, the war starts with all kinds of high end stuff, and Germany faces a two front war with numerically superior enemies.
I wish I had a screenshot of the bombing missions run by the TACs during 44. They all have at least 1945 techs and are pushing 46/48 doctrines. They also have tons of secret techs including RADAR guided bombs, RADAR guided missiles, air to air missiles, and jet engines (which turns out to be a mistake). High mission efficiencies amplify the high attack values of the Luftwaffe to insane levels, and air search RADAR techs ensure that night missions are only facing a 20-30% efficiency penalty compared to the usual 50%. The upgrade costs start chewing up the lion’s share of Germany’s industry, but who cares? The proof is in the pudding. Despite numerical superiority on the Eastern Front (remember, I don’t have all my fighters over there), the Soviets can’t stand against German air power. I was actually surprised at how overpowering it was until I ran the math on unit statistics and combined them with mission efficiency effects. A 5% advantage over other air units thanks to mission efficiency doesn’t seem that great, but if you also have better SA, HA, air attack, air defense, and RADAR impact from ground control, it all adds up. And the CAGs are benefitting from all this, too.
I have the theater under AI control, and I give it some aircraft, but I keep most of them on manual. I have enough TACs, with enough firepower, that I send them on broad ground attack missions over multiple provinces in stacks of three. The bombers are numerous enough to cover the entire front in Poland and do enough damage that even in a multi-province attack pattern, the Red Army is getting hammered. Meanwhile, Germany’s MR fighters are slaughtering Soviet INTs. Eventually, when the UK is beaten, the additional MRs will ship to the east. And once the Soviet air force is suppressed the point it can’t really do anything, some of those MRs are going to switch to ground attack. Basically, I want the entire Red Army to be permanently getting bombed, both on the front and behind the lines. No rest for the wicked or communists.
However, I make a stupid error in my tech research for the army. Initially, I wanted to research armor techs for everything because some armor techs reduce softness for both MECH and TD. The idea was that, even though armor would slow down a unit that should be faster, it would be well protected and, perhaps, late in the war it would gain hard on soft. This doesn’t happen. Had I done the math, I would have known that before I researched anything. Instead, I spend a ton of IC on upgrades I don’t really want and leadership on techs that don’t add a whole lot to my divisions. Yes, I gain some defense, but to be honest, I’d rather have the speed. And as the war goes on, I realize that part of my failure to take Moscow is because my units were too slow to take critical objectives before fuel ran out or reinforcements redeployed. 8 kph isn’t bad, but MECH/TD/SPARTY can do better.
Now for the bad news. I’ve played a late war before, and let me just say that IF you are nice to Poland, the Poles repay your niceness by having lousy infrastructure and lousy supply techs. It’s not their fault, but my units are already killing me in terms of throughput, without adding inferior supply techs on top of it. I’ve tried to push the Soviets out of Poland and win the war in other games, but the army gets stalled only a few hundred kilometers into the Ukraine because of no fuel and no supplies. Taking ports does not help enough. So, I make the ugly decision to retreat after the Fall of France. Rommel and Guderian retreat far enough back into Poland for the Soviets to force GiE on the Poles. We then push back to the previous defensive line as the reinforcements from France come into play. This nets Germany the Polish Corridor effect, and I can liberate Poland when the war is over.
Now, I am also in a situation where some countries want to join the Axis, but I refrain from asking them until I push into the Soviet Union proper. Also, Romania is in the Axis, but not at war with the Soviets. I wait to invite them until I am ready. I grab the Czechs first.
However, some of Europe won’t join me until the UK is dealt with. This includes everyone west of Berlin. How shall I deal with the UK? Well, the air superiority campaign over the Channel and southern England news substantial victories while the CAGs get some repairs. I also marshal up the PARA and MAR. Once again, I will drop MAR on a port close the capital, drop PARA on London, and the moment the port is taken, drop a number of MECH divisions to run amok.
I was going to post screenshots of the attack on the UK, but for some reason the Brits barely put up a fight.
Note how the practically the whole island is occupied. I couldn’t figure it out at first until I looked in France. Most of the British army was either still sitting in France (who is now my puppet but has a truce with Britain) or in North Africa slowly beating the Italians. The home islands were practically defenseless. And while my MECH are not the fastest ones on the planet, with hardly any resistance, I overrun Britain in a week under AI control (except Scapa Flow because I took the MAR away to prep for another campaign).
Soon, western Europe aligns with Germany to fight against the aggression of Neville “Let’s spark a world war that we cannot possibly win because Germany built some stuff” Chamberlain and Joseph “We totally don’t need a professional officer corps, right?” Stalin.
With Gibraltar and Malta already in Italian hands, the MAR and PARA transfer to the Med with Donnitz and invade Egypt. We take it all and help the Italians surround and destroy most of the British military presence in the Middle East.
But the plucky Italians coordinate poorly with me yet again. If Mussolini had bothered to telegram me with his awesome war stories, I would have known about this sooner.
Italian awesomeness, coupled with German naval strength, ends the war against the UK much faster. I only add some MAR to India because the Italians invaded a port that was not Bombay (worth 5 VPs). The war against the UK ends before I can even think to screenshot their surrender.
With the UK out of the war, it’s time to act like Revan and face the true enemy: the Soviets. Technically, we are at war with Nepal and Bhutan, but I don’t really care. The army presses forward with almost my entire military strength because I don’t have to even worry about garrisoning the west. And I gather the rest of my allies.
Anyone care to place odds on how long the Soviets will last?
Alright, let’s talk tech for a moment.
Late game wars demonstrate the power of weapon techs and doctrines. Some people who play HOI3 talk about how overpowered aircraft are, but if you think air power is too effective at 1941 tech levels, you haven’t seen the power of bombers in the late game ahead of the tech curve. Most wars players fight tend to be in 39 and 41, with maybe some mop up in 42 if you are the USA and didn’t get an early start. Even if the war drags on for more than two years, the final parts of the war tend to be a foregone conclusion, so the effects of tech are harder to see. But in this case, the war starts with all kinds of high end stuff, and Germany faces a two front war with numerically superior enemies.
I wish I had a screenshot of the bombing missions run by the TACs during 44. They all have at least 1945 techs and are pushing 46/48 doctrines. They also have tons of secret techs including RADAR guided bombs, RADAR guided missiles, air to air missiles, and jet engines (which turns out to be a mistake). High mission efficiencies amplify the high attack values of the Luftwaffe to insane levels, and air search RADAR techs ensure that night missions are only facing a 20-30% efficiency penalty compared to the usual 50%. The upgrade costs start chewing up the lion’s share of Germany’s industry, but who cares? The proof is in the pudding. Despite numerical superiority on the Eastern Front (remember, I don’t have all my fighters over there), the Soviets can’t stand against German air power. I was actually surprised at how overpowering it was until I ran the math on unit statistics and combined them with mission efficiency effects. A 5% advantage over other air units thanks to mission efficiency doesn’t seem that great, but if you also have better SA, HA, air attack, air defense, and RADAR impact from ground control, it all adds up. And the CAGs are benefitting from all this, too.
I have the theater under AI control, and I give it some aircraft, but I keep most of them on manual. I have enough TACs, with enough firepower, that I send them on broad ground attack missions over multiple provinces in stacks of three. The bombers are numerous enough to cover the entire front in Poland and do enough damage that even in a multi-province attack pattern, the Red Army is getting hammered. Meanwhile, Germany’s MR fighters are slaughtering Soviet INTs. Eventually, when the UK is beaten, the additional MRs will ship to the east. And once the Soviet air force is suppressed the point it can’t really do anything, some of those MRs are going to switch to ground attack. Basically, I want the entire Red Army to be permanently getting bombed, both on the front and behind the lines. No rest for the wicked or communists.
However, I make a stupid error in my tech research for the army. Initially, I wanted to research armor techs for everything because some armor techs reduce softness for both MECH and TD. The idea was that, even though armor would slow down a unit that should be faster, it would be well protected and, perhaps, late in the war it would gain hard on soft. This doesn’t happen. Had I done the math, I would have known that before I researched anything. Instead, I spend a ton of IC on upgrades I don’t really want and leadership on techs that don’t add a whole lot to my divisions. Yes, I gain some defense, but to be honest, I’d rather have the speed. And as the war goes on, I realize that part of my failure to take Moscow is because my units were too slow to take critical objectives before fuel ran out or reinforcements redeployed. 8 kph isn’t bad, but MECH/TD/SPARTY can do better.
Now for the bad news. I’ve played a late war before, and let me just say that IF you are nice to Poland, the Poles repay your niceness by having lousy infrastructure and lousy supply techs. It’s not their fault, but my units are already killing me in terms of throughput, without adding inferior supply techs on top of it. I’ve tried to push the Soviets out of Poland and win the war in other games, but the army gets stalled only a few hundred kilometers into the Ukraine because of no fuel and no supplies. Taking ports does not help enough. So, I make the ugly decision to retreat after the Fall of France. Rommel and Guderian retreat far enough back into Poland for the Soviets to force GiE on the Poles. We then push back to the previous defensive line as the reinforcements from France come into play. This nets Germany the Polish Corridor effect, and I can liberate Poland when the war is over.
Now, I am also in a situation where some countries want to join the Axis, but I refrain from asking them until I push into the Soviet Union proper. Also, Romania is in the Axis, but not at war with the Soviets. I wait to invite them until I am ready. I grab the Czechs first.
However, some of Europe won’t join me until the UK is dealt with. This includes everyone west of Berlin. How shall I deal with the UK? Well, the air superiority campaign over the Channel and southern England news substantial victories while the CAGs get some repairs. I also marshal up the PARA and MAR. Once again, I will drop MAR on a port close the capital, drop PARA on London, and the moment the port is taken, drop a number of MECH divisions to run amok.
I was going to post screenshots of the attack on the UK, but for some reason the Brits barely put up a fight.
Note how the practically the whole island is occupied. I couldn’t figure it out at first until I looked in France. Most of the British army was either still sitting in France (who is now my puppet but has a truce with Britain) or in North Africa slowly beating the Italians. The home islands were practically defenseless. And while my MECH are not the fastest ones on the planet, with hardly any resistance, I overrun Britain in a week under AI control (except Scapa Flow because I took the MAR away to prep for another campaign).
Soon, western Europe aligns with Germany to fight against the aggression of Neville “Let’s spark a world war that we cannot possibly win because Germany built some stuff” Chamberlain and Joseph “We totally don’t need a professional officer corps, right?” Stalin.
With Gibraltar and Malta already in Italian hands, the MAR and PARA transfer to the Med with Donnitz and invade Egypt. We take it all and help the Italians surround and destroy most of the British military presence in the Middle East.
But the plucky Italians coordinate poorly with me yet again. If Mussolini had bothered to telegram me with his awesome war stories, I would have known about this sooner.
Italian awesomeness, coupled with German naval strength, ends the war against the UK much faster. I only add some MAR to India because the Italians invaded a port that was not Bombay (worth 5 VPs). The war against the UK ends before I can even think to screenshot their surrender.
With the UK out of the war, it’s time to act like Revan and face the true enemy: the Soviets. Technically, we are at war with Nepal and Bhutan, but I don’t really care. The army presses forward with almost my entire military strength because I don’t have to even worry about garrisoning the west. And I gather the rest of my allies.
Anyone care to place odds on how long the Soviets will last?
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Ireland and Greece are written with the wrong font. I think it needs to be corrected ;-).
6 months for Russia's survival? Murmansk, Archangelsk and the Caucauses will probably need to be occupied.
6 months for Russia's survival? Murmansk, Archangelsk and the Caucauses will probably need to be occupied.
love the Winston bit - as vainglorious as ever.
Appreciate your depth of analysis around the Techs, and agree about the killing power of late war aircraft.
As to the Soviets, well its December, so you are in for 3-4 months of supply horrors, but unless they really rebuild and respond very astutely, then anweRU is right, a few well chosen columns should net you all you need thereafter?
Appreciate your depth of analysis around the Techs, and agree about the killing power of late war aircraft.
As to the Soviets, well its December, so you are in for 3-4 months of supply horrors, but unless they really rebuild and respond very astutely, then anweRU is right, a few well chosen columns should net you all you need thereafter?
Cool AAR
I see you have a positive fuel balance even with a totally mechanized army and a huge airforce. What is your fuel usage like?
I see you have a positive fuel balance even with a totally mechanized army and a huge airforce. What is your fuel usage like?
I'm with mrplastic in the bet , 2-3 months, maybe even less if you VP hunt ( something very possible given your army and air force ). Maybe I'll give you 3 months after all, due to winter.
I'm eager to see how will be dealing with the USA, given that the Allies are bust or close of that . Aren't they going to form the United nations ?:/
I'm eager to see how will be dealing with the USA, given that the Allies are bust or close of that . Aren't they going to form the United nations ?:/
Secret Master said:
Can you tell us how many casaulties your aircraft do to the Soviets? Few bombings are enough, or if you have time maybe all bombings during the week:>?
They'd have joined months ago if I let them. I held off because I didn't want the Soviets to wipe them out. I really just want Finland for the Gulf of Finland resource bonus.
But to be honest, Finland is behaving rationally. Even if cores weren't at stake, Soviet aggression makes joining the Axis a sensible choice.
All those cities have to be occupied, plus one important city nowhere near the Eastern Front. Stalin's had time to run national unity spy missions, so the NU of the Soviets is higher than normal.
Winston is as vainglorious as ever, but it also works if you read the last line in Noomi Rapace's (Dr. Elizabeth Shaw in Prometheus) voice.
Cool AAR
I see you have a positive fuel balance even with a totally mechanized army and a huge airforce. What is your fuel usage like?
That positive balance is misleading. The fuel balance has been widely fluctuating for a few months. But it only goes downhill from here...
I guess 2 more months. I really like that eagerness to join the kind Axis
Yeah. If only Bulgaria and Lithuania would join before the end of the game, I could have had the complete set.
The USA will be a non-factor. They aren't joining the Allies and Japan isn't attacking them. No Japan in the Axis means no Pearl Harbor for the AI, so the Cold War will continue in the Pacific while the German-American Bund runs the country into the ground.
Ah, yes, winter. Luckily, all those German troops are cozy inside their mechanized vehicles with the heaters turned on.
I don't run aircraft casualty reports most of the time so I don't have a set of numbers to crunch. I'm not usually interested in casualties in ground troops anymore, since numbers are somewhat meaningless. A MIL brigade could lose 500 men, and it costs less manpower to fix than an INF losing 500 men (different manpower to build), so I don't bother keeping track. I keep land battles as pop-ups, but just so I can see where major fighting has been taking place (if I see a ton of casualties in the wrong place, then I pause and take a closer look).
Note: This post is rated R due to language. Reader discretion is advised. (Although in fairness to me, most of the R-rated language was written by James Cameron and then plagiarized by me.)
Controversy (redirect from Stalingrad: Legal Status):
When Stalingrad was released to North American theaters in 1986, Leni Riefenstahl was sued by James Cameron for copyright infringement of his award winning film Aliens. The case presented by Cameron’s lawyers consisted of 2 hours of side by side showing of footage from each film, cataloging the near perfect copying of the script, camera shots, and even music. In one of the most expensive legal cases in Hollywood history, Cameron’s lawyers rested after only showing this footage, without even providing closing remarks. The lawyers for Riefenstalh spent three weeks presenting their case, calling witnesses as diverse as Martin Scorsese and Michael Jordan. At the end of the trial, the jury found that Stalingrad was, in fact, in violation of the law. But in recognition of the film’s artistic achievements, the jury awarded Cameron only three dollars in lost royalties. Cameron’s lawyers still have an appeal pending against Riefenstahl’s estate waiting on the California Supreme court to make a ruling.
For her part, Riefenstahl said in one of her last interviews before her death in 2003 that “My only regret is that I did not cast Bill Paxton. While he looks nothing like the German actors I used, his inclusion would have made every scene better. It’s too bad Cameron bought him off. Luckily, Lance Henriksen needed the work, so he was able to play Bishop with his usual efficiency.”
Memorable quotes for Stalingrad (only on IMDB Pro):
Ripley: God damn it, that's not all! Because if the Soviet Guard divisions and their T-54s get past Warsaw then that will be all! Then all this - this bullshit that you think is so important, you can just kiss all that goodbye!
Ripley: You’re going to Stalingrad to destroy them, right? Not to capture the assembly lines. Not to analyze the T-54s. Just to destroy them, right?
Burke: That’s the plan, kiddo.
Vasquez: Who's Snow White?
Ferro: She's supposed to be some kinda consultant. Apparently she saw a T-54 once when she visited Stalingrad.
Hudson: Whoopee-fuckin'-do. Hey, I'm impressed.
Gorman: [referring to the knife game] I thought you never missed, Bishop.
[Ripley looks up to see SS collar devices on Bishop’s uniform.]
Ripley: You never said anything about any SS being on board! Why not?
Burke: Pff, it never - never occurred to me. It's just common practice. We always have SS with us. Standard procedure with all paratrooper brigades.
Bishop: [to Burke] I prefer the term "Ideological Security Officer" myself. Is there a problem?
Burke: I'm sorry. I don't know why I didn't even- Ripley's last trip out, the SS… the Ideological Security Officer had some problems.
Ripley: "Problems"?
Burke: There were problems and a-a few deaths were involved.
Bishop: I'm shocked. Was he an older graduating class?
Burke: Yeah, class of 39.
Bishop: Well, that explains it then. The 39s always were a bit twitchy. That could never happen now with our sensitivity training. It is impossible for me to harm or by omission of action, allow to be harmed, a human being. Would you like some cornbread?
[Knocks it out of his hand.]
Ripley: You just stay the hell away from me, you got that?
Frost: I guess she doesn’t like the cornbread either.
Frost: Man, I'm telling you, I got a bad feeling about this drop.
Crowe: You always say that, Frost. You always say, "I got a bad feeling about this drop."
Frost: Okay, okay. When we get back without you, I'll call your folks.
Hudson: Is this gonna be a standup fight, sir, or another partisan hunt?
Gorman: All we know is that there's still no contact with some of the paratroopers that already dropped in the city, and that an armored reaction force may be involved.
Frost: Excuse me sir, a-a what?
Gorman: An armored reaction force.
Hicks: It's a standup fight.
Gorman: Any questions? Yes, what is it, private?
Hudson: How do I get out of this chickenshit outfit?
Apone: You secure that shit right now!
Gorman: Alright, listen up. I want this to go smooth and by the numbers. I want glider gear and parachutes stowed by 0800. I want the anti-tank weapons online and ready two hours later. Now move it people!
Apone: Alright sweethearts, you heard the man and you know the drill! Hudson, come here!
Hudson: I'm ready, man. I am the ultimate badass! State of the badass art! You do NOT wanna fuck with me. Hey Ripley, don't worry. Me and my squad of ultimate badasses will protect you! Check it out! Panzerfaust 250. Vwap! Fry the front armor of a T-34 with this puppy. We got 10 cm Nebelwerfer 35 mortars, MG 42 machine guns, StG 45(M) assault rifles, we got sonic electronic ball breakers! We got gliders, we got knives, sharp sticks...
Apone: Knock it off, Hudson.
Vasquez: [after barely surviving the T-54 surprise attack] Okay. We have three wings of ME-262s just waiting to provide close air support. I say we go back in there and bomb the whole fuckin' nest.
Hicks: It's worth the try, but we don't know if multi-role fighters are gonna affect them.
Hudson: Let's just bug out and call it even, man! What are we even talking about this for?
Ripley: I say we take off and strategically bomb the entire automotive complex in order to slow T-54 production. It's the only way to be sure.
Hudson: Fuckin' A!
Burke: Hold on a second. This installation has a substantial dollar value attached to it.
Ripley: They can bill me.
Burke: Okay, I know this is an emotional moment for all of us. I know that. But let's not make snap judgments, please. This is clearly an important facility we're dealing with and I don't think that you or I, or anybody, has the right to arbitrarily bomb it into nothing.
Ripley: Wrong.
Vasquez: Yeah, watch us.
Hudson: Maybe you haven't been keeping up on current events, but we just got our asses kicked, pal!
Burke: Look. I'm not blind to what is going on, but I cannot authorize that kind of action. I'm sorry.
Ripley: Well, I believe that Corporal Hicks has authority here.
Burke: Corporal Hicks has...?
Ripley: This operation is under military jurisdiction and Hicks is next in the chain of command. Am I right, Corporal?
Hicks: Yeah... yeah, that's right.
Burke: Yeah... look, Ripley, this is a multi-million dollar installation. He can't make that kind of decision. He's just a grunt!
Burke: [to Hicks] Uh, no offense.
Hicks: None taken.
[the glider with the support equipment crashes]
Hudson: Well that's great, that's just fuckin' great, man. Now what the fuck are we supposed to do? We're in some real pretty shit now man...
Hicks: Are you finished?
Hudson: That's it man, game over man, game over! What the fuck are we gonna do now? What are we gonna do?
Burke: Maybe we could build a fire, sing a couple of songs, huh? Why don't we try that?
Newt: We'd better get back, 'cause it'll be dark soon, and the Soviets mostly come at night... mostly.
Ripley: How long after we're declared overdue can we expect mechanized forces to catch up to us?
Hicks: [pause] Seventeen days.
Hudson: Seventeen days? Hey man, I don't wanna rain on your parade, but with those T-54s out there, we're not gonna last seventeen hours! The Soviets are gonna come in here just like they did before. And they're gonna come in here...
Ripley: Hudson!
Hudson: ...and they're gonna come in here AND THEY'RE GONNA GET US!
Ripley: Hudson! This little girl survived a Soviet gulag longer than that with no weapons and no training.
[to Newt]
Ripley: Right?
[Newt apes a salute]
Hudson: Why don't you put her in charge?
Ripley: You better just start dealing with it, Hudson! Listen to me! Hudson, just deal with it, because we need you and I'm sick of your bullshit.
Ripley: Well, we've gotta get the other glider from Sevastpol. There has to be some way of contacting the transport wing.
Hudson: How? The transmitter was on the radioman, and he’s wasted!
Ripley: Well, I don't care how, but we better think of something. We better think of a way.
Hudson: Think of what? We're fucked!
Hicks: Shut up!
Hudson: We're doomed here!
Hicks: SHUT UP!
Ripley: Well, somebody's gonna have to go out there. Take a portable ENIGMA, go out there and patch in manually.
Hudson: Oh yeah, sure! With the Soviets runnin' around? You can count me out.
Hicks: Yeah I guess we can just count you out of everything, Hudson.
Bishop: [speaking under Hicks] I'll go.
Hudson: That's right, man.
Bishop: I'll go.
Hudson: Hey, why don't you go, man!
Bishop: [more loudly] I'll go.
Ripley: What?
Bishop: I'll go. I mean, I'm the only one qualified to use the portable ENIGMA machine anyway.
Hudson: Yeah right, man, Bishop should go.
[Vasquez looks at Hudson with disgust]
Hudson: Good idea!
Bishop: Believe me, I'd prefer not to. I may be SS, but I'm not stupid.
Controversy (redirect from Stalingrad: Legal Status):
When Stalingrad was released to North American theaters in 1986, Leni Riefenstahl was sued by James Cameron for copyright infringement of his award winning film Aliens. The case presented by Cameron’s lawyers consisted of 2 hours of side by side showing of footage from each film, cataloging the near perfect copying of the script, camera shots, and even music. In one of the most expensive legal cases in Hollywood history, Cameron’s lawyers rested after only showing this footage, without even providing closing remarks. The lawyers for Riefenstalh spent three weeks presenting their case, calling witnesses as diverse as Martin Scorsese and Michael Jordan. At the end of the trial, the jury found that Stalingrad was, in fact, in violation of the law. But in recognition of the film’s artistic achievements, the jury awarded Cameron only three dollars in lost royalties. Cameron’s lawyers still have an appeal pending against Riefenstahl’s estate waiting on the California Supreme court to make a ruling.
For her part, Riefenstahl said in one of her last interviews before her death in 2003 that “My only regret is that I did not cast Bill Paxton. While he looks nothing like the German actors I used, his inclusion would have made every scene better. It’s too bad Cameron bought him off. Luckily, Lance Henriksen needed the work, so he was able to play Bishop with his usual efficiency.”
Memorable quotes for Stalingrad (only on IMDB Pro):
Ripley: God damn it, that's not all! Because if the Soviet Guard divisions and their T-54s get past Warsaw then that will be all! Then all this - this bullshit that you think is so important, you can just kiss all that goodbye!
Ripley: You’re going to Stalingrad to destroy them, right? Not to capture the assembly lines. Not to analyze the T-54s. Just to destroy them, right?
Burke: That’s the plan, kiddo.
Vasquez: Who's Snow White?
Ferro: She's supposed to be some kinda consultant. Apparently she saw a T-54 once when she visited Stalingrad.
Hudson: Whoopee-fuckin'-do. Hey, I'm impressed.
Gorman: [referring to the knife game] I thought you never missed, Bishop.
[Ripley looks up to see SS collar devices on Bishop’s uniform.]
Ripley: You never said anything about any SS being on board! Why not?
Burke: Pff, it never - never occurred to me. It's just common practice. We always have SS with us. Standard procedure with all paratrooper brigades.
Bishop: [to Burke] I prefer the term "Ideological Security Officer" myself. Is there a problem?
Burke: I'm sorry. I don't know why I didn't even- Ripley's last trip out, the SS… the Ideological Security Officer had some problems.
Ripley: "Problems"?
Burke: There were problems and a-a few deaths were involved.
Bishop: I'm shocked. Was he an older graduating class?
Burke: Yeah, class of 39.
Bishop: Well, that explains it then. The 39s always were a bit twitchy. That could never happen now with our sensitivity training. It is impossible for me to harm or by omission of action, allow to be harmed, a human being. Would you like some cornbread?
[Knocks it out of his hand.]
Ripley: You just stay the hell away from me, you got that?
Frost: I guess she doesn’t like the cornbread either.
Frost: Man, I'm telling you, I got a bad feeling about this drop.
Crowe: You always say that, Frost. You always say, "I got a bad feeling about this drop."
Frost: Okay, okay. When we get back without you, I'll call your folks.
Hudson: Is this gonna be a standup fight, sir, or another partisan hunt?
Gorman: All we know is that there's still no contact with some of the paratroopers that already dropped in the city, and that an armored reaction force may be involved.
Frost: Excuse me sir, a-a what?
Gorman: An armored reaction force.
Hicks: It's a standup fight.
Gorman: Any questions? Yes, what is it, private?
Hudson: How do I get out of this chickenshit outfit?
Apone: You secure that shit right now!
Gorman: Alright, listen up. I want this to go smooth and by the numbers. I want glider gear and parachutes stowed by 0800. I want the anti-tank weapons online and ready two hours later. Now move it people!
Apone: Alright sweethearts, you heard the man and you know the drill! Hudson, come here!
Hudson: I'm ready, man. I am the ultimate badass! State of the badass art! You do NOT wanna fuck with me. Hey Ripley, don't worry. Me and my squad of ultimate badasses will protect you! Check it out! Panzerfaust 250. Vwap! Fry the front armor of a T-34 with this puppy. We got 10 cm Nebelwerfer 35 mortars, MG 42 machine guns, StG 45(M) assault rifles, we got sonic electronic ball breakers! We got gliders, we got knives, sharp sticks...
Apone: Knock it off, Hudson.
Vasquez: [after barely surviving the T-54 surprise attack] Okay. We have three wings of ME-262s just waiting to provide close air support. I say we go back in there and bomb the whole fuckin' nest.
Hicks: It's worth the try, but we don't know if multi-role fighters are gonna affect them.
Hudson: Let's just bug out and call it even, man! What are we even talking about this for?
Ripley: I say we take off and strategically bomb the entire automotive complex in order to slow T-54 production. It's the only way to be sure.
Hudson: Fuckin' A!
Burke: Hold on a second. This installation has a substantial dollar value attached to it.
Ripley: They can bill me.
Burke: Okay, I know this is an emotional moment for all of us. I know that. But let's not make snap judgments, please. This is clearly an important facility we're dealing with and I don't think that you or I, or anybody, has the right to arbitrarily bomb it into nothing.
Ripley: Wrong.
Vasquez: Yeah, watch us.
Hudson: Maybe you haven't been keeping up on current events, but we just got our asses kicked, pal!
Burke: Look. I'm not blind to what is going on, but I cannot authorize that kind of action. I'm sorry.
Ripley: Well, I believe that Corporal Hicks has authority here.
Burke: Corporal Hicks has...?
Ripley: This operation is under military jurisdiction and Hicks is next in the chain of command. Am I right, Corporal?
Hicks: Yeah... yeah, that's right.
Burke: Yeah... look, Ripley, this is a multi-million dollar installation. He can't make that kind of decision. He's just a grunt!
Burke: [to Hicks] Uh, no offense.
Hicks: None taken.
[the glider with the support equipment crashes]
Hudson: Well that's great, that's just fuckin' great, man. Now what the fuck are we supposed to do? We're in some real pretty shit now man...
Hicks: Are you finished?
Hudson: That's it man, game over man, game over! What the fuck are we gonna do now? What are we gonna do?
Burke: Maybe we could build a fire, sing a couple of songs, huh? Why don't we try that?
Newt: We'd better get back, 'cause it'll be dark soon, and the Soviets mostly come at night... mostly.
Ripley: How long after we're declared overdue can we expect mechanized forces to catch up to us?
Hicks: [pause] Seventeen days.
Hudson: Seventeen days? Hey man, I don't wanna rain on your parade, but with those T-54s out there, we're not gonna last seventeen hours! The Soviets are gonna come in here just like they did before. And they're gonna come in here...
Ripley: Hudson!
Hudson: ...and they're gonna come in here AND THEY'RE GONNA GET US!
Ripley: Hudson! This little girl survived a Soviet gulag longer than that with no weapons and no training.
[to Newt]
Ripley: Right?
[Newt apes a salute]
Hudson: Why don't you put her in charge?
Ripley: You better just start dealing with it, Hudson! Listen to me! Hudson, just deal with it, because we need you and I'm sick of your bullshit.
Ripley: Well, we've gotta get the other glider from Sevastpol. There has to be some way of contacting the transport wing.
Hudson: How? The transmitter was on the radioman, and he’s wasted!
Ripley: Well, I don't care how, but we better think of something. We better think of a way.
Hudson: Think of what? We're fucked!
Hicks: Shut up!
Hudson: We're doomed here!
Hicks: SHUT UP!
Ripley: Well, somebody's gonna have to go out there. Take a portable ENIGMA, go out there and patch in manually.
Hudson: Oh yeah, sure! With the Soviets runnin' around? You can count me out.
Hicks: Yeah I guess we can just count you out of everything, Hudson.
Bishop: [speaking under Hicks] I'll go.
Hudson: That's right, man.
Bishop: I'll go.
Hudson: Hey, why don't you go, man!
Bishop: [more loudly] I'll go.
Ripley: What?
Bishop: I'll go. I mean, I'm the only one qualified to use the portable ENIGMA machine anyway.
Hudson: Yeah right, man, Bishop should go.
[Vasquez looks at Hudson with disgust]
Hudson: Good idea!
Bishop: Believe me, I'd prefer not to. I may be SS, but I'm not stupid.
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well that is genuinely brilliant - I thought I did well at sneaking film references and scripts into AARs but I bow before the (secret) master :happy:
Chapter 7: End Game
Despite Hudson’s grim outlook on the war, things are looking up.
When the Finns join the war, I fire the Gulf of Finland strategic effect. This gives me a positive balance for rares, but doesn’t end the deficit of metals. With the Gulf of Finland in effect, I buy more time for the war if I need it. The Finns can also secure the White Sea ports. This is a good thing; even with my horde of allies, I only have so many divisions I can spread out on the front. Things are getting thin in places.
At this point in the war, I had been seeing more Soviet armor on the front, including significant HARM. While the Soviet AI doesn’t use them efficiently, and while I have a ton of HA thanks to TDs, I am concerned that between practicals and the automotive industry in Stalingrad, they might be able to fill the front with tons of armor. While it is not immediately obvious, there is a time limit to my campaign in Russia. Fuel is going to become a big problem in a few months.
So, in the Market Garden tradition, I drop PARA on Stalingrad. The goal is to cut the strategic resource now and have MECH catch up later. The PARA are 5 brigades full and there are 3 of them, so it’s not like they can’t hold out for a while. At around the same time, I also launch an invasion across the Black Sea towards Baki. The goal is to split up Soviet forces while the MECH advances, but also to get the Turkish AI to accept an invitation to the Axis. And it works. I did get scared at one point when multiple divisions containing HARM show up outside Stalingrad, but the movie makes things look much more grim than they really were. It does take a little longer than 17 days to reach Stalingrad, but the Soviets lose a ton of troops due to encirclements.
In fact, it wasn’t until I puppeted the Soviets that I saw how bad the damage was. The Soviets end the war with only 400+ brigades. The AI really took advantage of those MECH divisions to get some encirclements done.
But because the Soviets have a ton of national unity, I know that taking Moscow, Leningrad, Stalingrad, and the cities on the Eastern Front isn’t enough. With Turkey in the war, I withdraw the MAR from the Black Sea and prepare for Donnitz’s last mission of the war. Using British Hong Kong as a port, Donnitz sends the carriers to Vladivostok.
We really need the 10 VPs for taking the city, especially because things are getting worse on the logistical front. Look at the screenshots again. Did you notice the fuel stockpile?
Yep, the Reich has consumed over 80k in fuel between December and April. Already things are turning south.
At first I didn’t even notice what was going on. I wasn’t paying attention to the fuel stockpile, so I just kept running tons of air missions and wondering why the MECH divisions were slowing down after we caught up to Stalingrad. It wasn’t until I was rebasing Donnitz to Vladivostok in anticipation for further operations that I realized something was seriously wrong. The CTF couldn’t get any fuel for operations despite being based in a major port with convoys going to it. An inspection of the supply network revealed problems, but the last place I looked was the stockpile itself.
Let’s just say the fuel situation caused me to repeat more Bill Paxton lines than anything else during war. If we can’t take the last VPs, it really is game over.
After the first defeat at Moscow (there are three total!), I start pulling air assets back to Berlin. I also rebase the CTF to Kiel. This leaves the MAR marooned in Vladivostok with no hope of escape should the Soviets get enough assets there to push them out. It also means that the overwhelming firepower I’ve enjoyed the entire war is no longer in play. The supply situation is also getting worse, as fluctuating demand is forcing me to produce tons of supply just to keep the upward swings in network demand from causing the stockpile to go to zero.
After the third try, we finally take Moscow. We keep failing, not because the AI wins the battles, but because the MECH runs out of fuel and simply can’t enter the city. You’d think taking Moscow would solve our fuel issues, but it really doesn’t. I’m not sure why. I figured the fuel stockpile would filter to the front and reinvigorate the offensive, but the fuel situation doesn’t really improve. The only good side to all of this is that we are sitting in Moscow and can try holding the line until something improves. If the divisions aren’t on the move, fuel use should drop and let the logistics catch up. And on defense, they don’t need fuel to fight at full efficiency. Of course, if the situation doesn’t improve, then I’ve basically lost the war. It’s not like I can afford to pull land units off the line to relieve logistics. With so few divisions on the front, even pulling off a single corps will leave the line too flimsy to hold at its present location.
Basically, I’m looking at the embarrassing proposition of retreating all the way back to Poland and starting over, only this time I have burned all the fuel I refined and all that I stole from the UK, France, and the Soviets.
Even with all the major cities in Axis hands, the Soviets still won’t surrender. But there is one glimmer of hope left. There is a single 5 VP city within PARA range. Basically, after all of this effort, I’m going to have to slightly abuse PARA to win. And so I drop them in.
The great mystery of this offensive is thus: how in the Hell did Guderian get in command of the PARA? I consolidated the chain of command at some point after France fell, and I deleted an Army. Perhaps he ended up being cut out of the OOB at some point and when reviewing the leadership of the PARA, I wasn’t paying attention to who I was putting into command. However it happened, it proves that paying attention to the chain of command is helpful. Had Guderian been in command of his Army, maybe things might have gone faster.
In spite of these setbacks, we finally win the war, and not a moment too soon.
I’ll do a brief post-war analysis in my next update.
Despite Hudson’s grim outlook on the war, things are looking up.
When the Finns join the war, I fire the Gulf of Finland strategic effect. This gives me a positive balance for rares, but doesn’t end the deficit of metals. With the Gulf of Finland in effect, I buy more time for the war if I need it. The Finns can also secure the White Sea ports. This is a good thing; even with my horde of allies, I only have so many divisions I can spread out on the front. Things are getting thin in places.
At this point in the war, I had been seeing more Soviet armor on the front, including significant HARM. While the Soviet AI doesn’t use them efficiently, and while I have a ton of HA thanks to TDs, I am concerned that between practicals and the automotive industry in Stalingrad, they might be able to fill the front with tons of armor. While it is not immediately obvious, there is a time limit to my campaign in Russia. Fuel is going to become a big problem in a few months.
So, in the Market Garden tradition, I drop PARA on Stalingrad. The goal is to cut the strategic resource now and have MECH catch up later. The PARA are 5 brigades full and there are 3 of them, so it’s not like they can’t hold out for a while. At around the same time, I also launch an invasion across the Black Sea towards Baki. The goal is to split up Soviet forces while the MECH advances, but also to get the Turkish AI to accept an invitation to the Axis. And it works. I did get scared at one point when multiple divisions containing HARM show up outside Stalingrad, but the movie makes things look much more grim than they really were. It does take a little longer than 17 days to reach Stalingrad, but the Soviets lose a ton of troops due to encirclements.
In fact, it wasn’t until I puppeted the Soviets that I saw how bad the damage was. The Soviets end the war with only 400+ brigades. The AI really took advantage of those MECH divisions to get some encirclements done.
But because the Soviets have a ton of national unity, I know that taking Moscow, Leningrad, Stalingrad, and the cities on the Eastern Front isn’t enough. With Turkey in the war, I withdraw the MAR from the Black Sea and prepare for Donnitz’s last mission of the war. Using British Hong Kong as a port, Donnitz sends the carriers to Vladivostok.
We really need the 10 VPs for taking the city, especially because things are getting worse on the logistical front. Look at the screenshots again. Did you notice the fuel stockpile?
Yep, the Reich has consumed over 80k in fuel between December and April. Already things are turning south.
At first I didn’t even notice what was going on. I wasn’t paying attention to the fuel stockpile, so I just kept running tons of air missions and wondering why the MECH divisions were slowing down after we caught up to Stalingrad. It wasn’t until I was rebasing Donnitz to Vladivostok in anticipation for further operations that I realized something was seriously wrong. The CTF couldn’t get any fuel for operations despite being based in a major port with convoys going to it. An inspection of the supply network revealed problems, but the last place I looked was the stockpile itself.
Let’s just say the fuel situation caused me to repeat more Bill Paxton lines than anything else during war. If we can’t take the last VPs, it really is game over.
After the first defeat at Moscow (there are three total!), I start pulling air assets back to Berlin. I also rebase the CTF to Kiel. This leaves the MAR marooned in Vladivostok with no hope of escape should the Soviets get enough assets there to push them out. It also means that the overwhelming firepower I’ve enjoyed the entire war is no longer in play. The supply situation is also getting worse, as fluctuating demand is forcing me to produce tons of supply just to keep the upward swings in network demand from causing the stockpile to go to zero.
After the third try, we finally take Moscow. We keep failing, not because the AI wins the battles, but because the MECH runs out of fuel and simply can’t enter the city. You’d think taking Moscow would solve our fuel issues, but it really doesn’t. I’m not sure why. I figured the fuel stockpile would filter to the front and reinvigorate the offensive, but the fuel situation doesn’t really improve. The only good side to all of this is that we are sitting in Moscow and can try holding the line until something improves. If the divisions aren’t on the move, fuel use should drop and let the logistics catch up. And on defense, they don’t need fuel to fight at full efficiency. Of course, if the situation doesn’t improve, then I’ve basically lost the war. It’s not like I can afford to pull land units off the line to relieve logistics. With so few divisions on the front, even pulling off a single corps will leave the line too flimsy to hold at its present location.
Basically, I’m looking at the embarrassing proposition of retreating all the way back to Poland and starting over, only this time I have burned all the fuel I refined and all that I stole from the UK, France, and the Soviets.
Even with all the major cities in Axis hands, the Soviets still won’t surrender. But there is one glimmer of hope left. There is a single 5 VP city within PARA range. Basically, after all of this effort, I’m going to have to slightly abuse PARA to win. And so I drop them in.
The great mystery of this offensive is thus: how in the Hell did Guderian get in command of the PARA? I consolidated the chain of command at some point after France fell, and I deleted an Army. Perhaps he ended up being cut out of the OOB at some point and when reviewing the leadership of the PARA, I wasn’t paying attention to who I was putting into command. However it happened, it proves that paying attention to the chain of command is helpful. Had Guderian been in command of his Army, maybe things might have gone faster.
In spite of these setbacks, we finally win the war, and not a moment too soon.
I’ll do a brief post-war analysis in my next update.
