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You know, I hadn’t even thought about the effect a pagan Middle East might have on the power balance in Northern Europe. I’ll have to show a map of the West sooner or later…
Oh seeing the map would be really good. Are you going to do it in AAR or outside of it?
I really enjoyed Konstantina part of last chapter :)
If Alkaios is the new Alexander, then Konstantina is the new Justinian, but she went east instead ;P
Doing it in AAR could bring different perspectives similar to Konstantina's :)

Anyway it's up to you. Just seeing the map would satisfy me as well ;)
 
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Oh seeing the map would be really good. Are you going to do it in AAR or outside of it?
I really enjoyed Konstantina part of last chapter :)
If Alkaios is the new Alexander, then Konstantina is the new Justinian, but she went east instead ;P
Doing it in AAR could bring different perspectives similar to Konstantina's :)

Anyway it's up to you. Just seeing the map would satisfy me as well ;)
There are a few things happening in the West, beyond Konstantina’s attempts at a Roman rebirth, so I want to be sure to have a “clean” map to present. But I think I’ll stuff it in like I did with the other maps, as soon as it’s “thematically appropriate”.
I can say no more, least I risk spoiling my own story as usual
 
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21. Brothers
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Brothers

Beneath the shadow of the Land of Snow, nestled between the feet of the Pamir and the heights of the Kush, surrounded on all sides by boundless deserts and harsh freezing peaks, lays a vale of sanctuary. To the places of wanton wealth of the farthest East or the marbled West, it cannot compare. And yet it was a land of great riches, for merchants of every race and creed would pass through the gates of Bactra, busy as worker ants as they travelled that road of Silk that joined East and West in the love for coin.

From the patio of a seignorial manor-house, Alkaios observed them, scratching at the grey hair of his beard with a stylus as he ran numbers on an old abacus. He counted the wagons that entered into Bactra’s square, taking note of what they were transporting, guessing which merchants were hiding contraband, and what each should be taxed. The frayed wooden beads scarcely kept up with his mind, but it mattered little. Much like the passing of the stylus through his beard, much like the tapping of a foot on the dusty patio floor, the sliding of the beads served more as a distraction than an actual support.

Of the few treasures that Himerios had brought from his voyage to the King of Qin’s court, Alkaios had been particularly struck by that old abacus. Though at the time it had been anything but old, of course. Time passed, the lacquer faded, the edges began to splinter, the beads were roughened by usage. And yet it amused Alkaios to no end. Himerios had told him how the Serican merchants would perform all sorts of complex multiplication, far beyond the simple additions that the Persian cousin of the contraption was capable of. At times, he regretted not having asked old Yueh how to do so himself. The man surely would have known. Then again, Alkaios never imagined he would find himself lazing on a swing, counting the passing of merchants.


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Not what I was made for, not enough swords involved, he often complained to Cleopatra, her new marriage to priestly duties having done nothing to impede their meetings. She would laugh and remind him that a hundred young men would happily take over whichever tasks he saw fit to delegate. And yet, he would always return to that patio, in that square, to count the passing caravans, for missing coin can hurt as cruelly as any sword. Not that he would ever neglect the mustering grounds either, of course, taking a breath of fresh military air with the excuse of inspecting the reinforcements. After all, he would say, I would not trust my son’s life to untested men! And again, she would laugh, but then comfortingly assure him that the younger Alkaios was certainly safer thanks to his cares.

And he would debate taxes with the Bactrian landowners, and discuss tariffs with the Persian Emirs, and mediate between the Buddhist abbots and the priests of the Olympians. In those tasks, sometimes he did have to involve swords. And he would complain of them all the same. Isokrates blamed it on his age. In truth, Alkaios simply felt tired. He would never admit it, but sometimes his children’s successes overwhelmed him, and he found himself missing their infancy, when Alkaios the Younger warred with a stick and conquered nothing more than a bag of sweets. Perhaps Isokrates was right, and he was simply getting old.

Perhaps. All the counting had suddenly turned into a powerful headache. Another annoyance, Alkaios thought, as he looked back at the abacus. He went to move the beads, whilst another caravan streamed by in front of him, and it was as if though his right arm would not answer to his orders and felt numb and useless. Curious, he though. And then he though no more.


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“There he is, over that ridge,” Lu-Ling pointed Alkaios out to his brother, Isokrates merely nodding in response. And then she hesitated, for though much she’d missed him, and knew that he would need her with him, still she would not have wanted to share Isokrates’s news. A concubine has few rights, but fewer duties, she recalled her sister’s, unconsciously mocking, words of consolation. None could have blamed her, had she waited for Alkaios in his tent, ready to comfort him with her arms and thighs.

And yet, she wanted nothing of the sort. As Isokrates walked, she followed, and as he frowned, so did she, and both of them Alkaios saw, and knew something was amiss. The joy and surprise at the sight of his brother lasted but an instant, quickly replaced by painful concern as, Lu-Ling knew, a thousand different troubles ran through her beloved’s mind. With a gesture, he dismissed his commanders and rushed to meet his family.


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“Are the Eastern Emirs in revolt? Has Hazarasp at last made a move? Or do the steppes bring new conquerors to our doors?” Alkaios asked, sparing not a word for idle pleasantries. If Lu-Ling had learned anything of the man, in their years together, he was already accounting for the winter and the tiredness of soldiers, measuring the leagues between Baghdad and Bactra, counting the grain that would need to be stored. Perhaps, a war would have been simpler. “Why do you stay silent, Iso? Do not keep me in the dark!”

Isokrates swallowed deeply, his eyes turning red with buried tears, as if though all his grieving had been for nought, and he were now relieving his own pain, the messenger suffering for the message he carried. Lu-Ling could not stand idly and watch. With two hands, she relieved Isokrates of his burden. “It is your father, my love. Alkaios son of Theophilos is no more.”

In a handful of seconds, the conquering hero melted, and the orphaned son fell to his knees. And Lu fell beside him, and held him tight, and it was no duty at all.


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Of all the brothers, Zeus might have had the largest realm, Hades might have the most subjects, for one day all mortals are fated to rest at his feet. But on that late midwinter eve, it was Poseidon’s realm that Leonidas saw most fierce. But a small province of it, it seemed to Leonidas the smallest of them indeed, now separated him from his revenge, as across the Persian Gulf the Caliph had fled, and yet that province was impassable. Of what ships remained in the port of Basra, all were barely worthy of the name, fishermen’s craft. All others, the Caliphate’s soldiers had either sailed to Arabia or burnt.

“My brothers, it seemed, have failed you, my lord. You have my deepest regrets.”

Leonidas said nothing. He kept his gaze to the sea, leaving Bahman to shift on his feet behind him. A tyrant or lesser man would have struck the Persian. In truth, Leonidas felt little ire now. Less than he had his whole life. In truth, Leonidas felt nothing. He would not let Eudokia rest unavenged. The port of Ormos lay open to the Bactrian armies. All this he knew. And yet, a part of him wanted to jump into the waters, and either ride the waves like the cantor Arion, or join his bride by walking on the seafloor.

“Though, lord, perhaps this ill luck was blessing in disguise…” then Bahman hesitated. He threw a quick glance at Pyrrhos, which the commander did not notice, buy as he was digging into the floor with his stare. “Though perhaps I should wait until we are alone…”

Still Pyrrhos did not abandon his endeavour, but suddenly those words returned onto Leonidas his spirit: “This man is my brother in revenge, whisperer, as his wife was sister to mine. If you have aught but excuses to speak, speak them freely. Otherwise keep silent, for I have no wish to hear proverbs.” At that, Pyrrhos finally lifted his gaze, and have a smile grazed his face, and his unspoken gratitude struck Leonidas deeply, and he grew calm.

“No proverbs, lord,” the Persian spoke lowly, no excuse in his tone. “Merely news. You told me in Baghdad that you doubted Al-Qadir’s wisdom in attacking your kin. I advised you to not let doubt weaken your resolve. I was wrong.” Leonidas said nothing, but his brow furrowed, and Bahman took it as a sign to continue: “I’ve had my brothers look into the assassins. Though they swore with their dying words allegiance to Al-Qadir’s caliphate, one of my brothers doubted, as you did, and so investigated.

“Of the men’s bodies, nothing is left, your King saw to that…” Bahman grimaced, though whether in disgust or in regret, Leonidas could not tell. “But their effects were still in the possession of your men. My brothers went through them. Through daggers, rings, bracelets, and robes. These were all of Eastern make. Turkic, or Soghdian. Not Iraqi. Tell me, lord, why would one go through the trouble of disguising their assassins so thoroughly only to have them shout their master’s name, unprompted, at death’s door?”

“Hazarasp?” Pyrrhos asked, the Persian’s words having roused him from his stupor.

“Perhaps, Amir Pyrrhos, perhaps…” Bahman nodded slowly, fully unconvinced. “Or perhaps the Justanid Shah. Or perhaps…”

“Or perhaps we have a traitor in our midst,” Leonidas finished for him, anger kindling deep in his breast. Bahman nodded, far more vigorously.

And Leonidas’s mind went not to the Kronid brothers, but to the Erinyes, and with Pyrrhos he swore oaths in their name.


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Author's notes: not too many are needed here, I think. Nothing much really happened, gameplay wise Except to apologise for the long break, but I'd had no idea how to structure this chapter. Stuff that will happen in the next one originally opened this one, with Alkaios dying at the end of this one and news reaching Alkaios the Younger in the next one... it was a whole thing. I think it turned out better this way. It slightly clashes with the whole "brothers" theme, but I appreciate having been able to give some form of sendoff to Alkaios the Elder.

The Cronid brothers are, of course, Zeus, Poseidon and Ades, who split the three realms between them (Skies, Seas and Underworld) after Zeus dethroned his father. The Erinyes, on the other hand, are better known by the name of Furies, and are the goddesses of revenge, that occasionally haunt heroes who have committed terrible crimes. Thus Pyrrhos and Leonidas, brothers in battle and (former) brothers in marriage (Pyrrhos being married to Zenais and Leonidas to Eudokia), now become brothers in oath. And an oath to the Furies is not a riskless one.
 
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not too many are needed here, I think.
That's OK, it was still a really interesting read.

some form of sendoff to Alkaios the Elder.
It was well done, and I think it was necessary. He really was a good character, even if his son outshone him so much.

The Cronid brothers are, of course, Zeus, Poseidon and Ades, who split the three realms between them (Skies, Seas and Underworld) after Zeus dethroned his father. The Erinyes, on the other hand, are better known by the name of Furies, and are the goddesses of revenge, that occasionally haunt heroes who have committed terrible crimes.
I didn't know about the Furies haunting heroes who have done terrible crimes. That might be hinting at something?

And an oath to the Furies is not a riskless one.
Another ominous hint to what's coming up.
 
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Glad to see you back, Eludio :)

A lot to unpack from this chapter, and I don't really have the energy to go through it point-by-point; work has taken a lot out of me. That said, I do hope that Alkaios the Elder has an uneventful trip to the Elysian Fields after paying his obol, and I'm also looking forward to see what becomes of Leo and Pyrrhos's Fury-bound oath.
 
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I didn't know about the Furies haunting heroes who have done terrible crimes. That might be hinting at something?
"Hero" might be more correct, since the only example I can think of is Orestes, who is chased after by the Furies for his matricide, and unwittingly helps Athena invent the concept of a court of law. Still, since that seems to be their whole thing, I assumed it must have happened some other times!
A lot to unpack from this chapter, and I don't really have the energy to go through it point-by-point; work has taken a lot out of me. That said, I do hope that Alkaios the Elder has an uneventful trip to the Elysian Fields after paying his obol, and I'm also looking forward to see what becomes of Leo and Pyrrhos's Fury-bound oath.
In that, I can very much sympathise, Specialist! I barely have time to write these days. As for the oath... I'll just admit that it is one of the most made-up parts of this AAR, and the one I'm having the most fun writing
Thank you for the update. Alkaios the Younger will now have to look at his own mortality and think about what does he want to leave behind.
Such as a brand spanking new World Order? :p
 
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22. The Great King
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The Great King

“My father once told me, when I was but a child sitting on his lap, that before the Great King entered Babylon, he sent forwards messengers, assuring the people of the great city that he would not enter their homes, nor pilfer their treasures, nor take them or their children as slaves.”

“And so now you wish to do as divine Alexander did and make a friend out of a would be enemy,” Seleukos suggested, and felt warm and proud when King Alkaios beamed a smile in his direction.

“In part, certainly,” the King answered, dampening none of Seleukos’s enthusiasm, but grasping his curiosity. “Alexander knew that the Babylonians bore little love for either him or the Persians, and so sought to tip that balance in his favour. Though I am quite certain that the men of Baghdad fancy their Caliph far more than they do me. But more so did Alexander wish to show that, having taken the mantle of Great King and King of the World, he had no reason to harm those that were his subjects, unless they yet supported Darius. By offering the Babylonians his protection rather than his wrath, he proved to the world that he would be their King, not their conqueror.

“Pantherios asks what is to be done with the Caucasian Turks? Tell him that they are to be hunted down and killed, for when they pillage the farms of Baghdad, they are pillaging my farms, and when they kill the cattle of the Baghdadi, they are killing my cattle. For their King and Caliph has fled Babylonia, and none remain in Persia that can contest me.”


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At the left hand of the King, at the very tip of the cavalry ile. It was exhilarating. His lance was already darkened by the blood of a ransacking Caucasian, as their first charge had caught the bandits unaware, busy as they were in their tasks of rape and plunder. The survivors glared at them, hidden behind the rims of hastily fitted helms. Their horses were still foaming, tired from the rampage through Baghdad’s countryside, and little match for the Bactrian mounts, gleaming and strong in the afternoon sun. Still, the Turks put on proud faces, even outnumbered as they were, and formed a line, clearly intent on challenging the Bactrian companions. Though he would not bring himself to respect them, Seleukos could admire their dedication.

And was made curious by their garb. For he had seen many Turks, both those that travelled from the steppes into Baktra’s caravanserais, peddling eastern wares and golden horses, and those that served in the King’s armies, having long settled the slopes of the Pamir, descendants of King Nuh’s slave-soldiers. The Caucasian Turks that now stood before them wore the same masked helms that the Bactrian Ghilman were wont to bear, similar mail coats, bows of comparable make. And yet atop these they donned robes unlike any Seleukos had ever seen. Bejewelled scarves, long cloaks pinned at the shoulder with coloured stones, and the man that appeared to be their chieftain bore, atop his helm, a circlet of burnished bronze from which hung two short strings of pearls, twisted upon each other in the shape of a chi or of a cross.


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“This will be glorious, my King!” Seleukos claimed, the enthusiasm of youth not yet dampened by years of war. Alkaios smiled, his enthusiasm for battle never aging. “The gods themselves will hear the clangour of our clash!” At that, Alkaios’s smile deepened, and yet shifted, and for the first time Seleukos saw in him not just the bright flame of genius, but something that might resemble the wisdom of age.

“We will have to spare the gods from such a fracas, then,” said the King with a chuckle. “See that house, there? We shall set off at a slow trot. When we reach the height of that house, I will dart right, and you’ll take the rest of the ile left. If all goes well, the Caucasian lancers will ride on between us, and smash themselves against our little phalanx. Before they have time to recover, we shall once more join into one, and come onto their rear like a hammer onto an anvil.”

A thousand pictures passed in front of Seleukos’s eyes, in what seemed but an instant. He saw the mounted companions refusing to follow his commands. He saw himself failing to give the order at the right time. He saw his insecurity betraying their plans to the Turks. He saw them halt their charge and turn to follow the cavalry instead of falling atop the pikes of the phalanx. He saw his King attempt to turn the tide of a battle with but half of his riders. He saw Alkaios die, pierced by a hundred Caucasian arrows. He saw the shame of failure being draped on his shoulders like a mantle.

And then he saw that spark of genius, he saw warmth and confidence in his King’s gaze. “You can do this, young man,” Alkaios said with a wink. And before more fearful pictures could come before his eyes, Seleukos was trotting, deaf to the marching song of the phalangites and blind to the sun that shone on the lances of the companions. That house. That small, unassuming, house. Of nothing else could he think. And when finally he got to its height, he banked left, almost without thought, as if though a strong wind had carried his horse. And half on the ile went with him, the King’s orders having been carried from mouth to mouth without one voice raised in disagreement.

And the Turks rode on, into the wall of pikes. And the phalanx held against their mad rush. And before he knew it, Seleukos was once more beside his King, and together they cut into the Caucasian ranks. And Alkaios took their chieftain’s life with a quick thrust of his lance, unsheathed his sword, and Ares was with him.

For indeed, the King had not lied. None remained in Persia that could contest him.


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Author's notes: a shorter chapter, for a shorter event. The Cuman Band, whom I refer to as the Caucasian Turks, were (I thought) just another raiding party attacking Baghdad. Apparently, I discovered going through my saves, Captain Akinji had instead decided to invade Iraq and conquer it for himself. Lucky, then, that while Leonidas and Pyrrhos were South chasing the Caliph's last armies, Alkaios was still right next door, ensuring that he would get all the counties in the duchy of Baghdad : ) .

This chapter was originally part of the previous one, and moment of glory before the drop with news of Alkaios the Elder's death, while the Fury-bound oath and that bit of investigating was supposed to cap the next chapter. Instead, this smaller - fully Seleukid - battle was left to stand alone. With all its adoration for Alkaios and misunderstanding about the christian (Byzantine-inspired in my descriptions) trappings that the Cumans wear.

As for a (probably more interesting) vocabulary note: the "Ile" is not only the French word for island, but also the name of the Macedonian cavalry unit. The Bactrian Ilai, having descended from the Greco-Bactrian and Seleucid cavalry corps, more than from Alexander's companions, have stirrups, shields, and armour their mounts with cataphract-like scale, unlike Alexander's cavalrymen, who carried only a lance, no shield, had no knowledge of stirrups, and probably had horses with nothing more than headdresses. The King rode at the tip of the wedge (or rhombus, depending on your source), and Alexander was famous for utilising "hammer-and-anvil" tactics against his enemies.
 
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That was a really great chapter, and I really enjoyed Seleukos' part in it! Once again, you wrote the battle with great details, and it flowed really nicely. I also think you do a really good job of humanizing your characters.

The Bactrian Ilai, having descended from the Greco-Bactrian and Seleucid cavalry corps, more than from Alexander's companions, have stirrups, shields, and armour their mounts with cataphract-like scale, unlike Alexander's cavalrymen, who carried only a lance, no shield, had no knowledge of stirrups, and probably had horses with nothing more than headdresses.
That's nice to see the Bactrians fusing traditional Greek/Macedonian strategies with modern equipment. It makes Alkaios more of a true successor rather than a pale imitator.

This does raise the question though of why pike-based armies were not dominant in OTL medieval Europe. The Macedonian phalanx went into decline for a few reasons, with the first being that they overemphasized the phalanx at the loss of cavalry, slowly ran out of reliable Hellenes to man the phalanx, and also proved unable to adapt to Rome's flexible units. However, pikes were obviously a valid weapon seeing how they would dominate the battlefield in the early Renaissance.

misunderstanding about the christian (Byzantine-inspired in my descriptions) trappings that the Cumans wear.
I was trying to figure out what these trappings were, but that makes total sense. Have the Bactrians really not met any Christians in their time in the east? That does seem reasonable to me since they're on the far edge of the Islamic world, but there could be some Christians in the newly acquired Persian lands? They probably wouldn't be Catholic or Orthodox, but that could be an interesting meeting.
 
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That's nice to see the Bactrians fusing traditional Greek/Macedonian strategies with modern equipment. It makes Alkaios more of a true successor rather than a pale imitator.

This does raise the question though of why pike-based armies were not dominant in OTL medieval Europe. The Macedonian phalanx went into decline for a few reasons, with the first being that they overemphasized the phalanx at the loss of cavalry, slowly ran out of reliable Hellenes to man the phalanx, and also proved unable to adapt to Rome's flexible units. However, pikes were obviously a valid weapon seeing how they would dominate the battlefield in the early Renaissance.
That is a great question! Especially since they did make quite the comeback in the later Middle Ages. My guess would be lack of discipline mixed with efficiency: you couldn’t efficiently train levied peasants for pike formations and most feudal lords only had a medium to small sized retinue of men-at arms, so preferred to have more versatile mounted soldiers?

The Byzantines and the Arabs probably could have trained a pike force efficiently, though both had and faced mounted archers, which would sort of wreck a pike square. Someone else on the forum probably knows more though!


was trying to figure out what these trappings were, but that makes total sense. Have the Bactrians really not met any Christians in their time in the east? That does seem reasonable to me since they're on the far edge of the Islamic world, but there could be some Christians in the newly acquired Persian lands? They probably wouldn't be Catholic or Orthodox, but that could be an interesting meeting.
Oh, most certainly! Probably even Orthodox merchants (thought we’d have to wait another century and something for the Catholic Polo brothers…), or caravaneers who knew of them, since Aphrodisia had a Byzantine foldable chair. And they do know about the Romans who destroyed Macedon, and some tidbits about their “worship of the Jewish god”.

But Seleukos himself probably only heard of them second hand, or maybe met a couple of Syriac christians in this latest campaign, and he’d never seen a Turk dressed like a Byzantine noble before.

Thank you for the update. Another one bites the dust.
Hey! I’m gonna get you too! Another one bites the dust!
 
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My guess would be lack of discipline mixed with efficiency: you couldn’t efficiently train levied peasants for pike formations and most feudal lords only had a medium to small sized retinue of men-at arms, so preferred to have more versatile mounted soldiers?
That makes sense to me. Thinking on it further, they probably wouldn't want well-trained peasants that could beat knights since that would ruin feudalism. Also, the Macedonians pulled from a land-owning class that would be knights in the Medieval era.

The Byzantines and the Arabs probably could have trained a pike force efficiently, though both had and faced mounted archers, which would sort of wreck a pike square. Someone else on the forum probably knows more though!
I suppose pikes made a comeback when western European countries got closer to Byzantine development and had become less feudal.

But Seleukos himself probably only heard of them second hand, or maybe met a couple of Syriac christians in this latest campaign, and he’d never seen a Turk dressed like a Byzantine noble before.
It's easy to forget how inexperienced he really is, but I think you've done a really good job putting us in his shoes.
 
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It's easy to forget how inexperienced he really is, but I think you've done a really good job putting us in his shoes.
Thank you Rusty! I THINK (between me messing up my own timelines and Seleukos technically not existing yet as a character, I could easily be wrong) he is around 16-17 at this point. He’s been with Alkaios for some time as an aide, but hasn’t done much else in his life
 
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This does raise the question though of why pike-based armies were not dominant in OTL medieval Europe. The Macedonian phalanx went into decline for a few reasons, with the first being that they overemphasized the phalanx at the loss of cavalry, slowly ran out of reliable Hellenes to man the phalanx, and also proved unable to adapt to Rome's flexible units. However, pikes were obviously a valid weapon seeing how they would dominate the battlefield in the early Renaissance.
Separating the argument into two, with the first as the question, the second being the claim:

The claim in the second part does hold value by an empirical view on history, observing the decline of the hellenic warfare against the roman counterparts, as they share relatively close time intervals in the history. Classical antiquity had seen the fall of hellenistic side and the rise of the roman side (or overwhelmed and fused, by romans adopting hellenike language, administration, etc.) when the hegemony is questioned, and certainly it is tied with the military capabilities of the roman organisation.

The first part questions the pike-based armies losing their dominance on the battlefield, in this case post-classical era, yet again exclusive to the mediterranean geography. It does have a relation with the above claim.

However, the above argument has the inherent bias that oversimplifies both the question and the claim due to the effect of twenty and twenty-first centuries. In colloquial terms, that is a result of the fiction, and in this case, of games.

Instead, would claim that, as opposed to above, the importance and the usage of pikes and spears did not diminish in post-classical era mediterranean. Would further claim, on the contrary they were dominant in the warfare, not particularly to mediterranean, but for all cultures.

That is a great question! Especially since they did make quite the comeback in the later Middle Ages. My guess would be lack of discipline mixed with efficiency: you couldn’t efficiently train levied peasants for pike formations and most feudal lords only had a medium to small sized retinue of men-at arms, so preferred to have more versatile mounted soldiers?
comeback is acceptable, but would prefer claiming that their use did not decline at all.

Continuing from above, the fiction for post-classical era devised in later centuries mainly focuses on the hero archetype, depicted in full-plate armor, large shield, helmet, and a sword. Romance of saving the innocent or loved ones, or charging knights, or slaying dragons. This can be considered as the reason for assuming or claiming a decline in pike or spear use in the armies. Dismissing this bias, it can be claimed that their usage did not decline, but instead even increased.



This counter-claim does not have the necessary sources from military history to further support it, but for the sake of the discussion, will continue elaborating it.

Classical era organisation of societies in mediterranean revolves around dynamics between upper class, or citizenry when roman example is considered, and the lower classes, in terms of slavery - a heavily simplistic summary, can be easily corrected with greater details from actual documentation. It is similar to their influence, the hellenic example.

In the case of classical era, even though the roman society was well beyond its iron age, iron was still not the most common resource, and it would be extremely expensive to arm entire legions with swords. Still, the army was not more than 90 legions in fifth century common era (max estimate, and consider that they were not in arms and in action together at the same time), and the imperial economy was able to sustain such armament for the majority of the military force.

They consisted ranks based on the classes, and all were armed with swords and spears/ javelin - gladius and pilum - except the lowest class. Patricians could afford horses, thus the cavalry was entirely upper class. For the hellenic society, the organisation, training were as the phalanx. Due to hellenic influence, they were similar also in roman culture. Sword and spears for upper classes, with nobles as cavalry. On the other hand, considering iron being a valuable source, and the level of metallurgy, the swords were such that, which can be labelled, in colloquial terms, as short swords - a gladius was in average 80cm.

This structure was disrupted when the imperial hegemony collapsed, but it only transformed into increased number of land owning fiefs and their monarchs - the upper class, and the formation of aristocracy based on land - a hyper-simplified assumption; nobility has its roots since from the ancient egyptians, ruling over peasantry - the lower class, then now forced to plow the fields for the land owners.

Increased capacity of iron mining, improved metallurgy allowed longer swords to be cast, and yet, in post-classical era, the collapse of imperial hegemony certainly had detrimental effects on the economics; large armies were not sustainable. Every fief had to supply its own army, and they had to provide the armies when their ruler-monarch demanded. The peasantry was levied for the campaigns and/or for defending the land. Increased population, and the increased amount of iron requirement would necessitate increased use of spears, as opposed to swords, considering their requirements for raw materials. Thus it is more plausible to expect main armament as spears, instead of forces fully armed with swords (can be labelled in colloquial terms as long swords - 1m and above) or donning heavy armours.

The only credible case to be further argued remains as the decline in using sarissa - very long spears (about 6m) as opposed to shorter spears (about 2-3m). In this case, the practical maneuvering advantages can be considered, but that is still a specific but baseless claim. Its ineffectiveness against armies with more heavily armoured cavalry can be considered more plausible, as well as its requirements of raw materials and time to construct. The formation of cataphrachts in the late classical era certainly made an impact. In this case, achaemen dynasty (later teispes dynasty darayavus - darius), then seleukos, then parthian imperial hegemonies were able in affording armours for even the horses, in full-plate, before roman and roman-influenced remnants.



Rest of the counter-claim consists of examples, and many of them are argumentative, provided without sufficient evidence to support.


At this point comes the fiction. As the fiction affects the design of games, the simulation is heavily encumbered with the bias of the fiction, as well as the design simplifications.

When a phalanx is considered, one conjures the image of half-naked soldiers, wearing only a fabric as armour, wielding a 6m-sarissa, and a shield, due to contemporary games. This can be considered only as fiction, and findings for it are only depictions on pottery, and few books, but translations done in later eras [*]. There were no units of hoplites but the citizens fighting when war was declared, and they were named as hoplites [**]. They would bring their own equipment. The name of the formation was phalanx, which was not unique, but was also used by romans, and by any other culture anywhere, as the rectangular formation. Later the shield wall, spear wall, etc. terms were also used.

Spear infantry might be a cool name for a unit in a game, but there were none in history, just as armies full of heavy infantries or such, wearing full-plates, or an army full of cavalry-mounted units, and calling them knights. It can be further claimed that all infantry was armed with spears. A fief could not afford to arm all its subjects - peasantry - with swords; but spears were cheaper, considering the required raw materials. Castles were associated with the ruling class and protection, amounting relatively higher income for a smaller population (in comparison to feeding an entire empire), thus they could afford training their subjects, from which sergeant term comes from - from the latin servientem, a servant. This is considered as the backbone of professional army, whereas this professionality is only a simplification due to viewing from the current age. Only land ownership would allow a subject-fief to afford a horse, thus the knighthood formed, then associated with the romanticised codes and principles but in later eras.

Crossing the donau river and going further east, the fiction becomes even more ridiculous for the games. Suddenly entire armies come up in games with chaps wearing pajamas, armed with only curved swords (hey, have to attain the plausible realism(!), that is eastern after all), mainly mounted, and therefore unable to siege castles (total war bollocks, as a mounted soldier cannot dismount and fight; yeah right). And bows. Bows, bows everywhere. Bow-and-arrow was the cheapest armament as opposed to sword, therefore it was heavily employed, particularly for the peasantry, but for all cultures; it was not a specialty of the east.

When one checks the attributes of units in any game, e.g. heavy infantry, whatever that is, is generally depicted as the one-ironclad bloke, usually given to frankish or british tags, and the rest have the pajama fighters. ck has a certain workaround for this, dismissing such simplifications, and giving all more or less similar types of soldiers. But ck series also use specific units, in this case cultural retinues. Fun to have, as they seem, yet bollocks, all of them.

Here is the case example in ck (and similar to many such simulations):

The english and the welsh have the longbow retinues. This type of archery is not unique to the isles, yet they are known for them, and given, but this is because of simplified fiction fantasies. The scottish are given the schiltron. The inspiration comes from the devastating defeat of the english in the battle of bannockburn by the scots under the leadership of robert the bruce, thus such distribution of armaments, in terms of army units.

Back to longbows: They are not a specialty of english, not unique to one culture. They were used heavily in the isles' warfare, yet they were also the primary choice for the armies of all; e.g. of daimyos until nineteenth century, mounted or not, using longbows - yumi, the asymmetric bows. But the map of ck series never included that much, so case closed. Yet, they are still reserved for the armies of only the isles in games. However, when one checks the bayeux tapestries, the illustrations of post-classical era, hundred-years wars, etc. it is observed that they were used by all, frankish or english. This is because longbow was the normative armament and formation for the era.

Enter the cavalry. Mounted archers of mongols, turks, persians. Except that mounted archery was not a specialty of specific cultures, but was used from iberia to korea, by all.

The conjunction: Mounted archery and longbows were common for all, but mongols, turks, or more generally nomadic cultures did not use longbows; english, frankish, or more generally sedentary-agrarian cultures did. Both had employed mounted archery, whereas english are depicted with longbows, franks with heavy knights, mongols, turks with cavalry archers in ck. The distribution of such composition in the game is only fiction.

The reality for the nomadic cultures is, one cannot use the longbow and ride efficiently; therefore the preferred armament for nomadic cultures was (often composite) shortbow. Then comes the organisation of society. Agrarian-sedentary cultures had the classes based on the agricultural income, and associated dynamics. Therefore their armies mainly employed their peasantry, often with bows, and spears for infantry, as they were the only affordable choice. The knighthood class developed with the distribution of lands, and in turn they would provide more infantry for the upper class monarchs.

On the other hand, nomadic societies did not have such relations, no dynamics based on agriculture, but based on herding-pastoral relations, thus their upper class-monarch had to ride with the rest. There was still the class distinction, so the armament varied based on wealth. Such societies had specialised classes based on occupation just as the feudal counterparts, showing similar relations with other classes. The difference between agrarian and nomadic societies was the regular income based on lands, thus farming. The basis class of nomadic society formed the entire composition of the army, bringing own armament based on their wealth, but all hunters or herders etc, and all on horse. And saddles with stirrups.

Therefore the mongols could field an army of completely horse archers. They were still able to siege castles, due to the influence and experience gained in the conquest of song dynasty. The games simplify this in digitised attributes, and makes cavalry vulnerable to spear formations and ineffective in sieges. The reality is, one can flank the formation, and dismount off the horse.

Army formation of spears, and wealthier formations with swords and heavy plate armours declined in importance, when the nomadic cultures - specific example of mongols, turks, etc. fielded larger armies of cavalry. E.g. mongols defeated jin dynasty, then rode to west, maneuvered around caspian sea, defeated rus knyaz at battle of kalka river. In five years.

Yet spears, pikes, halberds, etc. were still used, because they were cheaper to construct and arming large numbers of levied soldiers. Phalanx name was not seen post-classical era, but the formation was always in use.



The gunpowder, on the other hand, is entirely different story, which changed the situation completely.



[*] If the depictions on potteries are considered as basis for a simulation, then this is not even as ridiculous as the trojan era: The well-known example of Akhilleus against Hektor; they are depicted as completely naked blokes on potteries, fighting with spears. No armours. The game designers thought only that to be too far to use. Fortunately.

[**] The myth of three hundred spartans against countless foes. A noble of city-state fighting a war would mean a noble, and hundreds of slaves of that household fighting in that war. Common for all city-states before and after hellenic era. Fiction of romanticism distorts such knowledge, and presents hyper-unreality.


- err... filcat, what are you doing?
- joining the discussion and-
- mate, check the length of what you are writing. You butchered the thread.
- Oh. Oooh. Sht. Sigh. I was about to give references and-
- filcat, please stop.
- Ok.
 
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Yet spears, pikes, halberds, etc. were still used, because they were cheaper to construct and arming large numbers of levied soldiers. Phalanx name was not seen post-classical era, but the formation was always in use.
I do think the quality of the Macedonian phalanx and Medieval levy spear-walls were quite different though. The Macedonians were a bit closer to Medieval knights in that they were relatively wealthy (not enough to be in the cavalry) landowners that drilled quite a bit and were semi-professional at the higher end.

It's very true the spear never went out of style, but I think it's safe to say the pike, or at least the very long variety, was not widely used after Rome's rise to empire. I don't know enough about the late Medieval or pike-and-shot eras to know what was driving military technology and doctrine unfortunately.
 
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Increased capacity of iron mining, improved metallurgy allowed longer swords to be cast, and yet, in post-classical era, the collapse of imperial hegemony certainly had detrimental effects on the economics; large armies were not sustainable. Every fief had to supply its own army, and they had to provide the armies when their ruler-monarch demanded. The peasantry was levied for the campaigns and/or for defending the land. Increased population, and the increased amount of iron requirement would necessitate increased use of spears, as opposed to swords, considering their requirements for raw materials. Thus it is more plausible to expect main armament as spears, instead of forces fully armed with swords (can be labelled in colloquial terms as long swords - 1m and above) or donning heavy armours.

The only credible case to be further argued remains as the decline in using sarissa - very long spears (about 6m) as opposed to shorter spears (about 2-3m). In this case, the practical maneuvering advantages can be considered, but that is still a specific but baseless claim. Its ineffectiveness against armies with more heavily armoured cavalry can be considered more plausible, as well as its requirements of raw materials and time to construct. The formation of cataphrachts in the late classical era certainly made an impact. In this case, achaemen dynasty (later teispes dynasty darayavus - darius), then seleukos, then parthian imperial hegemonies were able in affording armours for even the horses, in full-plate, before roman and roman-influenced remnants.
I'd first like to say that I appreciate the though you put into this a lot (and hey, I'm no longer the guy with the longest post in this thread!). Don't fully agree with your overall thesis (I do believe that the pike, and specifically tightly packed pike formations, did fall into disuse for most of the Roman and high Medieval periods - though not the spear, that has always been a staple of human weaponry), though I do think your point about "heavy infantry" cannot be repeated enough. "Heavy" infantry, decked in mail (not plate, until very late in the CK timeline) were professional men-at-arms. nobility or at least very wealthy freemen.

As for the fall of the Sarissa, I'd follow the Roman sources and go with the idea that it was their tactics which were especially effective against it. Also, like @RustyHunter said, the fact that the Macedonian pike phalanx (i.e., the Pezhetairoi) was never meant to stand on its own, with more heavily shielded hoplite-like troops and cavalry covering its sides. I'd argue, in contrary, that the Romans could have used a couple of Sarissas against the Parthian cataphracts: the "resurgence" of pike formations in the Low Middle Ages was specifically an answer to the heavier armament of knights. The pike, its butt-spike stuck into the ground, could actually pierce the heavier armour of the plated knight and breat the cavalry charge. Then again, the Roman imitation cataphracts worked well enough for the period I suppose.
At this point comes the fiction. As the fiction affects the design of games, the simulation is heavily encumbered with the bias of the fiction, as well as the design simplifications.

When a phalanx is considered, one conjures the image of half-naked soldiers, wearing only a fabric as armour, wielding a 6m-sarissa, and a shield, due to contemporary games. This can be considered only as fiction, and findings for it are only depictions on pottery, and few books, but translations done in later eras [*]. There were no units of hoplites but the citizens fighting when war was declared, and they were named as hoplites [**]. They would bring their own equipment. The name of the formation was phalanx, which was not unique, but was also used by romans, and by any other culture anywhere, as the rectangular formation. Later the shield wall, spear wall, etc. terms were also used.

[**] The myth of three hundred spartans against countless foes. A noble of city-state fighting a war would mean a noble, and hundreds of slaves of that household fighting in that war. Common for all city-states before and after hellenic era. Fiction of romanticism distorts such knowledge, and presents hyper-unreality.
Hey, don't thrash on fabric armour! Poor linothorax did its job quite well! Though this topic is a bit more up my professional alley, so I will risk some corrections: whilst the hoplites were indeed citizen soldiers, these were only citizens. Slaves were not allowed to bear arms (I think the great siege of Rhodes makes exception, but that was literally an "arm them or die" type situation) and stayed "home" to toil the land while their masters were off to war. The Persian Empires had slave soldiers during the Achaemenid period, IIRC, but I cannot remember a case of Ancient Greek or Hellenistic polities that armed their slaves (granted, the later Hellenistic period is NOT my speciality). As for the 300 Spartans, I think you might have been thinking of the allied Greeks who also died at the Hot Gates, but these were hoplites from other cities, not slaves. Sparta specifically was famous for its helot revolts, and the rigidity with which it separated citizens and non-citizens (without even addressing slaves) is often credited as a reason for its decline.

As for the hoplite himself, while I do agree that there was not a single unite called the hoplite, they do own their name to the hoplon, the large (typically bronze faced) shield of classical antiquity. Indeed, the Hoplitic phalanx fought in a manner very similar to the shield walls of later eras. The same is not true of the Macedonian phalanx (the pezhetairoi that I mentioned before): the Macedonian phalangites typically had smaller shields (the telamon, form what I've seen closer to the shield of a classic-era peltast), carried the famous sarissa pike, and were in general more lightly armoured. These were the pikemen (not spearmen) that the later Hellenistic kingdoms became too reliant on, and that I do still hold all but disappeared for centuries.
Enter the cavalry. Mounted archers of mongols, turks, persians. Except that mounted archery was not a specialty of specific cultures, but was used from iberia to korea, by all.

The conjunction: Mounted archery and longbows were common for all, but mongols, turks, or more generally nomadic cultures did not use longbows; english, frankish, or more generally sedentary-agrarian cultures did. Both had employed mounted archery, whereas english are depicted with longbows, franks with heavy knights, mongols, turks with cavalry archers in ck. The distribution of such composition in the game is only fiction.

The reality for the nomadic cultures is, one cannot use the longbow and ride efficiently; therefore the preferred armament for nomadic cultures was (often composite) shortbow.

Therefore the mongols could field an army of completely horse archers. They were still able to siege castles, due to the influence and experience gained in the conquest of song dynasty. The games simplify this in digitised attributes, and makes cavalry vulnerable to spear formations and ineffective in sieges. The reality is, one can flank the formation, and dismount off the horse.
Agreed on the importance of mounted archery, and I'd further add that these might have been as important, though probably not to the decline, at least to the late readoption, of pike formations. The myth was that they were so tightly packed that the pikes themselves would stop arrows from the front, but I'd bet that was more myth that anything. Even then, this becomes useless when the enemy can run circles around you turning your formation in a pincushion.

I agree that most archery forces could (and whenever affordable would) reach the battlefield mounted, but I believe you are doing "proper" horse archers a disservice by equating them to (e.g.) longbowmen who also rode. As you yourself have said, shooting from horseback is anything but easy, but it allows the mounted-archer to avoid enemy cavalry. A force of longbowment could theorethically ride up to the back of the enemy, dismount, and start shooting. But the moment you dismount, you are a sitting duck behind enemy lines. Never a good position, even if the enemy cavalry was otherwise occupied, since you'd be between the enemy front lines and their reserves.

I do think the quality of the Macedonian phalanx and Medieval levy spear-walls were quite different though. The Macedonians were a bit closer to Medieval knights in that they were relatively wealthy (not enough to be in the cavalry) landowners that drilled quite a bit and were semi-professional at the higher end.

It's very true the spear never went out of style, but I think it's safe to say the pike, or at least the very long variety, was not widely used after Rome's rise to empire. I don't know enough about the late Medieval or pike-and-shot eras to know what was driving military technology and doctrine unfortunately.
Agreed. The Macedonian pezhetairoi were still citizen soldiers, like the hoplites of earlier eras. Much like modern countries with militias (I'm thinking Switzerland), these drilled regularly, even though war was not their sole occupation.

What are the mechanics of using 6m spears? Where do you place your hands? How long is the blade? What is the weight and diameter of the handle?
From what I've read (again, military history is not exactly my field), the sarissa pike was held two handed, with the bottom spike being much longer than typical Greek spears, so it could plant into the ground and kinda "stick there". For transportation, they apparently could be split into two, thouh I have no idea how that would work
 
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Hey, don't thrash on fabric armour! Poor linothorax did its job quite well! Though this topic is a bit more up my professional alley, so I will risk some corrections: whilst the hoplites were indeed citizen soldiers, these were only citizens.
Linothorax is really quite cool, but has anyone ever decided how it was made? By the way, are you into the Classics professionally?

These were the pikemen (not spearmen) that the later Hellenistic kingdoms became too reliant on, and that I do still hold all but disappeared for centuries.
I just thought of this, but the Ptolemaic Kingdom almost entirely abandoned the phalanx in favor of 'imitation legionaries' (in reality it was probably an independent development). I think the general problem was no one could draw from enough Macedonians to field a true combined arms force like Alexander. Antiochus III probably got closest, but his defeat by Rome ended that.

The myth was that they were so tightly packed that the pikes themselves would stop arrows from the front, but I'd bet that was more myth that anything.
Too bad we'll never be able to test such a thing :p I've heard some talk that the back ranks would swing their pikes back and forth above the line, possibly deflecting arrows. The physics don't seem right to me, but it's a neat theory.

Agreed. The Macedonian pezhetairoi were still citizen soldiers, like the hoplites of earlier eras.
Although it is interesting how much Alexander's death drove the need for mercenaries in the eastern Med.

From what I've read (again, military history is not exactly my field), the sarissa pike was held two handed, with the bottom spike being much longer than typical Greek spears, so it could plant into the ground and kinda "stick there". For transportation, they apparently could be split into two, thouh I have no idea how that would work
Another issue is we think the lengths could vary quite a bit. Alexander's army might have had shorter pikes (~3m) while the successors gradually lengthened theirs (~6m).
 
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Also, like RustyHunter said, the fact that the Macedonian pike phalanx (i.e., the Pezhetairoi) was never meant to stand on its own, with more heavily shielded hoplite-like troops and cavalry covering its sides. I'd argue, in contrary, that the Romans could have used a couple of Sarissas against the Parthian cataphracts: the "resurgence" of pike formations in the Low Middle Ages was specifically an answer to the heavier armament of knights. The pike, its butt-spike stuck into the ground, could actually pierce the heavier armour of the plated knight and breat the cavalry charge. Then again, the Roman imitation cataphracts worked well enough for the period I suppose.
Hmmm, you have a point there; your claim has higher credibility, because completely overlooked pezhetairoi in own counter-claim.

Hey, don't thrash on fabric armour! Poor linothorax did its job quite well!
:D

Though this topic is a bit more up my professional alley, so I will risk some corrections: whilst the hoplites were indeed citizen soldiers, these were only citizens. Slaves were not allowed to bear arms (I think the great siege of Rhodes makes exception, but that was literally an "arm them or die" type situation) and stayed "home" to toil the land while their masters were off to war.
Agreed, and have to retract the counter-claim as it was based on over-simplifications in the class hierarchy.

The same is not true of the Macedonian phalanx (the pezhetairoi that I mentioned before): the Macedonian phalangites typically had smaller shields (the telamon, form what I've seen closer to the shield of a classic-era peltast), carried the famous sarissa pike, and were in general more lightly armoured. These were the pikemen (not spearmen) that the later Hellenistic kingdoms became too reliant on, and that I do still hold all but disappeared for centuries.
Again, understood, as due to oversimplified generalisation, have to retract the bulk of own counter-claim, but will read more on the argument, as the distinction between pikemen and spearmen still does not provide a credible classification in mind, other than simplified simulations made in games.

I agree that most archery forces could (and whenever affordable would) reach the battlefield mounted, but I believe you are doing "proper" horse archers a disservice by equating them to (e.g.) longbowmen who also rode.
That part is completely own fault, as jumping from subject to another, apparently lost the clarity intended to be provided in the text. On the contrary, attempted to point out the dominance of horse archers on the battlefield comes from the difference between organisation of societies, while trying to explain it was not a unique warfare. Except the stirrups, and composite shortbow, which can be anachronistically simplified as a technology advance compared to others; that was unique to nomadic societies.
e.g. stirrups were adopted by the agrarian societies later; Han dynasty around third century ce; for mediterranean, as late as sixth century ce.


I'd first like to say that I appreciate the though you put into this a lot (and hey, I'm no longer the guy with the longest post in this thread!).
Yeah, sincere apologies for the maddeningly long post.
At the beginning, it was just two-paragraph-argument. Saved for later to elaborate the next night; alas, one explanation led to another, an example called for another, and then it became the abomination as it is now (neither late-night bourbons did help; bad idea. Should have stuck with the vodka:p).
 
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Linothorax is really quite cool, but has anyone ever decided how it was made? By the way, are you into the Classics professionally?
Not as far as literature nor military are concerned, no. I did have a Classical education, so I have learned some stuff in a "proper" environment, but otherwise it's just books and research. I am technically an economist, and though I do focus on Economic history, it's rare to go as far back as the Hellenistic period, and often just as a way to contextualise something related to the Roman era. Which is partly why I have no idea what a linothorax could be made of, sorry :(

The most credible example I've seen was the University of Wisconsin's "Linothorax Project" and they stratified layers of linen hardened with glue. I've seen the video demonstration that the Prof. Aldrete did for the paper, and it was shown to work against period-accurate weaponry, but by itself that tells us little about whether or not the ancient Greeks made their armour the same way, just that it can be made.

At the beginning, it was just two-paragraph-argument. Saved for later to elaborate the next night; alas, one explanation led to another, an example called for another, and then it became the abomination as it is now (neither late-night bourbons did help; bad idea. Should have stuck with the vodka:p).
Believe me, brother, I know that feeling! Though I will rather applaud the bourbon than encourage more vodka! If anything, your error was stopping at two!
 
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