Victory, and De-Stalinization
Scene from the Berlin Victory Parade
After the news of the Canadian surrender, a week of celebration was declared all across the Comintern. Executive Committee Resolution 207 made July 18th "Victory Day", a national holiday in all member states. Victory parades were held in every capital city as triumphant troops marched before their cheering citizens. The largest was held in Moscow, capital of the Soviet Union and the Communist International, as soldiers from every nation gathered to march before the Executive Committee in Red Square, to the backdrop of large portraits of every chairman and first secretary in the Executive Committee, all underneath larger portraits if Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Red banners flew high wherever one could be affixed. Secretary of the Executive Committee Khrushchev began with a speech, followed by a playing of The Internationale by the Massed Military Bands of the Moscow Military District. The combined voices of the troops and attendees signing along to the anthem of communism in each of their native tongues could be heard from every corner of the city. Then began the procession. The ground column was headed by the newly christened 1.
SK-Fallschirmjäger-Division "Ernst Thälmann", formed from the division that ended the war, in their new jet black uniforms, adorned with the party hammer and sickle armband, "Ernst Thälmann" cuffbands, and armed with chrome MPi-K's, fresh off the assembly line in Suhl. Following behind them was the rest of the SK, including the SK panzer divisions, showing the new
Panzer V, and then handpicked regulars from the army, navy, and air force, all personally led by Marshal of the German Democratic Republic Erwin Jollasse and
Volksführer Erich Mielke. They were then followed by the Soviet troops led by Marshal of the Soviet Union Georgy Zhukov, and so on in predetermined order with every nation showing the pride of their armed forces. The Moscow Victory Parade was a glorious demonstration of the military might of the Communist International. The United States was invited to participate, as the new government led by the American socialist and communist parties was recognized as a victor of the war. President Thomas declined to attend, with him and many in the American government still not wanting anything to do with the Communist International. The parade was attended by William Z. Foster, chairman of the Communist Party USA and a few communist cabinet members, however, as Foster was a firm supporter of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and expressed an interest in getting the American Communist Party into the Comintern.
A mother searches for her son among returning troops in Vienna
However, for many, the occasion was not as joyous. Exact numbers would never be found, but an estimated tens of millions died over the course of the war, and those numbers are limited to just military personnel. Four million Germans fell in field of battle, with equal numbers for the Soviet Union. Five million American servicemen perished in the fighting, and this number still climbed as the war with Japan, who at this point has lost a staggering sixteen million, raged on, giving justification to their loathing of the Comintern. The smaller member nations would still lose upwards in the hundreds of thousands. Keep in mind, these are just military figures. The railway platforms in every city were filled to the brim with people there to receive their friends and family and take them home. Some were reunited with their fathers and sons and brothers for the first time in a long time. Many others were sent home disappointed, hoping tomorrow's train would be the one. Day after day this continued, as transport fleets pulled into port with as many as they could carry, and then ship back out to get the rest. Many in the army wondered just what the point was to it all, and only felt angry and confused. This feeling carried over to many in the German government, who felt that Germany had done most of the work while the others sat and did nothing, particularly Walter Ulbricht, who was recently appointed as the new first secretary of the Communist Party of Germany, who held a deep disdain for Poland, who, despite having a large army, contributed to none of the fighting. But for now, these feelings would have to be put aside, as there was much work to be done in the post-war world, beginning the with the demobilization of the armed forces, the process of which began on July 28th.
In August, Comintern officials met with the Irish government through the Irish Workers' Party to discuss the reunification of Northern Ireland with Ireland. The Communist International would relinquish control of the area to the Irish government, on the condition the they take steps to ensure no violence occurs between Irish nationalists and former unionists, or catholics and protestants, and for Ireland to take no opinion and remain neutral on any Comintern matters that do not directly involve them. Failure to comply with any of the conditions would cause Comintern intervention. The Irish were a little suspicious at such simple terms, but gladly accepted, and on the 14th, the deal was signed, and Ireland became whole again after thirty four years. The Irish Workers' Party and Communist Party of Northern Ireland merged to reform the Communist Party of Ireland, which would see an immense rise in popularity over the years, being seen as the reunifiers of Ireland, which had been the Cominterns' plan all along. The CPI would be allowed entry into the Communist International, but only as an observer party, as they were not the ruling party of their nation. They could voice their opinion on Comintern matters, but couldn't officially vote on the Executive Committee. While the Irish negotiations were being completed, discussions were also going on with Guatemala over the fate of Belize City. The conditions remained much the same: ensure peaceful coexistence between the the current and incoming population, and to stay out of Comintern matters that did not concern them. At the conclusion of the deal, the Guatemalan Party of Labor was offered entry as an observer party, which they happily accepted.
Towards the end of August, the subject of Phase I was brought to the round of discussion during a session of the People's Chamber. Following the entry of Czechoslovakia and Poland into the Comintern, the plan was put on indefinite hold. Now, with the conclusion of the war, perhaps the plan could be put back into action. The plan to obtain the Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia was axed from the plan, as nobody in the Chamber could agree to such a thing after the North American Campaign, where German and Czech troops shed blood together in what would eventually take the United States out of the war. Instead, on the 29th, the Munich Agreement was signed between the Communist Parties of Germany and Czechoslovakia, which forever cemented both states' recognition of the Czech-German border, and allowed German citizenship for any ethnic Germans living in the Sudetenland if they wished to have it. Poland was a very different story, however. When the time came to discuss West Prussia, the Chamber exploded into angry rants about how Poland did nothing to contribute to the war effort, yet they get to enjoy the same victory with the rest of them. This would carry over into a session of the Executive Committee, where Ulbricht would launch into a tirade of insults against Polish president Bolesław Bierut. He was surprised to find that he wasn't alone with this, as the Soviet group joined in with a rant of their own. A few others would as well, to the point that Bierut had to be escorted out of the building over the fear that it would turn violent. Ulbricht suddenly had an idea, and decided to share the information of Phase I with Khrushchev, who was intrigued by it. The nation of Poland was created after the Great War out of German and Russian soil. Poland's newly acquired position as the Comintern pariah presented a prime opportunity to reclaim the land that was taken from them.
Late in the evening of the 29th, a group of Soviet GRU stormed Bierut's hotel room and took him into custody. While this was going on, Khrushchev was delivering a speech to the Executive Committee. In his speech, he heavily denounced Josef Stalin. He was critical of the reign of Stalin, making everyone aware of the cult of personality that he surrounded himself in, for example when he had the very lyrics of the Anthem of the Soviet Union to sing praise about himself, or during the Great Purge when he eliminated anyone he perceived as a threat to his power, and not to the state or the people. Brilliant strategic minds such as Tukhachevsky, and Blyukher. Loyal Old Bolsheviks that had been with the party since the Revolution. All murdered in his mad paranoia. He took quotes straight from Marx himself that denounced the "cult of the individual". His speech brought left many in utter disbelief. Many of Comintern were completely unaware of just how brutal Stalin was. Some even took this a revisionist propaganda and refused to believe that Comrade Stalin could do such things, and that this was Khrushchev just securing his own power. While the main point of the speech was to begin moving the Comintern away from Stalinism and more towards Leninism, he also used the opportunity to oust some who might pose a threat to the new direction, specifically Bierut, who was a known hard-line Stalinist. Him and those who followed him in the Polish government were labeled as traitors and removed from their positions. Władysław Gomułka was appointed in his place as First Secretary, and had agreed beforehand to declare Poland in a state of emergency, allowing security forces to be deployed onto Polish soil. German and Soviet troops were moved into West Prussia and Eastern Poland to "ensure the stability of the Polish state" for an unspecified amount of time. Thälmann's plan to fully reunify Germany had finally reached fruition, and nobody would be any the wiser.
On the 22nd of November, the last of the German forces in India set off from the port at Karachi. A few divisions were sent to Indochina, designated as security forces, to ensure regional stability and assist in training and formation of the Vietnamese, Laotian, and Cambodian armies. On the 24th, the United States dropped a nuclear weapon on the Japanese city of Yokohama. The Thomas administration use this projection of power so close to the capital to order the Japanese surrender, and if they refused, they would hit them with another until they did. The United States didn't want to have to launch a conquest of the home island, and were hoping this deterrent would prove successful.
In an effort to ease relations with the United States, the Arab Federation expressed an interest in possibly obtaining the province of Kuwait. A group of left wing militants seized power in Kuwait from the United Kingdom during the war, and exchanged hands a few times between the Arab Federation and the United States during the American campaign in Africa. Arab Foreign Minister Faris al-Khouri went to the United States to see if Kuwait would be negotiable. His attempts were successful, and after securing the proper amount of funds from the Executive Committee, Kuwait became a state within the Arab Federation on March 13th, 1957.
On the 13th and 14th, the beginning of Rodos Naval Base was starting to take form. A naval quick reaction force will be stationed on the island to observe activity around the Suez Canal, and, if necessary, engage any hostile fleets that attempt to make their way through.
On May 28th, with no response from the Japanese government for some time, the United States kept it's promise and dropped a second bomb on the city of Osaka, and again demanded the unconditional surrender of Japan. The emperor couldn't ignore them this time. The Pacific War had turned against them long ago, and it was bleeding them dry. All that remained of Japan now was the home island. The Kuomintang had dissolved Manchuria, and the United States had liberated Korea and taken all of Japan's Pacific possessions. Emperor Hirohito was had begun consulting with senior government officials to consider the progress of the war.