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Labour Ballot: Leighton

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Sexual Offenses Act: Aye
Local Authority in England: Aye
Local Authority in Wales: Aye
Local Authority in Scotland: Aye
House of Lords Election Act: Aye
(Politician)
(Cabinet Minister: +2 PP)
 
Sexual Offenses Act: Aye
Local Authority in England: Aye
Local Authority in Wales: Aye
Local Authority in Scotland: Aye
House of Lords Election Act: Aye

(Politician)
(Prime Minister +4 PP)
(Social Warrior + 1 PP)
 
((Private - Labour Party))

Labour Ballot: Leighton

I am most grateful to Mr Harwick and Mr Monaghan for their generous endorsements. I truly believe that this election shall result in a strong and united Labour, revitalised by rigorous debate, and ready to face the future of socialism in Britain.

---

Sexual Offenses Act: Aye
Local Authority in England: Aye
Local Authority in Wales: Aye
Local Authority in Scotland: Aye
House of Lords Election Act: Aye

[Politician]
[Cabinet Minister +2 PP,
Eloquent Rhetorician +1 PP]


Rt Hon Sylvia Leighton PC MP
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
Member for Sutton and Cheam​
 

Thornbloom as President of the Board of Trade in 1964​


Name: David Matthew Thornbloom
Born: April 22nd 1921
Died: January 16th 2010 (89)
Profession: Politician, Writer, Journalist, Civil Servant
Alma mater: Trinity College, Oxford University
Political Party: Conservative and Unionist Party (1945-2015)
Spouse: Sarah Thornbloom (née MacDuncan) (1951 - died 2013)
Children: Oscar Anthony Thornbloom Jr. (Born 1953), Elizabeth Mary Thornbloom (Born 1956)
Religion: Anglican
Constituency: Salisbury

Bio:

David Matthew Thornbloom was born to Elizabeth “Betty” Thornbloom (née Paisley) and Reverand Oscar Thornbloom, the minister of the St. Mary and St. Nicholas Church in Wilton and a close advisor to the Bishop of Salisbury, on April 22nd 1921 in Wilton, near Salisbury. David grew up in his birth place of Wilton, a community hard hit by the Great Depression, and would forever remember his father’s and the Bishop’s work for and charity to the poor in Wilton and Salisbury and cooperation with the local unions, at a time of great political instability.

The years after the 1929 Wall Street Crash would have an enormous impact on his ideological thought, as he became convinced that it was the duty of the community (note not necessarily the State) should provide for the deprived and work to create a future in which all can provide for themselves and the community. However, as David grew up between the hard truths of the Great Depression, a storm was brewing across the Channel as Chamberlain’s appeasement politics failed to give provide the people of Europe peace in our time. When war was declared, David joined the Royal Air Force and became one of the young pilots in the 521st Fighter Squadron, stationed in the Greater London Area, where he would fly sorties during the Battle of Britain and the first years of the war, after which taking part in the D-Day landing and the subsequent campaigns from Normandy to Germany. During his time in Europe he became increasingly convinced that cooperation between European nations - for which he envisioned British leadership - was a vital part of maintaining peace and prosperity in Europe and with it Britain.

After the war, he returned to the United Kingdom, where he won a place in the Trinity College Economics class, what he would study combined with Philosophy and Theology to, in his own words, “be truly ready for life”. He combined his academic works with the Oxford Union, where he was one of the more eloquent speakers from conservative origins and became good friends with the Oxford Union President and fellow, albeit more socialist and radical, Christian Democrat, Anthony Benn. After his studies he was offered a job at the Treasury as one of the many financial consultants. During his time at the Treasury he met his future wife Sarah MacDuncan, whom he married in 1951. He resigned his office at the Treasury in 1956 to become a commentator for fiscal affairs for the Times and biographer of former Prime Ministers Benjamin Disraeli and Ramsay MacDonald. Many contemporary historians laud Thornbloom’s biographies for their meticulous scholarship and his clear and objective presentation of complex events. After the retirement of the Conservative Member of Parliament for Salisbury in 1959, Thornbloom was approached by the local Conservative leadership with the question whether he wished to run under the Conservative Ticket. Thornbloom, who had been interested in politics for much of the adult life and member of the Conservative Party since his decommission after the end of the Second World War, happily accepted. Thornbloom was elected with a large majority, as Salisbury was one of the safest seats of the Conservative and Unionist Party, in 1959.

His time in the House was marked with support of constructive welfare reforms, fiscally sound government spending and support for local communities. His time as backbencher came to an end when he was elected Chairman of the Christian Democratic Fellowship in 1961. In reaction to the growing popularity of Thornbloom and his quite acceptable record as both economist and parliamentarian, he was appointed Shadow President of the Board of Trade in early 1963 during a Shadow Cabinet reshuffle. Following the 1964 General Election, in which Labour was defeated after Bennett was deposed as Leader of the Labour Party, and the Conservatives were returned to power after a decade, Thornbloom was appointed President of the Board of Trade and would embark on grand projects of deregulation and privatization.

After defeat of the Conservative Party in 1966, the Party elected the former Environment Minister and self-proclaimed Green Conservative as Leader, with Thornbloom coming second on the ballot. This would mark the beginning of stenious relationship, with lead to Thornbloom's exclusion out of government from 1970 to 1973. He successful negotiated the Party's return to the centre-right, which prevented the defeat of the Party as Ryley had become one of the most unpopular Prime Ministers of all time. He would continue his return to power by becomin Chancellor of the Exchequer and eventually played a pivotal role in removing Ryley from power. Again he became second in the ensuing leadership contest, as Lochlan Fitzpatrick became Prime Minister, but due to their friendship did not strain their relationship in government. As Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Secretary of State, Thornbloom is now the second most influential man in Britsh politics and some have even styled Fitzpatrick as Thornbloom's public face, while the Chancellor pulls all the strings in affairs of government.

After Fitzpatrick's suprise resignation in February 1982, Thornbloom was widely tipped as his successor. With overwhelming support on the first ballot, a difference of 200 votes with the next contender, Thornbloom was elected Leader of the Conservative and Unionist Party, after three leadership spills. Thornbloom was the first Englishman to hold the office in nearly two decades and the first fiscal conservative to unite the Party behind him. Later that day, Thornbloom was asked to form a government by the Queen, to which he happily complied.

His six-year premiership and shock fifth election win proved a breeding ground for neoconservative thought from the United States. Throughout Thornbloom’s premiership, Britain confronted hyper-neoliberalism in economics and stern conservatism on the domestic and international politics, where Thornbloom refused to compromise on Britain’s intricate (and polarizing) Commonwealth African League or in Northern Ireland. Thornbloom’s long-sought premiership was among the most divisive in British politics; for some it was a time of “Milk and Honey” and for others it was antithetical to the dreams of the Monaghanite era. But after twenty-years of Conservative leadership, the public’s tolerance grew thin, and Thornbloom’s successor, Margaret Thatcher, was defeated in the 1989 General Election.

Thornbloom would serve in various public offices as The Lord Thornbloom of Wilton until his retirement in 1998. His public apperances began to decline in number as the new century progressed due to increasing Alzheimer's, he would eventually succumb on January 16th 2010, his state funeral was one of the more controversial topics of the year.

Styles of Address:
Mr. David M. Thornbloom (1921-1951)
Mr. David M. Thornbloom FRS FRES (1951-1959)
The Hon. David M. Thornbloom MP FRS FRES (1959-1964)
The Rt. Hon. David M. Thornbloom MP PC FRS FRES (1964-1988)
The Rt. Hon. The Lord Thornbloom of Wilton KG OBE PC FRS FRES (1989-2015)

Offices held:
Flight Lieutenant of the 521st Fighter Squadron (1943-1945)
Member of Parliament for Salisbury (1959-1989)
Chairman of the Christian Democratic Fellowship (1961-1969)
Shadow President of the Board of Trade (1963-1964)
President of the Board of Trade (1964-1966)
Chancellor of the Exchequer (1966, 1969-1970, 1973-1982)
Shadow Foreign Secretary (1966-1969)
First Secretary of State (1979-1982)
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (1982-1989)
Leader of Her Majesty's Most Loyal Opposition in the House of Lords (1990-1996)
Leader of the House of Lords (1996-1998)

Military Service Record:
Allegiance: United Kingdom, British Empire
Branch: Royal Air Force, Fighter Command
Years of Service: 1939-1945
Rank: Flight Lieutenant
Unit: 521st Fighter Squadron

Medals and Awards:
War Medal 1939-1945 (1945)
1939-1945 Star with the Battle of Britain Clasp (1945)
France and Germany Star (1945)
Distinguished Flying Cross and Bar (1945)
Fellow of the Royal Society (1951)
Fellow of the Royal Economic Society (1951)

Bibliography:
Der alte Jude, das ist der Mann Disraeli: A Biography (1958)
Labour's First Prime Minister MacDonald: A Biography (1960)

My Previous Character
The Rt. Hon. Dr. Professor Sir Arthur George Bennett KG OBE PC FRS FRIC
 
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"Mr. Speaker,

As I believe today's session will be one of the Prime Minister's last as Leader of this Government, it would be incredibly discourteous of myself not to say a few words in respect of his long and admirable service to Her Majesty and the House of Commons.

I will not make insincere flatteries in saying that I consider him a political hero whilst holding a knife behind my back, as other members have done in the previous weeks. I believe that I, along with most of this House, owe his distinguished and honourable service far better than that. I disagreed with him on a great many topics, and I disagreed with him in the manner that he may have run this Country, and I fear that our relationship outside of this dispatch box may be little more than professional courtesies. To claim anything else would be an act of immense disrespect to a Prime Minister whom valued sincerity of belief above all else.

However, there is one thing I admire in our Prime Minister, and that is that there is no other man in this house whom can boast of such undeniable integrity. He is a man who knew his principles, and believed that it was his God-given duty to fulfill those principles with the offices he was elected to. While it may have granted him the ire of his own party, whom have acted most discourteously in their unceremonious ejection of their long-serving Prime Minister, I believe history will be more flattering to his refusal to water-down his principles. I doubt there is a single Member present who does not feel as if the Prime Minister has not acted as a source of inspiration in that regard.

As such, I wish to personally commend the Prime Minister for his admirable service, and wish him the best of luck in his future endeavors."
 
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Mr. Speaker,

I wish to thank the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite for these very kind words. It has been a pleasure to serve with him during my Premiership and I wish him wisdom and patience in the future endeavours, as I, at the end of my Premiership, see them depleted in those that have stood at the helm of this nation. Before I must retire myself to the backbenches, I wish to take this moment to thank and remember a wide range of ambitious, visionary and wise men and women whom I had the pleasure to work with.

I wish to take this moment to remember the late Chancellor of the Exchequer for his service as wise political councillor, orator, chancellor and one of my dearest friends, I can but only say that he will sorely be missed, not only by his family but also by the whole House. I wish to remember the late Home Secretary for his service to the Labour Party and the nation, not only as Member of Parliament or Secretary of State, but also for his ideological vigour equated by none, which held not only the Leaders of the Labour Party but this entire House to account.

I wish to thank Mr. Marr for his incredible work with me during his time in the House of Commons and as my Foreign Minister, who now works, with his writings, to better Britain from outside this House, most probably a venerable venture. I wish to thank Sir Staines for his service as Director of Communications in both the recent Labour Cabinets and the Attlee Government as he has undoubtedly changed the way in which we conduct politics for the better. I wish to thank my Cabinet, who have continiously served me for little less than a decade, and have toiled and laboured for a better future for Britain.

I came into office with high hopes for Britain's future. I leave it with even higher hopes for Britain's future. I can, as just one man, but only wish this sprawling nation, in process of reinventing itself in this new world, may stand united in both pleasure and peril and forever guard the princples we hold so dear, both in and outside this House. Thank you

Arthur Bennett MP
 
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Reactions:
Mr Speaker,

I am sure that the House is most touched by the tribute to the Prime Minister by the Rt Hon Member for Chelsea. On the sorrowful occasion of the departure of my Rt Hon Friend for Islington North, I am glad to see that its spirit transcends the partisan divide. I concur with the Gentleman that my Rt Hon Friend's service to this country has been long and admirable.

I could not hope to match the Leader of the Opposition in sinuous speech, so allow me to offer a brief expression of gratitude to my Rt Hon Friend, not just on behalf of the Labour Party, but personally. His reign in government has been long and fruitful. The achievements of the past nine years are beyond calculation. He has always acted in moderation, with prudence and careful consideration. He shall be sorely missed.

I wish to share a personal anecdote, which I believe that Mr Marr - whom my Rt Hon Friend has mentioned - once told me. During the prelude to the election of 1959, Mr Marr and the Rt Hon Member for Islington North had been discussing the timing of the election. There had been much discussion in the Cabinet about when to schedule the election, bearing in mind the electorate of the Labour Party. The Rt Hon Member responded, "This is not how democracy should work." He had not a single shred of guile in his person. A truly remarkable achievement, we should all agree, for a man who rose to become the premier of this country.

I wish the best of fortune to my Rt Hon Friend, as he chooses to spend more time with his family, and to rest on the laurels of his admirable Administration.


Rt Hon Sylvia Leighton PC MP
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
Member for Sutton and Cheam​
 
Labour Ballot: Leighton

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Sexual Offenses Act: Aye
Local Authority in England: Nay
Local Authority in Wales: Nay
Local Authority in Scotland: Nay
House of Lords Election Act: Nay

[Politician]
[No Bonus]

~ Stephen Harwick, Labour MP for Newport
 
Labour Ballot: Leighton

---
Sexual Offenses Act: Aye
Local Authority in England: Aye
Local Authority in Wales: Aye
Local Authority in Scotland: Aye
House of Lords Election Act: Nay

[Politician]
[Cabinet Minister +2 PP]
 
Mr. Speaker,

While I do hate following such a heartfelt farewell with cynicism, I suspect that the Honourable Member for the Scottish Combined Universities is in quite an unhappy state at this time. Certainly, I would be just as upset if I saw a major organization, the Labour Party, be so spineless as to reject a proposal when it comes from the Honourable Gentleman, yet gladly pass it when it comes directly from the Labour leadership. While I support the Wales Act - it follows the intent of the original proposal - I must ask the question: can't men and women have some principles in this world?

Talfryn Ryley
MP for Monmouth
 
Labour Ballot: Leighton
---
Sexual Offenses Act: Aye
Local Authority in England: Abstain
Local Authority in Wales: Abstain
Local Authority in Scotland: Abstain
House of Lords Election Act: Aye

(Politician)

John Epping, Labour MP for Redcar
 
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So labor fell apart? That's what happens with socialists I guess.

-Jeremy McCoy

Sexual Offences Act: Nay
Local Authority Reforms (All): Nay
House of Lords Election Act: Nay, Nay, Nay, and Nay!

[Politician]
 
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Sexual Offenses Act: Yes
The Local Authority Reform (In England) Act 1964: Aye
The Local Authority Reform (In Wales) Act 196: Aye
The Local Authority Reform (In Scotland) Act 1964: Aye
House of Lords Election Act: Aye

[Politician]
[Highland Liberal +1 PP]

"I wuld leik eit tae be knoown tha't eit eis my full intant tae hav local alacshuns taek place on tha recomandashuns put forward bye tha vary commishun th'at drew tha seets."
~Robert MacAlastair
 
An Afternoon with T. R. Jacobs

HezzaM4.jpg


___
​
It is a rainy day in rural Dorset. In a rather understated cottage, Mrs. Jacobs fussily insists that we - that being myself and Mr. Jacobs - keep our muddy boots on the doormat, as he had just taken me on a tour of the nearby villages. Five years ago, Mr. Jacobs and his cottage were a near irrelevancy, an anomaly on the edge of the political system. Now, with the Conservatives, and Jacobs personally, rising through the approval polls - overtaking Labour for the first time in years - and a leadership crisis at the heart of the Government, Mr. Jacobs is poised to reshape the political landscape of Britain. Eventually, over tea and biscuits, Mr. Jacobs concedes to my nagging and talks about politics. "Westminster has a problem," he begins, "in that it values big ideas over the actual process of governing. Somewhere between here and Attlee's grand social revolution, we have forgotten that governing means managing a lot of issues that are not particularly theatrical or legacy worthy, but nonetheless matter to a lot of people and the Country."

However, I am not sated. As anyone who has watched the news knows, the Prime Minister has all but resigned after a series of damaging resignations and an unsuccessful no confidence vote which lead to the termination of the Liberal-Labour Alliance. Mr. Jacobs had already made a speech commemorating Dr. Bennett to Parliament earlier this week, which was well received on both sides of the Chamber - one which predicted history would exonerate Bennett, and perhaps implied that history may not be so lenient on those that cast him out. "I think that, if I were a Labour Party voter, I would be very upset about the way the Labour Party has treated the Prime Minister," he said, "I would certainly be asking very serious questions about whether I could trust these people."

I pressed for a further comment, eager to hear his own thoughts. Mr. Jacobs had, after all, tried to have the Prime Minister dethroned in a no-confidence vote only a few months prior. "There's a very substantial difference between Dr. Bennett going head-to-head with my party in a General Election to prove his mandate, and Dr. Bennett being stabbed in Pompey's Theatre by his own cabinet," he said. "There is a very dishonourable feel to this, that some rather ambitious people in the Labour Party voted in confidence to the Prime Minister, only to immediately oust him when the risk of losing the vote is gone - especially when the Prime Minister was only a pithy 2 points behind in the polls. It was a cynical ploy for the sake of power and personal aggrandisement. And unfortunately for those people, I believe their gambit is going to backfire spectacularly in the public consciousness."

Indeed, many political insiders believe that abandoning Dr. Bennett - whom still had substantial personal popularity with sections of the public - only a year before the end-date for this session of Parliament is going to hinder, rather than help, the Labour Party. And the Conservative Party, in a reversal of fates, now boasts a far stronger leadership than it did in the previous election - where Mr. Jacobs took custodianship of the party following the tragic death of the late Sir Gibbons. Mr. Jacobs has presented himself as a reformer of the party, having cast out some of the more antiquated elements and reorganised it into a viable modern political organisation. Mumblings amongst the Westminster community have implied that the Conservative Party has signed on former proteges of the infamous Sir Johnathon Staines, Dr Bennett's former "spin-doctor", and that preliminary preparations for the next election campaign have already begun.

On the topic of Bennett's successor - which has been all but confirmed to be the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Ms. Sylvia Leighton - Jacobs has only this to say: "Nobody involved with the Bennett Affair is likely to escape with their reputation intact - I hope for their sake, whoever in the Labour Party succeeds the Prime Minister, that they are ready to face the upcoming storm."
 
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Labour Ballot: Leighton

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Sexual Offenses Act: Aye
Local Authority in England: Aye
Local Authority in Wales: Aye
Local Authority in Scotland: Aye
House of Lords Election Act: Aye

Trade unionist
+1PP
 
oHwWRPF.png

LABOUR DOWN 8! AU REVOIR DR. B.
​
The Labour Party slumped to its lowest poll ratings in nearly a decade after a string of destructive resignations and internal dissent forced Dr. Bennett to announce his resignation as Labour Leader. After nearly nine-years in power, the Prime Minister was violently deposed from power on account of his repetitive and feeble legislative agenda, which merely replicated Commons' bills that were defeated last session. The acrimonious resignation from the President of the Board of Trade, followed by political treachery on account of the Foreign Secretary, has exposed a serious rift in the Labour Party. Mail analysts believe that conflict over the Labour Party's approach to socialism has fueled the civil war, although some claim personal conflicts in cabinent have been the primary catalyst. Nevertheless, the British public, which supported the Labour Party for the duration of Dr. Bennett's leadership, are now reeling from the Labour divisions. A Mail survey put the Labour Party at 38% with other polls indicating a similar collaspe in support...

​
 
Lachlan Barclay, sitting in a Scottish train, folds up today's paper.

Excuse me ma'm, I see you've finished your paper as well. Would you mind trading your Daily Mail for my Guardian?

"Nae at aw, sairrr, gang reit aheid!"

Ah, hmm... it seems Jacobs and the Tories are causing a ruckus again. One does wonder how they manage it every time. Bennett steps down for being unpopular and now - heh! - they try and sell him stepping down as an unpopular move! Alas, Leighton will show 'em. She's an iron lady, you know.

"Ho ye, sairrr? Aam afraid Ah usually skip th' political pieces. Bit tay borin' tae mah taste, ye ken."

Oh that's quite alright, thanks for the paper anyway.
 

RadioTimes_zpsi2xpo6ht.jpg


​
New Society, presented by former foreign secretary Parris Marr and produced by Hugh Burnett (Face to Face), was a British current affairs magazine programme that aired on BBC TV between 1961 and 1964, before moving to the newly-created BBC2 as its flagship current affairs programme between 1964 and 19XX. The themes explored on the programme were often controversial and separated the programme from others of the time.

The programme's format was never rigid, though each half-hour episode generally featured numerous segments including comment on current affairs by Marr and guests; documentary expositions of pertinent societal issues; interviews with notable figures; a cultural review and musical performances. Notable guests included Sir John Wolfenden, who appeared on the programme's first episode to discuss the decriminalisation of homosexuality; playwright and dramaturge Kenneth Tynan, who, whilst being interviewed by Marr about theatre censorship in 1962, became one of the first people to say ‘fuck’ on national television; novelist and poet Sylvia Plath, whose novel The Bell Jar was featured in an episode broadcast only weeks before her suicide in February 1963; and The Beatles, who gave one of their first television performances on the programme.​
 
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