Gott mit Uns - A Mildly Interactive Prussian NWO AAR

[SibCDC]

2001-2005: International News​

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And with that, we've gone through most of what happened between 2001 and 2005. Next post will be the 2005 elections post and will go online on Sunday. Because some of you liked the debate-style of the chapters before the change, I'm bringing that back but in the context of debates in election season. I hope I see you on Sunday at the polls!

 

[SibCDC]

2005 Prussian Political Parties​

Cross-party debate

In the week before election day, the leaders of the major parties participated in a debate on live television, moderated by Jens Riewa. Below is a selective transcript of the evening’s broadcast.

[Jens Riewa]:
“What, according to you, is the biggest challenge Prussia will be facing in the next five years? Mr. Schwarzenegger, we will first go to you.”

[Patrick Schwarzenegger (SDP)]:
“Prussia’s social welfare system is very fragile up to the point that our unemployment subsidies can barely support people without a job and people who have worked for all their life receive minimal pensions. If an economic crisis were to hit our country, which under the current international environment is very likely, the people affected the most would be those who are already vulnerable now. The Social Democrats have failed in the past to protect these people, that is true, but we are under new leadership now. New leadership which will make a priority of increasing the pensions and unemployment subsidies. While I must congratulate this government on virtually eradicating unemployment in Prussia, I must also say that nothing currently prevents that unemployment to haunt us again in the future.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you, Mr. Schwarzenegger. Chancellor Korwin-Mikke, what would you call the biggest challenge for the coming years?”

[Chancellor Johann Korwin-Mikke (JP)]:
“First of all, let me say that Mr. Schwarzenegger is talking about an economic crisis as if it were inevitable. The figures tell the opposite. As my opponent has said, unemployment is virtually non-existent in Prussia. More and more new companies are being founded and more and more factories are being opened. Therefore I disagree with Mr. Schwarzenegger that the economy will be our biggest worry. Our biggest worry, in fact, is the safety of our citizens. International syndicalist terrorism is on the rise. The defeat of the Iraqi regime is not the end, but the beginning of a new campaign of syndicalist extremists who aim to destroy our democracy and our way of life. In the coming five years, the Junkerpartei will work towards a better security system where our intelligence services will be granted more tools to actively protect our citizens from these foreign threats. Let us not forget that syndicalism is an inherently foreign ideology, which our soldiers have bravely fought against in the past.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Mr. Schwartzmann, what do you think is our biggest challenge for the future?”

[Albrecht Schwartzmann (SAP)]:
“The biggest challenge Prussia will be facing after the elections will be the increasing hostility of the political elite against the ideology of the people. Korwin-Mikke speaks about syndicalists as if we are the enemy of the people. At the same time, that man has completely ignored social welfare during his five years in power! The danger is not that syndicalists will commit violent crimes, but that we will return to a police state as a result of the measures that the Junkerpartei is prepared to take. It’s not the syndicalists who are a threat to democracy, it’s the Junkerpartei!”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Please, Mr. Schwartzmann, refrain from such attacks on your fellow politicians.”

The question was also answered by Josef Tusk (CD.P), who cited the foreign relations with both Germany and Russia as a challenge for the next Prussian government, while Strassman of the LPP feared that corruption was still an underlying problem in Prussian politics. Margerete Weber of the Greens pointed to climate change as something that would increasingly affect the daily life of Prussians, while Viktor Kress (BAS) said that ethnic tensions between Silesians, Prussians and other minorities might dominate the next five years. The debate then went on to the LPP’s proposals for political reform.

[Jens Riewa]:
“Mr. Strassman, your party has announced its desire for reforming the position of President. What was the reason behind this?”

[Sven Strassman (LPP)]:
“In our current system, we have a Chancellor with extensive executive powers, but one who is not elected by the people, and a President with only a ceremonial position who is appointed by the Senate. To allow for decisive government, we should have a democratically elected President with extensive executive powers, who can direct the army and implement economic measures, instead of a Chancellor who is bound to a majority in the Landtag.”

Before Strassman could finish his explanation, Chancellor Korwin-Mikke interrupted him.
[Chancellor Johann Korwin-Mikke (JP)]:
“This is a shameful import of American politics to Prussia. If I do say so myself, but as Chancellor I’ve been able to accomplish many things. Unemployment is non-existent, the army is being reformed and Prussian farmers are protected against foreign competition. Changing our political system that drastically wouldn’t do us any good.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Mr. Chancellor, in the future, please refrain from interrupting your colleagues. Mr. Strassman, you can respond to the Chancellor if you want.”

[Sven Strassman (LPP)]:
“The current system is already under pressure because it depends on the composition of the Landtag. Since 1992, our parliament has become ever more divided between several political parties. It may very well be that in the future, appointing a Chancellor will become impossible. What then? Well, in a system where we have a President elected by the people, we will never run into situations of electoral gridlock. In times of crises or need, a strong independent ruler is exactly what we will need. I understand if the Junkerpartei is not ready for this change yet, but I believe the Prussian people are.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Yes, Mr. Tusk, you wanted to comment?”

[Josef Tusk (CD.P)]:
“I just wanted to say that the motivations behind the LPP’s proposal might be well-intended, but it might also have unforeseen consequences in relation to German reunification. After the referendum of 2003, it became clear to me that the Prussian people do not want an immediate integration of Prussia into Germany. Therefore the CD.P has changed its approach to a more gradual and slow rapprochement between Germany and Prussia. Drastically changing our political system will set us back immensely. Our current system is actually really similar to the German political system, with the only major differences being that Germany has a bicameral system, while we only have one chamber. But other than that, the political culture is very much the same in both countries. Now, if the LPP were to actually go through with its reforms, Prussia might just as well become part of the United States instead of joining up with Germany again.”

The debate also touched upon the future of Prussia’s industrial sector. While GfP’s Margerete Weber had been absent for most of the debate, she now kicked in to full gear.

[Jens Riewa]:
“Mrs. Weber, what kind of changes to Prussia’s industrial sector do you hope to see in the next five Thereyears?”

[Margerete Weber (GfP)]:
“Our current industry still relies too much on fossil fuels. The sitting government’s policies even caused more coal plants to be built in Prussia. I expect that within five to ten years more and more people’s health is going to be affected by these polluting power plants. The Greens have a plan written up to transform the way Prussia gets its energy. It involves not only the more traditional ways of alternative power sources like wind turbines or solar panels, but also more innovating technologies like generating power from the waves of the sea. If the government would set aside a relatively small budget to invest in these technologies, we could have 15% of our power be renewable by 2015.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you, Mrs. Weber. Mr. Schwarzenegger, you wanted to react?”

[Patrick Schwarzenegger (SDP)]:
“Yes, thank you Jens. While the goals Mrs. Weber lays out for Prussia are certainly admirable to some extent, the implications for our mine workers will be abysmal. There are towns in Silesia where 2/3rds of the inhabitants work in a nearby coal mine. Mrs. Weber’s policies would drive these communities to the edge of the abyss. Without good alternatives for these people, the SDP cannot any plan that wants to close the coal mines.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Mrs. Weber, does the GfP’s plan include anything that would provide alternatives to these people?”

[Margerete Weber (GfP)]:
“Well yes, of course. I understand that for many, the mines are their lives. The GfP would not just close them down from one day to another, leaving all those people unemployed. No, the GfP’s plan would involve a gradual restructuring of the mining industry so that miners working in the lower Silesia Coal Basin could be re-employed in for example Copper mines.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you for the elaboration, Mrs. Weber. Well, this concludes today’s debate. I hope this gives our viewers the final information they need to decide which party they will vote on. And I hope I see you in a few days in our special news broadcast where we will analyse the results of this election. Goodbye.”

Voting is now open until 1PM (CEST) Wednesday April 1st
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Can I still join this AAR at this stage?
(The interactive part I mean)

You can join this AAR by voting in the elections. And since several others have made analyses or news articles of their own, you can do that as well if you feel like it!

 

[SibCDC]

2005 Election Results and the 2nd Korwin-Mikke Cabinet​

Election news coverage – December 5

Good evening and welcome to this special news broadcast covering the results of today’s elections. My name is Jens Riewa and I will be your host for tonight. Just like five years ago, these elections were the first of their kind with a new political reform. In 2000 it was compulsory voting, this year it is the threshold of 5%. Many already expected that several parties would not gain any seats in the Landtag as a result of this new law. But before we dive into the results, let’s take a look at what political commentators have said about this current government and its policy of the last five years.

Five years ago, after the 2000 elections, Dutch professor Hendrik van Weert made several predictions in the Telegraaf, including that the SAP and the JP combined would hold over 55% of the votes. In addition, prof. van Weert wrote that a battle over the centrist votes was more than likely, with CD.P possibly losing that battle because of the failed German referendum. The Dutch professor also said that the SDP was in a hard position, with the SAP as a serious threat to their livelihood. It remains to be seen whether or not the 5% threshold will mean the death of the more moderate party on the left. Hendrik van Weert had his doubts about the rebranding of the EP into the LPP, now we will learn if the Trump scandal has completely worn off and if the LPP has managed to regain some of the EP’s former glory.

Another article talked about the foreign policy of the Junkerpartei. It asked the question of whether or not the Junkers had alienated their electorate by allowing the CD.P to push through their agenda, in addition to bailing out the authoritarian Korean regime. The question how this would reflect on the CD.P was also asked. If foreign policy is really what dominates these elections, will the CD.P be dragged down with the JP? Or will Korwin-Mikke’s legacy of economic growth overshadow any notion that the JP-CD.P coalition somehow screwed up?

The only way these questions can be answered is by looking at the results. So here are the results.

It looks like the Junkerpartei still remains the largest party in the Landtag. The sitting coalition of JP and CD.P have lost some seats, but not too many to loose their majority. The Junkerpartei lost 1 seat while the CD.P lost 6. The Syndikale Aktion still remains a hot contender for the biggest party and has slightly risen in seats from 82 to 91. It also looks like both the SDP and the LPP have recovered from their loss streaks over the past decade, both being the largest growers in these elections. This may be due to the fact that the 5% threshold has costed the Greens and the Silesians dearly, both stranding at 3.4% of the electorate. From the total gains and losses of all parties, it also looks like the electorate was less volatile compared to the 2000 elections. Only around 8.3% of voters changed their choice compared to 26.6% in 2000. As it stands, Korwin-Mikke can rely on 182 seats to continue the current coalition, but it’s possible that either the JP or CD.P might want to expand the current majority of 8 seats to have a more comfortable majority. Overall, we can conclude from this that the government parties have been slightly punished, but not enough to severely shift the balance. At the same time, the strategy of the SDP to change its leadership and the rebranding of the LPP have seemingly worked to put the parties back on track.

If we take a look at how the Landtag has been reshuffled, then we can conclude that with the disappearance of the GfP and BAS the Landtag has become an even more polarized parliament. While not as fractured as before, it is now more clear than ever that Prussia has a strong left wing and a strong right wing with a battle for centrist voters going on between the SDP, LPP and CD.P. A battle which the CD.P is currently winning.

Just like last time, some voters were also asked which party they liked to see in a coalition the most. In comparison to last time, we can clearly say that the CD.P still remains a likeable coalition partner, but remarkable is how the SDP now also appears to be preferred by several parties. We also see that a portion of SDP voters have opened up to the idea of forming a coalition with the SAP. A majority of JP voters still want to continue working with the CD.P. With the LPP still the most preferred coalition partner of CD.P voters, it is possible that Tusk may want to bring the Liberals on board of the government coalition.

In conclusion we can say that the government coalition has been slightly punished, thus stopping the rise of both the CD.P and the JP. The Syndicalists have been slowed down in their electoral growth. At the same time the SDP and LPP have successfully proven that they can survive another election, while the GfP and BAS have been kicked out of the Landtag as a result of the 5% threshold. With these results, it’s more than likely that President Birt will appoint Chancellor Korwin-Mikke again to form a government.

BAS disintegrates – December 12

Soon after the elections, the Bewegung für die Autonomie Schlesiens fell apart. A statement on social media by its leader, Viktor Kress, revealed that the party had been struggling financially and could no longer support its own members, especially now that their parliamentary salaries were now also gone. The statement was soon followed up by an official endorsement by Kress of the CD.P:
“The Christlich Demokratisches Platform has guaranteed the rights of Silesians in the past and I am hopeful that they will continue to do so now that the BAS can no longer fulfil its duties in the Landtag. Vice-Chancellor Tusk and I share the same values and standpoints on many things and I congratulate him for bringing his party to where it is today.”

President Birt appoints Chancellor Korwin-Mikke as formateur – December 15

What many expected as the logical outcome of the elections eventually happened when President Birt called the Chancellor to his presidential residence. As biggest party and leader of the current government, Johann Korwin Mikke of the Junkerpartei was still in the best position to decide the fate of the next cabinet’s composition. Naturally, the Chancellor wanted to continue working together with the CD.P, but with less surplus seats, they might bring the LPP into the coalition to have a more comfortable majority. And so the Chancellor-formateur invited the CD.P’s Jozef Tusk and the LPP’s Sven Strassman to talk about a possible deal. As expected, the CD.P wanted to continue working on the good relations with Germany and the EU. Korwin-Mikke could agree to that, seeing that Prussia was now surrounded by the EU and NATO on all sides and keeping on good terms with Germany was in Prussia’s best interest. The LPP put their political reforms back on the table. Their proposal to directly elect the President and give him more power was opposed by both the JP and the CD.P. The issue then arose of who would succeed President Birt now that his term was over. Some within the Junkerpartei still wanted to give that position to Georg Friedrich von Hohenzollern, but the man was too young and inexperienced and still had a lot to learn about international diplomacy. Then the CD.P came with their own proposal, a compromise which would bring the CD.P, JP and LPP together on the issue of the presidency. As Prussia’s military was currently undergoing reform, maybe it was time to make work of a reform that would install the President as Commander in Chief of the Prussian Armed Forces. It would give him more power, something the LPP desired, and it would guarantee a clear command structure for the army, something which was important to the JP’s army reforms. Still the question of Birt’s successor remained, but Jozef Tusk soon put out a name which was agreeable to both the LPP and the JP. Lastly, the Junkerpartei put their demands on the table. The threat of international syndicalist terrorism was on the rise and had to be dealt with. The army reforms were already underway, but a reform of Staatssicherheit services was now also at hand. Increased surveillance of suspicious individuals was necessary to prevent attacks such as those in Madrid or London. The LPP could agree but only on the condition that the reforms were overseen by a Liberal Minister. Korwin-Mikke accepted Strassman’s compromise to ensure the LPP’s participation in government. In the end, Jozef Tusk (CD.P), Johann Korwin-Mikke (JP) and Sven Strassman (LPP) agreed to form a coalition with a majority of +33 seats on the following platform:

· Further improve relations with Germany and the EU
· Reform of the Presidency in line with the ongoing army reforms
· Continuation of large infrastructure works
· Reform of Staatssicherheit to combat syndicalist terrorism

After all negotiations were completely over, the 2nd Korwin-Mikke Cabinet looked as following:

Sven Strassman has replaced CD.P’s Marcus Urnenfelde and Wera von Reden has replaced JP’s Andreas Lepper.​

Ferdinand von Bismarck appointed as President – December 20

Soon after the formation of the 2nd Korwin-Mikke Cabinet, the official vote on President Birt’s succession was held in the Landtag. Two candidates were put forward. On the one hand there was Ferdinand von Bismarck, great-grandson of Otto von Bismarck, who was put forward by the CD.P. Von Bismarck was known for his pro-unification standpoint and could serve as an Ersatzkaiser to many within the Junkerpartei and was thus the ideal candidate for the governing coalition. On the other hand there was former Chancellor Ludwig Walenstadt, put forward by the SDP and endorsed by the SAP. Apparently since the elections in the beginning of December, the two had come together and had spoken about how to approach their position in the opposition so that they could challenge the government. In the end, the representatives in the Landtag voted very much according to party lines and Ferdinand von Bismarck was appointed as Birt’s successor.

President von Bismarck with his wife Elisabeth. The presidential couple would spent most of their time at their own residence instead of the official presidential palace in Königsberg because “they were not royals, but merely civil servants”.​

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In total we had 29 votes! Surprisingly, less people changed their voted compared to last time. There were also a lot more suggestions filled in at the bottom this time, so I'll definitely take those into account while writing the next chapters. Stay tuned and thank you for voting!

 

[SibCDC]

2006-2010: Domestic Policy​

Education Reforms

Soon after the 2nd Korwin-Mikke Cabinet was voted in, CD.P Minister of Education Kristin Neuman rolled out her plans for a modernization of Prussia’s education system. In 2006, several experts where appointed to write an education guide that would teach the youth how to work with computers. At the same time, subsidies were written out by the government to schools who wanted to buy computers in large amounts. In the meantime, Minister Neuman wanted to address the shortage of teachers in the country. Currently, around 3% of the population was employed as a teacher, Neuman aimed to increase that number to 4%. One of the methods she employed was increasing the wages of government employed teachers (in-game I shifted my national focuses from encouraging capitalists to encouraging teachers). The effects were gradually felt as more and more young people signed up for programs to become an educator. By 2008, the informatization of Prussia education system had been fully implemented, to the point that even primary schools in the countryside could rely on a minimum amount of computers.

As soon as the informatization of the education system had gone through, Minister Neuman put her attention to Prussia’s network of universities. In countries like the US or the GUK, prestigious universities often had access to large databanks containing information. Prussia did not have such a system yet and universities often still relied on their own libraries or on basic internet pages. That’s why in 2008, Minister Neuman sat together with the rectors of the biggest universities to discuss the possibility of a very high-speed university network. The rectors agreed to investing in a network where all the scientific knowledge produced by their universities would be gathered, on the condition that the government would take part in the project and fund the actual implementation. Minister Neuman agreed, completing another step in the education reforms of the 2nd Korwin-Mikke Cabinet. By the end of 2009, the database network was complete, allowing both the government and the universities to benefit from an increase in research and education efficiency.

Reform of the Presidency

Under the current constitution, President von Bismarck was just a ceremonial figure who only occasionally had to receive foreign dignitaries. A joint proposal by the CD.P and LPP to change that was proposed in May of 2006 and aimed to give the President the position of Commander in Chief of the Armed forces, as well as expanding his set of diplomatic tasks to include representing Prussia abroad and signing international treaties. The reform clearly mirrored the authority of the German President and was probably intended to put Prussia and Germany on the same institutional level. The SAP, who supported the previous proposal by the LPP to turn the President into a directly elected official, now opposed the reform because it would give too much power to a non-elected President. Even though the SDP supported the amendment because it would make reunification with Germany easier, Patrick Schwarzenegger bended to the SAP to form a united front against the reform. The needed 2/3rds majority was off the table. And so President von Bismarck came into play. He approached the Chancellor and convinced him to talk to the SAP in order to come to an agreement. Chancellor Korwin-Mikke then invited Schwartzmann to his office and asked him what it would take for the SAP to approve the amendment. Schwartzmann was clear, the President should be elected by the people if he gets the power described by the amendment. The SAP’s leader went even further and demanded that presidential elections would be held the moment the amendment was ratified. Chancellor Korwin-Mikke was not amused and ended the meeting. In the meantime, Vice-Chancellor Tusk had approached the SDP to get them to support the amendment. Patrick Schwarzenegger, now torn between the Popular Front with the SAP or the prospect of German reunification, agreed to support the amendment on less demanding conditions. The SDP would support the amendment, but the president had to be elected by the people. But unlike the SAP, Schwarzenegger agreed that President von Bismarck would sit out his term. And so Josef Tusk had smelled weakness in the Popular Front and had used it to his advantage. After Korwin-Mikke confirmed his agreement with the terms laid out by the SDP, the amendment was passed with 245 votes in favour, 91 against and 15 abstained. Even though some within the SDP rebelled against the party leadership and abstained, the amendment still went through. President von Bismarck was now the Commander in Chief and held more diplomatic power than before. The question of his succession/re-election would be decided by popular vote in 2010, using the IRV system to guarantee a majority rather than a plurality of people supporting the President-elect.

Continued Army Restructuring

In April of 2006, another batch of new recruits finished their training and were ready to be deployed. A month later, when President von Bismarck became Commander in Chief, a large military parade was held in Königsberg to celebrate the occasion. It was the first time the Prussian people could admire the newly reformed army divisions in their full glory. Reminiscent of the old German imperial forces, thousands of young men marched through the streets of the capital. Following the public event, the army reported a huge increase in applications by young men and women who wanted to join the army. And so President von Bismarck ordered 9 more divisions to be recruited from these new applicants. An additional four mechanized infantry divisions, four tank divisions and one artillery division were being prepared for deployment.

The army reforms and expansion would prove crucial in 2008 and 2009 when Prussia joined two UN peacekeeping missions in Africa (more on that in the next chapter). Following a report that analysed Prussian involvement in the peacekeeping missions, President von Bismarck decided to invest in the areas which needed more attention. And so he sat together with Minister of Defence Alexander Stieglitzer (JP) to train a certain amount of outstanding recruits to become sharpshooters and update their equipment. Deployment in Africa had proven that large engagements were often costly, especially against guerrilla fighters who knew the terrain well. Sharpshooters and recon units would be capable of dealing with such threats from a long distance, thus protecting the main cohorts of infantry divisions.

Another important lesson was that on these kind of missions, speed was a very important factor. Infrastructure in African countries was often lacking and thus slowed down our tank division. While Prussia did possess a small arsenal of helicopters, investing in more of them would allow a quicker deployment of troops in combat areas in the future. And so in 2010, Minister Stieglitzer, together with the President, looked into the possibility of a special forces division which could be deployed alongside other divisions to support their operations.

In addition to these minor reforms, the Prussian government also made work of reinvigorating the air force. Currently, its reserve consisted of outdated Russian third-generation fighter jets which probably wouldn’t even survive take-off. And so in 2009 Minister Stieglitzer made a deal with the Russian Minister of Defence to buy some of their fourth-generation fighter jets to update the Prussian airforce. Four Sukhoi Su-27s were bought to replenish the Prussian reserves. By 2010 the update of the winged Prussians was fully completed and the fighter jets were ready to be deployed if needed.

Final infrastructure updates

By May of 2006, the second phase in Prussia’s infrastructure works were completed and so the next stage could begin. Instead of further working on the railroads, it was now the turn of Prussia’s highways. Many of the major ones had been constructed before the Second Weltkrieg and had been expanded under Volkspartei rule in the 1950s. But as they were primarily used by heavy Russian army vehicles, the highways have deteriorated incredibly over the decades. With civilian use now the primary purpose of the roads since Prussia became a democracy, the roads are up to an upgrade. And so two years of traffic jams and road works began. In 2008, the infrastructure works came to a halt however, as the global financial crisis had set in in Prussia and private investors were scared away from big investments in public property. It was only in 2010, when the crisis had already settled somewhat, that the government reinvigorated the country’s infrastructure updates by expanding the airports of Posen and Königsberg.

2008 Financial Crisis

In 2008, a failing US invasion of Afghanistan and an exploding bubble in the real estate market led to a global financial crisis. Initially, the crisis remained contained within the US, but soon the globalist links of the banks would spread the trouble to Europe. As news came to light that the Byzantine government had been forging statistics to be able to comply to Eurozone standards, insecurity spread through Southern Europe and crashed many European economies. In Prussia, the situation was even more dire than in the Eurozone. Many banks within the Eurozone were helped out relatively soon by the European Central Bank, but in Prussia the financial sector wasn’t that strong to begin with. To add oil to the fire, it turned out that many Prussian investors had relied on American banks during the second phase of the infrastructure works, banks which now found themselves in trouble. Investors who had taken the risk to put their assets into the public works, now saw their money disappear in thin air, as the works were put on halt. In addition, Russian investors pulled away en masse from their holdings in Prussia. This in turn led to a backlash where investors had to rethink their strategies in other markets, such as the car industry. As companies saw their profits turn red, factory owners had to lay off some of their workers or face bankruptcy of their own. The unemployment which the 1st Korwin-Mikke Cabinet had virtually rooted out was now back in full swing as a result of a global financial crisis.

The reaction of the government was crucial in relieving the short term effects of the crisis. The main problem for Prussia lay of course in the fact that investors who had relied on US banks, now had no other alternative to turn to as no one was willing or capable to provide credit anymore. Without money, companies lost their access to short term loans, which in turn led to wage bills not being paid. As factories began to close down, unemployment rose sharply, revealing an underlying weakness in the Prussian economy. In 2009, unemployment reached a peak at 15% of the Prussian active population. While in the US, a bipartisan effort came to the rescue of the economy, the European Central Bank did everything within its power to save the Eurozone from collapsing. In Prussia, Minister of Economy and Finances Jan Olbrycht (CD.P) initially stabilized the economy through monetary policy. By printing extra money, Prussia’s currency became cheaper, in turn making it more attractive to foreign investors. This allowed Prussian investors to find alternatives to the American banks that used to provide them with loans. By 2010, the US had begun the road to recovery and the huge EU cash infusions started to show effects in Byzantium, but things like unemployment and low purchasing power were still widespread. In Prussia in particular, renewed foreign investments had not yet fully kicked in yet and many people were still out of a job. As a result, the Prussian government eventually resorted to Keynesian measures to increase purchasing power and lower unemployment. By 2010, the unemployment rate in Prussia had dropped from 15% at its peak to 11.5% by the time of the 2010 elections.

Among the measures to increase trust in the Prussian mark was a new design featuring Immanuel Kant.​

The War on Terror in Prussia

Against the backdrop of the 2008 global financial crisis, syndicalism as an ideology became increasingly more attractive to people who now found themselves out of a job or who opposed military intervention abroad. In Prussia, the Syndikale Aktion saw its membership grow over the course of 2008 and 2009. This caused fear among Junkerpartei-ranks that a Syndicalist uprising could topple the government. This fear was strengthened by events that shook Prussian society to its core. During the 2009 May Day Parade, while red banners waved among the crowd, a coordinated attack by syndicalists occurred throughout the country. At almost the exact same moment, a car bomb exploded in front of the Prussian Central Bank in Königsberg, a prominent factory owner and his family were shot dead in Posen and a police officer riding a horse was stabbed while trying to guide a parade safely through town in Danzig. As the news arrived on the Chancellor’s desk, he ordered all major parades to be shut down immediately to prevent further violence. The attacks were soon claimed by an organization known as the People’s Army and the Chancellor ordered Staatssicherheit to open an investigation into the terrorists. In June of 2009, the Landtag passed a law which would allow security services to share information with Interpol and allow for more data cohesion when building a case. By August of 2009, the names of several individuals had arrived on the Chancellor’s desk. Among them was a former SAP member and militant of the Red Banner, which had ties to the former Iraqi regime. As the individual was arrested, he revealed several more names, including more members of the SAP and even one parliamentarian who was regarded as Albrecht’s Schwartzmann advisor on foreign policy. Korwin-Mikke ordered the non-parliamentarians to be arrested for terrorism and put Staatssicherheit on Schartzmann’s advisor. After months of investigation, a big scandal rocked the Syndikale Aktion für Preussen. Staatssicherheit had uncovered that the SAP parliamentarian with ties to the People’s Army had been involved with a South American drug cartel and that he had been smuggling large amounts of illegal substances into Prussia via the port of Danzig, where he had been a prominent union leader. Under pressure of public outrage, Albrecht Schwartzmann was forced to expel his foreign affairs advisor from the SAP. The man was thereafter arrested by the police and charged with supporting terrorism and smuggling illegal goods into Prussia. The question however remains how widespread terrorist sympathies are within the SAP’s ranks. The voices within the Junkerpartei who called for an outright ban of the Syndicalists from the Landtag grew louder as a result of these affairs. Within the SDP doubts about the syndicalists is threatening the future of the Popular Front.

Prussian syndicalists protesting on May Day against Prussian involvement in UN Peacekeeping missions.​

Unrest among Silesian minority (2009)

While syndicalists were parading through the country, Silesia was held captive by a whole other kind of protest. This time it was not the universal cause of the worker that was being shouted from the rooftops, but the ethnic cause of the Silesian minority in the south of the country. As the Bewegung für die Autonomie Schlesiens had disappeared from the Landtag, the Silesians came out onto the streets to demand their representation in the Landtag back. While the 2009 Ausgleich had seemingly solved ethnic tensions in Austria, the cause of the Silesians was threatened in its very existence. As expected, the local branch of the CD.P was willing to hear the protestors out and reported back to Vice-Chancellor Josef Tusk. A big concern for the Silesians was that their voices would slowly disappear from all branches of society. The 5% threshold had already made the BAS disintegrate, but the government’s education reforms threatened to leave the Silesian identity out of the official educational programs. Acknowledging their fears, CD.P Minister of Education Neuman added a special clause for Silesia in the updated programs. Local language and history would form a major backbone in the education of young people about society. While not all worries of the Silesians were being answered, Neuman’s openness led many to believe that the CD.P did have the Silesians close to their heart. In 2010, former BAS members again called their supporters to vote CD.P as many of their candidates in Silesia were ethnically Silesian and would represent their interests in the Landtag.

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Some of you will probably notice that I took your suggestions and put them in this update. Also, I'm not that good at explaining or even understanding economy, so I relied on various YouTube videos to understand the 2008 financial crash. I apologize if things are represented inaccurately here.

 

[SibCDC]

2006-2010: Foreign Policy​

Relations with Russia under strain

Between 2006 and 2010 there were several incidents which put the relations with the Russian State under strain. It began in November of 2006 when a pro-democracy rebellion in Aland successfully set up a liberal democracy on the island in the Baltic Sea. In Finland, which was still firmly under Russian control, similar rebellions threatened to unseat the puppet regime. And thus Putin came into action and invaded Aland to put down the insurrection. The media in Prussia was furious, how could the public desire of a nation be put down so violently, they asked. Minister of Foreign Affairs Josef Tusk (CD.P) called the Russian ambassador to his office and demanded an explanation for Russia’s belligerent behaviour. The ambassador simply responded by saying that Russia’s internal affairs are of no importance for the relation between Russia and Prussia. Tusk, bound by his coalition partner, the Junkerpartei, could not publicly denounce the Russians, leaving the matter at that. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, however, threatened to close its harbours for Russian merchants if Putin did not allow democratic elections in Aland. Putin then of course went on to hold elections on the island which saw 90% of voters choosing the pro-Russian party. Merkel stood defeated, but only because of Russian electoral engineering.

Anti-Putin protests in Helsinki. The slogan on the banner reads: “Putin, why are you afraid?” in Finnish and Russian.​

In 2008, right before the financial crisis, another event occurred which drove Prussia further away from Russia. The Balkan had often been a source for destabilization in Europe and in 2008 a crisis occurred which sparked fears of another war in former Yugoslavia. Known as the Kosovo-crisis, an insurrection in southern Serbia caused Prussia and Russia to choose opposing sides. Kosovo, a region with a large majority of Albanians, rose up against the Serbian regime. After successfully overthrowing the local government, the Kosovars held a referendum on the question of annexation by Albania. By public demand, the region soon joined Albania and Albanian troops flooded into the region. Serbia called upon its traditional ally, Russia, to intervene in the region, but Putin was afraid of NATO counterreaction, as Serbia was surrounded by mostly NATO countries. And thus Putin turned to diplomatic instead of military measures and called together the Security Council of the United Nations. In the meantime, public debate in Prussia on who to support ran rampant. Traditionally an ally of the Russians, the Junkerpartei now went against Putin and supported Kosovar secession from Serbia, as they feared that going against the will of the locals would further destabilize the region to the point of war. Even though many within their ranks were jingoists, all could agree that a war between NATO and Russia, even a proxy-war, would force them in a position and would ultimately lead to their downfall. In the end, the Security Council could not agree on a compromise and the Albanian occupation of Kosovo continued.

While these previous events caused only a minor shift in Russo-Prussian relations, the financial crisis of 2008 was in many ways the nail in the coffin for widespread Russophilia within the Junkerpartei. Ever since the end of the Second Weltkrieg, Russia had invested a lot in Prussia and even after the fall of the Volkspartei regime in 1992, the Russians put a lot of money into certain corporations. The 2008 financial crisis put an end to all that. Not only did the money-flow from Russia into rural Prussia abruptly stop, causing many business to go bankrupt, Putin also withdrew from the New Hanseatic League and raised their tariffs, even for Prussian merchants. Many within the Junkerpartei felt betrayed, causing a major shift, away from general Russophilia towards a more moderate neutral stance which was already underway since 1992 in many ways. Not only that, but some marginal figures in the party even completely turned around and spoke openly about possibly joining the EU to combat the financial crisis. Chancellor Korwin-Mikke assured his followers that the Junkerpartei’s official stance on the EU had not changed and that Prussia valued its own independence very much, from Brussels but also from Berlin.

UN Peacekeeping Mission in South Africa – July 2008 – August 2009

The financial crisis had many effects on many countries, but Africa was probably one of the regions where things took a more violent turn. In South Africa, dissatisfaction with the corrupt government grew into public unrest. While the corrupt President Sithembiso Dlamini was voted out in the 2008 elections, unrest did not stop, leading to a syndicalist insurrection in the west of the country. Dlamini’s successor, President Helen Zille of the Democratic Alliance, called upon the held of the UN’s Security Council to send a peacekeeping mission to the region. Against the background of the War on Terror, the US agreed, as did several of their allies. President von Bismarck called together a core cabinet of ministers, including among others the Chancellor, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Defence. The President argued that the red danger should not be allowed to spread in Africa, Europe’s backyard, and Prussia should therefore send several divisions to help the South African government. In addition, partaking in a UN peacekeeping mission would grant Prussia the international prestige it so desperately needed. The Chancellor agreed and so did the Minister of Defence, but Minister Tusk had some reservations. Nevertheless, President von Bismarck managed to find a consensus, thus starting the first ‘Prussian military campaign’ since the end of the Second Weltkrieg. Syndicalist protests on the streets increased, now not only protesting against unemployment, but also against Prussian involvement in the UN’s peacekeeping mission.

Syndicalist rebels have risen up in Western South Africa.​

Under the leadership of General Gerhard von Hortstein, a considerable force departed for the Cape of Good Hope. By May, they had arrived in Port Elizabeth, not a day too late as syndicalist rebels were already on their way to take the city. The Prussian army intercepted them in Beaufort. The syndicalist army, under the leadership of Angolan freedom fighter Carlos Aragão, was crushed but almost two thousand Prussians lost their lives. Aragão took what little soldiers he had left back to Springbok, where he was finally defeated by a combined force of the South African Army and Prussian Blue Helmets.

Syndicalist rebels had already taken control of Cape Town, but their advance was halted by Prussian Blue Helmets in Beaufort.​

Now that the syndicalists had lost their main force, the fighting mostly stopped and remained limited to occasional skirmishes with guerrilla fighters. In the meantime, the South African regime passed several emergency laws to alleviate the pressure the financial crisis had had on the poorest. The UN’s peacekeeping mission lasted until August of 2009 when things had finally calmed down enough. South African President Zille came stronger out of the conflict than when she began her term and now turned her attention on improving the international image of the African country. By the 2010 World Cup, held in South Africa, all signs that a rebellion had occurred there were already gone. For Prussia, the Peacekeeping Mission was generally seen as a success. The syndicalists were defeated, casualties remained limited and trade relations with South Africa increased substantially. It did however leave a bitter taste in the mouth of the SAP, which saw a possible ally defeated by their own countrymen.

Prussian and South African troops quelling unrest in Springbok and Cape Town. In-game, the South Africans passed a reform which took away militancy and immediately ended rebel occupation.​

UN Peacekeeping Mission in Liberia – December 2009 – March 2010

In December, another African country made a request to the UN for a Peacekeeping Mission. This time it was Liberia who was dealing with syndicalist insurgents. Once again, President von Bismarck pressed for intervention to prevent syndicalism from coming closer to North Africa or even Europe proper. The situation in Liberia was even worse than earlier in South Africa. Because South Africa was a large country, the syndicalist uprising occupied a relatively small area. Liberia, however, was a small country and by the time Gerhard von Hortstein arrived in West Africa, rebels were already sieging down Monrovia. Von Hortstein was quick to act and landed in Monrovia to secure the capital against the syndicalists. In the battle that ensued, only 605 Prussians were killed and the rebel army was completely annihilated. Prussian troops stayed in Liberia until March of 2010, when the situation had calmed down again and other Blue Helmets could take over.

Liberian syndicalists are already sieging down the capital.​

But General von Hortstein comes to the rescue and manages to completely annihilate the rebels.​

The UN Peacekeeping Missions were two major victories for the War on Terror and caused President von Bismarck’s popularity to rise within Junkerpartei ranks. In syndicalist environments, however, the awful effects of the war were blown out of proportions and pictures of coffins returning to Prussia were widespread in syndicalist media. Supporters of Chancellor Korwin-Mikke and President von Bismarck generally spoke about the contribution Prussia was making to the global War on Terror and that the next step would be to end syndicalist terrorism in Europe.

 

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2006-2010: National News​

2006 Prussian Crown

The year was 2006 and it was time for another competition for the Prussian Crown again. Last time, Ostmark Danzig had been victorious and won the large sum of money associated with the Prussian Crown. Regular competition in the last five years saw several clubs become better as new players entered onto the stage. In particular, BuEV Danzig had come particularly close to several titles, and even managed to do well on the European stage. The first stage saw much less exciting matches compared to the last edition of the tournament. Only the duel between Königsberg and Breslau was a noteworthy one. Only in overtime did the final verdict fall, allowing Breslau to move on to the next stage. The quarter finals saw way more action than the first stage and had the first really exciting matches of the tournament. This included a rematch between Ostmark Danzig and BuEV Danzig, this time more unruly than last edition. The match had to be paused several times because of clashes between fans of both teams. Albrecht Schwartzmann himself was said to be among those injured by the small skirmishes. In the end, BuEV turned out to be too strong for Ostmark and went through to the semi-finals. Another major match in the quarter finals was Posen facing off against Stettin. Last time, Posen was defeated in the first stage, but this time they were dead-set on winning against Stettin which came second last time. Stettin took an early lead in the first half, but in the second half, some clever changes of players and positions gave Posen two beautiful goals on the counter. Posen went on to face off against BuEV Danzig, while Breslau and Oppeln faced off for the other spot in the finale. Posen’s tactical insight did not help them in the match against a fast and decisive Danzig team and in the end they went down valiantly against BuEV. Breslau on the other side easily defeated Oppeln, which came from a bracket of all relatively weak teams. And thus the finale of the 2006 Prussian Crown would be played in Königsberg between Borussia Breslau and BuEV Danzig. Danzig managed to attract many supporters for their cause in comparison to Breslau. Their speed and technical skills outclassed Breslau in the first half, giving them a head start of 2-0, but in the second half Breslau unexpectedly came back and managed to beat Danzig 2-3. Borussia Breslau had scored a goal in the last three minutes of the game, thus snatching away the victory from BuEV.

Königsberger Tiergarten celebrates 110th birthday – 2007

In 2007, the Königsberger Tiergarten, the zoo in the capital, celebrated its 110th birthday. Königsberger Tiergarten was one of the oldest zoos in Prussia and underwent major renovations in the last 15 years. Among the prized animals were Nanook the polar bear, Avi the Bengal tiger and Krisha the Indian elephant. Nanook was a recent addition to the zoo and was given as a gift by the Russian embassy in Königsberg. Not everyone is celebrating the zoo’s birthday though, as animal rights protestors have recently started a campaign, demanding the closure of the Königsberger Tiergarten. According to them, several animals would live in enclosures that were too small, including Nanook and his companion Aput. The zoo’s administration countered the protestors’ arguments and stated that the Tiergarten was vital for several international breeding programs and for educating people about the preciousness of life on planet Earth. GfP’s Margerete Weber motioned for an assessment of the zoo’s facilities, but failed to get the government on board. A reality tv series following several zoo keeper at the Tiergarten further downplayed the activists’ complaints and helped the zoo to regain the trust of the public.

Entrance of the Königsberger Tiergarten.​

Syndicalist Unions go on strike - 2008

In the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, several syndicalist unions went on strike following a statement made by the SAP’s Albrecht Schwartzmann on government policy. Their main complaint was that the government was doing everything to bail out banks, but did little to nothing to ease the issues of Prussia’s workers. The syndicalist action seemed to be a major miscalculation on the part of the union leaders though, as angered employers easily found unemployed people who were eager to replace the strikers. As a result, the strikes quickly died down due to lack of working class unity and the syndicalist unions had to look to other alternatives to achieve their goals. In one instance, a local union in a car factory in Posen took violent action against their employer. After several weeks of continuous lowered wages, the factory workers took matters in their own hands and occupied the factory, selling the cars they produced at a much lower price on the local market. After several days, their operation was shut down by the police, who arrested the ring leaders and charged them with burglary, theft and dealing on the black market. The SAP was furious and demanded the release of the prisoners, stating that they had simply expressed their right to go on strike.

Factory workers occupying a car factory in Posen.​

2010 Prussian Crown cancelled due to financial issues

The financial crisis of 2008 did not only affect the big banks and corporations, but also sport competitions like the Prussian Crown. In 2009 it was revealed that the tournament had been financially mismanaged for years and that it had failed to attract investors for the next five years. As a result, the big money prize that teams won at the end of the tournament could no longer be guaranteed. In a sad turn of events, the 2010 Prussian Crown had to be cancelled due to this, as even crowd-funding did not manage to save the competition from bankruptcy. The normal competition between Prussian football clubs still continued, but many smaller clubs felt the financial crisis and had to increase ticket prices. It remains to be seen whether or not the organization behind the Prussian Crown will recover from this and if the 2014 tournament will be able to go through.

 

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2006-2010: International News

 

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2010 Prussian Political Parties

Presidential Debate:

For the first time in Prussian history, the position of President was up for a direct election. Three candidates announced their bid for the position of Head of State. Obviously, sitting President Ferdinand von Bismarck sought re-election. He was challenged by former Chancellor Ludwig Walenstadt, who enjoyed the support of his own former party, the SDP, and of the SAP, who were eager to oust the current conservative president. The third candidate was a newcomer to politics; Olivia Vogelstein. Vogelstein was a prominent lawyer from Silesia who ran on the promise of protecting civic freedoms. According to her, the War on Terror had subverted the Prussian security system and had introduced a system which was not dissimilar from the old Volkspartei-era. In addition, Vogelstein sought to root out corruption that had been running through the highest ranks of the Landtag. The three candidates faced off against each other in a debate on national television.

[Jens Riewa]:
“Good evening and welcome to the very first presidential debate on Prussian national television. In tonight’s debate, President von Bismarck, former Chancellor Walenstadt and newcomer Olivia Vogelstein will answer your questions! Each candidate will get the same amount of time to speak. We politely ask that this time is respected. Without further ado, let’s get started. Our first question comes from Friedrich Buchenbach from Posen and goes as following: ‘My wife and I both work in a factory in the food sector. Since the crisis, both our wages have been steadily declining, despite the fact that we work in a vital sector and have been working overtime to make ends meet. What will you do as President to ensure that food arrives on our table?’ First up to answer is former Chancellor Walenstadt. The word is yours.”

[Ludwig Walenstadt]:
“Thank you, Jens. Now, let me start by pointing out that the powers of the President under the current Constitution are still fairly limited and mostly pertain to the military and foreign policy. This does not mean that the President would be unable to do anything about your situation, Mr. Buchenbach. As President, I would make sure that foreign policy is dominated by one simple principle. And that principle is that every action should take in mind the welfare of the people. Deals to outsource labour will not occur on my watch, nor will harmful trade wars be fought simply to outcompete with our neighbours. Instead I will seek to strengthen the position of the Prussian worker on the international labour market.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Mr. Walenstadt, I believe your time is up. President von Bismarck, the word is yours.”

[President Ferdinand von Bismarck]:
“I confer with the former Chancellor when he rightly pointed out that the powers of the President in this matter are limited. Yet as President, I will still ensure that the government does everything in its power to make sure our citizens have food on their table. The last few years have been hard on all of us and we all have to contribute if we want to make Prussia prosper again. Mr. Buchenbach, I understand that you have already made sacrifices, and so have many other in this country. This is what it means to be Prussian. We are ready to put the greater good above ourselves. If I get re-elected, I will make sure those sacrifices are not in vain. I will work tirelessly to promote our goods abroad, so that you, the worker, may profit from international trade as well. But I will also make sure that your wages and your livelihoods are protected from foreign threats such as unfair competition.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Unfortunately, your time is up Mr. President. Mrs. Vogelstein, the floor is yours, we are listening.”

[Olivia Vogelstein]:
“Thank you, Mr. Riewa. Mr. Buchenbach’s problems are typical for the average working class Prussian. Thousands of people are suffering from the economic policies of our government, while some members of the Landtag make millions from shady business deals or positions in advisory boards of companies. Even the SAP is not free of this sin. As President I will see to it as my duty that these kind of practices will end. I will use everything in my power to expose the corruption that is running rampant through our system, so that it may be rooted out by the proper authorities. Only by ensuring the health of our political class, can we ensure the health of our working classes. And only then will this country be a country where all Prussian could say ‘I am proud to be Prussian’.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you for your answer, Mrs. Vogelstein. Now on to the next question. This one comes from Heinrich Müller from Danzig. And he wants to know what your opinion is one EU membership. Mr. President, let’s hear your answer first.”

[President Ferdinand von Bismarck]:
“The European Union over the last few years has proven both a strong and a weak political and economical bloc. On the one hand, countries who have joined the EU have seen an immense economic growth. Being part of a unified free trade zone has definitely proven its worth for these countries. On the other hand, there is the fact that the Byzantine Debt Crisis dragged almost all of Europe down with it. As a result, countries like Germany have given massive loans to their unstable southern neighbours. Joining the EU comes with a lot of benefits, but also with a cost. As President I rely on the goodwill of the government and so I will not push for EU membership if that is not what the next government wants. But if the next government decides that EU membership is the path that Prussia will take, then I as President will make sure that will happen in the most efficient way possible.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you Mr. President. Mrs. Vogelstein, what is your view on EU membership?”

[Olivia Vogelstein]:
“Whatever people may claim on both sides on the political spectrum, Prussia is a European country and belongs within the continental system of peace established by the EU. Not everyone may agree to the extent to which the EU has expanded both geographically and politically in the last few decades, but it has proven to be a power for lasting peace in Europe. Unlike Russia, the EU has extended its hands to cooperate with countries for trade, foreign policy, infrastructure etc. The EU’s programs are so successful that they are even able to put people into space, and that since 1975! Prussia could only benefit from EU membership. If our politicians weren’t blindsided by nationalistic rhetoric, maybe we could’ve put a Prussian in space already, who knows.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you for your contribution, Mrs. Vogelstein. Mr. Walenstadt, what would your position regarding the EU be if you became President?”

[Ludwig Walenstadt]:
“Well Jens, European integration is inevitable if Prussia wants to stay on top. We are now surrounded on all sides by members of the European Union. For now, Prussia is in a favourable spot due to our good relations with Germany, but what would happen once that changes? Prussian goods would be affected more and more by EU tariffs. Prussian workers would have a harder time competing with EU workers on the European labour market. Prussian foreign policy would be marginalized because we aren’t relevant without a huge political bloc to back us. In my opinion, the EU has a lot of things to offer to us. Being part of the trade bloc that is the EU will not only benefit our industry, but also our farmers. Within the context of the EU, products like milk and grain enjoy a large extent of protection against foreign competition, primarily from the United States. Prussia on its own is way too vulnerable to external pressure to keep such protective measures in place. EU membership will allow the Prussian economy to flourish and thus as President I will do everything in my power to see to it that Prussia follows the path of European integration.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you, Mr. Walenstadt. Now for our last question we turn to Ahmed al-Hamid, an Algerian refugee who currently resides in Königsberg. His question goes as following: ‘As President, what would your take on the War on Terror be?’ Former Chancellor Walenstadt, you are up first.”

[Ludwig Walenstadt]:
“The War on Terror as it is currently being handled in Prussia is a terrible mistake. These past few years, a substantial amount of Prussian soldiers have lost their lives in missions abroad. While I understand that a soldier’s duty is protecting the homeland from foreign threats, I do not believe interfering in the politics of another country under the guise of a UN Peacekeeping Mission falls under that category. What you have done, Mr. President, is simply an abuse of your power to make yourself popular with the American President and his allies. Under my presidency, I will not allow such things to happen again. The only way to deal with international terrorism is by taking away the reasons why such terrorism occurs in the first place. We must set up humanitarian missions instead of sending soldiers to their deaths. If terrorists seek to overthrow dictatorships, we must see to it that those countries can transform into democracies without the use of violence. A War on Terror will do nothing but further antagonize the people of the Arab world against the West. And that will only drive them towards either Russia or Iran.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Unfortunately your time is up. Mr. President, what is your response to Mr. Walenstadt?”

[President Ferdinand von Bismarck]:
“Your claims are outrageous, Mr. Walenstadt. Prussia’s contributions to the two UN Peacekeeping Missions in Africa were a vital part of the international War on Terror. Under no circumstance did I use it to strengthen my own position or to make myself popular abroad. The international community is coming together once again to end the threat that is syndicalism. Prussia has seen its fair share of violence from syndicalist terrorists and as President I have done everything within my power to prevent a further escalation of terrorism inside and outside our borders. In the future I plan on continuing our cooperation with the UN and with other powers to further counter the spread of international syndicalist terrorism. As Commander in Chief I will promise to keep our soldiers from further harm by further modernizing our tactics and our equipment, so that our armies may adapt fully to the tactics used by guerrilla fighters.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you for your contribution, Mr. President. I’ll repeat the question for you, Mrs. Vogelstein. What is your view on the War on Terror and what will you do about it should you become President?”

[Olivia Vogelstein]:
“The War on Terror has been a disaster for this government. Not only did they send our soldiers on a reckless mission abroad, but they are slowly subverting our democracy in the process. There were no checks and balances when President von Bismarck sent those men to Africa, so what will prevent him from doing so in the future? The loss of human lives and the infringement on our rights prove to me that the War on Terror is just a way for the old habits of the Volkspartei regime to return to Prussian politics. In the process, corruption is allowed to flourish as long as it remains undetected. As President I will prevent that lives are needlessly lost in foreign battlefields and I will ensure that our freedoms will not be further infringed upon.”

[Jens Riewa]:
“Thank you Mrs. Vogelstein. I believe this concludes this very first presidential debate in Prussian history. We thank our candidates and our viewership and we hope to see you in the next debate.”

Voting is open until Friday May 8th 2PM CEST
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[SibCDC]

2010 Election Results and the 1st Tusk Cabinet​

Election news coverage

Hello and welcome to this special news edition, completely dedicated to the results of the 2010 elections. My name is Jens Riewa and I will be your host for tonight. Just mere weeks ago, we aired the first ever presidential debate on our TV station and now we will have our first democratically elected President. But before we announce which candidate came on top, let’s first have a look at the results for the Landtag. With all of the votes counted, it is clear that a major shift has occurred in Prussian politics. Not since our first election has a party ever been able to obtain more than 130 seats, but this time the Christian Democrats have done just that. With an incredible 36,4% of the electorate, they have overtaken the JP and SAP to become the largest party in Prussia. While the SAP remained stagnant, it appears the JP and the SDP have lost a lot of voters to the CD.P. With almost 20% of the electorate changing their vote in comparison to last elections, this is a truly significant shift in the Landtag. Once again, the GfP was unable to reach the 5% threshold and thus unable to win any seats.

If we have a look at the possible coalitions these results give us, it becomes clear that the CD.P will be the leading party in the next government. To obtain a majority they require 44 seats, which gives them two realistic possibilities. Either they continue their partnership with the Junkerpartei, which would give them a comfortable 219 seats to rely on, or they form a coalition with the SDP and LPP which puts them at 176, leaving them with a vulnerable close majority. With the CD.P now in a strong position, it is highly likely they will push their agenda during coalition talks, instead of being the JP’s lapdog.

Let’s now have a look at the results of the Presidential elections. Three candidates entered the arena to in the bid for presidency; President Ferdinand von Bismarck, former Chancellor Ludwig Walenstadt and independent runner Olivia Vogelstein. In our voting system, which uses instant runoff voting, a candidate requires a simple majority of the votes to win. If that is not obtained in a first round, then the candidate with the least amount votes drops out of the race and the second choices of his or her voters will obtain their votes. That continues until one candidate has a simple majority. In the case of these elections, no second round was needed, as sitting President Ferdinand von Bismarck won with 61% of the votes. Former Chancellor Walenstadt was able to obtain 29%, while newcomer Olivia Vogelstein came third with 9,7%. With this clear mandate, President von Bismarck will begin his second term as President of Prussia.

We thank our viewers for tuning into our evening show. This has been Jens Riewa reporting on the election results live from Königsberg.

Coalition talks

Coalition talks began very quickly after the results were made public. Josef Tusk of the CD.P was appointed as formateur by President von Bismarck and begin the coalition talks by inviting Korwin-Mikke. Korwin-Mikke was eager to continue the coalition between the CD.P and JP, but his head was still occupied with the scenario where the JP was the biggest partner. The disillusion came quick as Tusk presented his demands. According to Tusk, he was given a clear demand by the people to start the process of German reunification. Tusk presented Korwin-Mikke with a choice; a JP-CD.P coalition would either work towards a hard version of German unification, where Prussia would fully be integrated into Germany, or the coalition would work towards a softer version where Prussia would first join the EU. Tusk made it clear that if the JP decided to bail out, there were enough other partners who would be willing to go for the hard version. Tusk knew perfectly well that the Junkers would rather join the EU and still have say over a lot of things, than being integrated in Germany and losing all say over a lot of things. Korwin-Mikke reluctantly opened up towards the idea of European integration, but he demanded some guarantees. One of them was that if Prussia were to start the procedure to become an EU member state, the final decision would be made by a referendum. Tusk was confident enough that such a referendum would pass, if the pro-EU side would form a unilateral front. Another condition was that Prussia would not enter the eurozone within the next five to ten years, so that the government might still adjust monetary policy in response to the economic crisis. Discussions quickly passed on to the continuing War on Terror. Korwin-Mikke was clear by saying that the threat of syndicalist terrorism remained. Tusk agreed to some degree with Korwin-Mikke, but disagreed with the way Prussia was dealing with it. While Prussia was already sharing information with organizations such as Interpol and Europol, and measures had been taken to assure data cohesion between national and international databases, Tusk felt that Prussia would benefit more from more direct cooperation with NATO. Being absent from NATO’s most recent summit was certainly a missed opportunity for the previous government to arrange some international deals that would severely limit the capability of terrorists to act across borders in Europe. Should any NATO summit occur during the next government’s tenure, Tusk wanted Prussia to attend. Korwin-Mikke could agree to the idea of just attending to see which deals were available, but fully joining NATO was out of the question. And so in the end the CD.P and the JP agreed on the following policy outlines:

• The process to become an EU-member state will be initiated and ratified by referendum
• The War on Terror will continue and Prussia will increase cooperation with NATO
• Prussia will undergo austerity measures to deal with the economic crisis

The SDP and SAP join forces and form the Popular Front

Under the leadership of Patrick Schwarzenegger, the Social Democrats of the SDP have failed time and time again to reinvigorate the party. As a result, Presidential candidate and former Chancellor Ludwig Walenstadt has urged Schwarzenegger to discuss a possible merger with the SAP. Under the name of the Popular Front, the SAP and SDP would not run in the same districts in order to prevent competing for the same seats. Schwarzenegger, Walenstadt and Schwartzmann met to discuss the proposal and to outline the strategy that both of the parties would adopt as opposition in the Landtag. Without formally merging, the SAP and SDP agreed on a more pro-EU stance to try and drive a wedge between the Europhilic CD.P and the Europhobic JP. Unbeknownst to the syndicalists and social democrats at the time, the CD.P and JP had in fact agreed on beginning the process of European integration. In addition, the SDP and SAP would also jointly organize their workers’ unions should the need for a general strike arise. The goal in the end would be to establish the Popular Front as the voice of the people against any government policy that would make it harder for the people at the bottom.