Chapter IX - Bringing The Empire Closer and the 1846 General Election and Census
The 1845 Year Report presented to the First State Duma on the 2nd of January 1846 had some very positive news for the Russian Empire: the rapid expansion of the railroad system had the effect Alexander and Speransky had predicted: the Russian economy was back on its feet and rapidly expanding. The Imperial Russain Railroad Corporation has reported a yearly profit of £18250 was achieved (an average of £50 gain per day). This made it by far the most profitable organisation within in the entire Russian Empire. The entire GDP of Russia accounted for £29,200, which meant that more than half of the country's wealth came from the IRRC. The British GDP during the same year, 1845, was £45,360, which meant that the Russian Empire was finally catching up. But there was still a huge gap to be filled to push the British off the throne of the world. Currently, the Russian Empire is seen as the 4th World Power, behind Prussia, France and the United Kingdom. However, by 1846 our industrial capacity started to equal that of Prussia. Soon we'd be on the 3rd place.
Besides the rapid expansion of the Imperial Russian Railroad Corporation, alot of industrial complexes were build in the main urban areas, such as Kiev, St. Petersburg, Moscow and Minsk. Over 15 factories were built in the period of 1837-1846, pushing our industrial capacity up to 365.
In 1846, another General Election was called. Because of the rapid population growth registered in alot of areas, another census was called as well. The 1846 General Election wasn't anything special: it was once again the conservative Pyotr Vassilevsky going against the liberal Andresko Jonisk, with the debate being about the economy. They both didn't campaign much, being content with keeping the status quo and trying to keep the Social Democrats down. But the Social Democrats had different plans: they campaigned around the clock, taking it to the streets of Moscow and St. Petersburg to mobilize the workers class to stand up for more political rights and Universal Suffrage. Socialist demagogues went around the streets, urging people who were able to vote to vote Social Democrat. On the 2nd of June the results were in, and Pyotr Vassilevsky was in for a shock.
The Slavophile Party of Russia had lost its 2/3rd majority. While they still had recieved 60% of the votes, they had lost 53 seats in the First State Duma. This loss shocked Vassilevsky, who expected another landslide, to the core of his heart. The same day he announced his resignation from the Slavophile Party, leaving the party in disarray, and retreated to his dacha in the Ukraine. Embittered, he died only 3 months after the election. The big victor of this General Election was the Social Democrat Party of Russia: they had won 15% of the vote, more than doubling their seat count from 24 to 52. The Westernizer Party of Russia had made a seemingly insignificant move during the election campaign: for the first time in their existence, they openly embraced the Russian language and campaigned in their mother tongue. This small change had the effect of changing the minds of alot of dwindling conservative voters to vote liberal for once. One day after the election campaign, the 3rd of June 1846, coalition talks began between the Slavophile Party and the Westernizer Party. Although the Slavophile Party had enough votes and a big enough majority to form a homogeneous conservative government and to again dominate the First State Duma, the party was in disarray after the resignation of Vassilevsky and wasn't prepared to govern the nation alone without a strong leader. This was a godsend for Andresko Jonisk, who now had his first realistic chance of becoming the first liberal Prime Minister of the Russian Empire.
Jonisk's demands were high though: he wanted to speed up the liberalisation process of Russia and privative the Imperial Russian Railway Corporation to increase the system's efficiency. But the Slavophile party refused to budge, and the negotiations broke down into a quagmire of unresolved issues. While all this was going on, the Social Democrat party held onto its campaigning on the streets, calling for electoral reform, which eventually cumulated into violent outbursts on the streets of Minsk and Smolensk. Jonisk realized he had to act quickly before the country descended into civil war, and opened up negotiations with the Social Democrat party. The goal of these negotiations were the formation of a minority government with Jonisk as Prime Minister, and in return the new State Duma would look into a certain degree of electoral reform. However, the Social Democrats had by now added another demand to their (already considered radical) list of demands: the federalization of the Empire.
Jonisk, who was short on time, promised the State Duma would look into both these issues and that after several debates in the State Duma a new constitution could be drafted up. But Jonisk started to fear that his new position of power would be compromised by the radical agenda of the Social Democrats. In secret, he began negotiating with a group of breakaway Slavophile MoSD's. But besides all these worries, Jonisk also had some good news to brighten up his day. The 1846 census results were in:
The worker population within the Russian Empire had more than doubled in just 10 years, which meant that the industrialization of Russia was well underway. The amount of ethnically Russian people within the Empire wasn't growing as rapidly as the other ethnic groups within the Empire: the population had grown by 3 million people in 10 years, but the amount of Russians within the Empire had dropped from 67% to 66,8%. The people within the Empire are still deeply religious and against the military, except when in dire need. Overall, the census gave an impression of how Russia was shaping up to be, and Jonisk liked it. Although Russia was still a mainly agricultural land, the industries were expanding rapidly and the agricultural sector was also becoming more profitable and more industrial. He sent the report to Tsar Alexander II, who was pleased with the results, but rather worried by the large amount of people within the Empire who still preferred conservative politics above the liberal reforms.