More pictures! Otherwise interesting... One could apply more airpower on the Russia hords...
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Metatrone: ...Hitler was, however, delighted with the conduct of Rommel, constantly harassing the Russians, in line with Hitlers wishes.
spoiling attacks for no gain? ? not good.
excellent use of pics! !
that said, may i suggest that your pics have captions unless something in the pic serves as a caption. for the most part, the maps contain said information...
how many CAS formations do you have? from what i have read in other AARs, CAS are much better than TAC in destroying combat formations. and, certainly, from a cost effective standpoint. what is your research on aircraft?
may i request a translation of the lessor known German words?
a most excellent AAR ! !
spoiling attacks for no gain? ? not good.excellent use of pics! !
that said, may i suggest that your pics have captions unless something in the pic serves as a caption. for the most part, the maps contain said information...
how many CAS formations do you have? from what i have read in other AARs, CAS are much better than TAC in destroying combat formations. and, certainly, from a cost effective standpoint. what is your research on aircraft?
may i request a translation of the lessor known German words?
a most excellent AAR ! !
Having received authorization from Hitler, the Kreigsmarine in the Black Sea, initiated their preparations and planning for a possible evacuation by see of elements of Heeresgruppe Don. Von Flock had been appointed to coordinate the planning between the Kriegsmarine, the Romanian Navy and Heeresgruppe Don. Von Flock sent the following message to von Manstein:
Upon receiving the above, von Manstein thought it wise to tie a naval-liaisons-officer to his own staff, and did immediately contact Jodl back in Berlin in order to have von Flock transferred.
Von Flocks previous message sent to Von Manstein had also been spread to the Luftwaffe from Luftwaffe-officers in the staff of Heeresgruppe Don.
During the part of the night through which he had slept the steady flow of information had of course continued without let up. He glanced through the pages while eating some breakfast rustled up by one of the women typists, his orderly having been sent to secure transport for the journey to Luftwaffe HQ. Therefore his eye was taken by what could only be described as an angry tirade from the Oberkommando der Luftwaffe complaining that the Navy had been used to transport the bulk of the five Fallschirm-Jager-Divisionen and their heavy equipment; most worrying however were part of the content regarding the Luftwaffes will to support von Manstein.
As he left the command bunker, still thinking about the received message from Oberst Potskim the first fingers of dawn were breaking through the darkness in the east.
However no fingers of light were to appear in his relationship with the local Luftwaffe, who were apparently under orders to divert all resources into supplying the paratroopers in Rostov and encircled troops in the Centre of the Front by air, as well as being ready to fly offensive combat missions. No amount of reason could make them appreciate the vital role of the Romanian transports for further offensive and defensive operations. There was nothing for it but to make a report to Oberkommando der Marine, as if this attitude spread to other theatres it would be disastrous for the operational role of the Kriegsmarine. And engage in some serious ‘buttering-up’ of a few officers.
As he was leaving, the air-raid sirens went, and almost simultaneously the first bombs started to fall and a flack gun 30metres away opened up: Ivan’s low-level raid seemed to have caught everyone unawares. Perhaps not realising it was the gun that had opened up, his orderly wrestled him to the grouund. By now the gunners had woken up and more and more let rip. So much shrapnel and spent cases were flying about that it seemed safer to run for the nearest shelter than the car.
The shelter shook with each blast of the flack-gun, and everynow and then shrapnel drummed on the roof. “Draussen ist die Hoelle auf Erden. (It is hell on earth out there)”, someone said.
“Don’t worry,” said von Flock, “It will soon be over.”
As soon as things had died down they went back to their car to find it part covered in brick dust and fragments as a result of shrapnel hitting a nearby wall. Never mind it was still driveable…
Upon reaching the Naval Command Bunker however a scene of devastation greeted them, and it took a few moments to get one’s bearings and realise that the entrance was now buried under tonnes of fallen masonry.
“No chance of getting down there Sir” said a military policeman, “It will take us days to clear a way”
Conscious that the order to evacuate might come within 24 hours von Flock said:
“There are women down there, to say nothing of vital war documents. It must be a priority… I will get some sailors to help.”
Only now did he realise that there must be emergency exits from the bunker, but where they were he had no idea…
Later some kind semblance of normality had returned, though efforts continued to reach several personnel believed trapped at the bottom of the main access shaft.
The following message was handed to von Flock:
I have formally offered you a position in my General Staff as a Major General… Only the Fuhrer can countermand this offer, which is very unlikely for someone in your position.
As a navy man, his immediate inclination was to say “No,” and besides he felt he still had important work to do regarding the Rumanian transport fleet.
However a second message arrived a little time later from the OKW making it into an order.
It seemed there was no other option but to do his duty: at least the order had arrived before he had time to refuse the offer!
He drafted a reply to von Manstein:
“…In the interests of the German war-effort I am pleased to accept Herr Feldmarchall…”
Upon receiving the messages from Oberst Potski from the Luftwaffe-Ost, von Flock brought it to the attention of Von Manstein when he reported to von Mansteins headquarters. Von Manstein skimmed trough the papers, before speaking:
”Fine the Fallshirmjagers will face there fate alone in the russian steppes while the Wehrmacht and the Waffen-SS under my command are safely entrentched behind the line.”
Von Manstein were obviously upset by the message from the Luftwaffe, and Oberst Potski.
”I will request that Herr Oberst Potski is relieved of command for insubordination, he do not outrank a Generalfeldmarschall of the Wehrmacht!”
He took a zip of water, and did calm down considerable, before continuing to speak:
”All objectives aimed for the season is bent solely on establishing a strong defensive potential, the Kriegsmarine will be required for possible short notice Evacuation, also I do believe the army should not be allowed to stay in Sevastopol, we should evacuate it immediately after the southern army is withdraw behind the Dnepr. This Force in the Crimea can be used to set up a Feld-Armee in reserve, possibly to use in Fall Entfremden."
”I would also advise Luftwaffe Chief of the southern wing to provide sufficient air cover over the Black Sea to protect the Kriegsmarine, but also bomb enemy ports to establish predominance in the sector at this critical moment.”
Mansteins chief-of-operations did however not agree with what was said, and spoke out:
”-NO! Sevastopol should not be evacuated until we no for certain that it will be lost! It is a strong fortress, and everyone, especially you herr Feldmarschall, should know how hard it is to conquer! The Kriegsmarine should be hold back until we know for certain that the fortress can not hold back a Soviet onslaught!”
”So what?”, von Manstein replied.
”Once the southern front is secured it should be moved back, the forces it would provide would be more valuable behind the strong defence line then it would fighting in Sevastopol. The most i would ever agree too is, to defend it to the limit of the Kriegsmarine’s and Romanian navy’s potential to move troops. So we do not lose any divisions fighting for it."
Von Flock felt a need to speak up, on behalf of the Kriegsmarine:
”Herr Feldmarschall. Are you suggesting merely pulling the troops out of Sevastopol save for some kind of garrison unit, or a complete withdrawal, giving up our air and naval bases there and declaring it some kind of 'open city'?
If the later I concur with the need for drastic action, but doubt the OKW, who now seem to have a serious hand in affairs in the East, will agree at this moment in time.
This will leave us only two Black Sea naval bases, Constanta in Romania and Varna in Bulgaria.
Politically, I doubt the Romanians will stand for their naval forces being stationed in Bulgaria, or German troops being stationed in Constanta, except for a brief moment of time at an occasion of crisis, such as we envisage leading to a Fall Entfremden scenario. However, as a planned and measured withdrawal, I don't think they would stand for it.
Therefore, a withdrawal from Sevastopol at this moment in time may, to be candid, ultimately result in our losing control of the Romanian fleet.
It may be possible to have those ships based out of Constanta but ,for operational reasons, so we say, stationed in Odessa. If the worse came to pass, I could not guarantee what would be the outcome, but likely it will be more favourable than if they were in Constanta.”
Von Flock paused briefly.
”I am pleased to say I have the support of Admiral Commanding, Black Sea in these matters, but the Luftwaffe is something of a closed book to me, so any help you can provide there will be greatly appreciated."
"My small boat crews have asked me to pass on their commendation for the tireless efforts of army personel to assist with unloading of supplies, often under the utmost difficulty due to darkness, shattered port facilities or enemy action. Indeed some resupply and casualty evacuation operations have been carried out directly onto a beach. Such things are possible only with the utmost co-operation between our two services.”
”That is good, von Flock”, von Manstein calmly replied: ”You are excused”, as a clear signal that he could leave the room.
Von Flock left the room. No sooner had von Flock started to digest the full import of von Manstein’s missive, than a communication had arrived from O.K.W. to the effect that “Sevastopol is to be defended to the limit of our Navy’s potential to evacuate the defending troops.”
That was an order clearly open to some interpretation, for in the strictest sense of the phase, “our Navy’s potential to evacuate the defending troops” was limited to about battalion size, or there about. If taken to mean all seven Romanian transports, then defending Sevastopol with 7 divisions would clearly completely countermand von Manstein’s intention.
However it would be a way of keeping at least some of the Romanian fleet away from Romania. All things considered, he felt he should confer with von Manstein’s staff before taking any decisions. If he knew the Luftwaffe’s intentions, that would be a help, but things had become so chaotic there that he no longer even knew who to speak to. It was becoming ever more imperative to safeguard the Romanian transports; he felt confident the U-boats could stave-off the Red Navy, but the air threat was a different matter, and then there was the political situation.
Leaving instructions to be woken if anything came through from von Manstein, or clarification from O.K.W, he bedded down in his office, having decided that if need be he would pay a visit in person to the Luftwaffe.
A message from the Luftwaffe did how ever arrive the following morning to von Flock, which were to be delivered to von Manstein:
“There are women down there, to say nothing of vital war documents. It must be a priority… I will get some sailors to help.”
Only now did he realise that there must be emergency exits from the bunker, but where they were he had no idea…
Later some kind semblance of normality had returned, though efforts continued to reach several personnel believed trapped at the bottom of the main access shaft.
The following message was handed to von Flock:
I have formally offered you a position in my General Staff as a Major General… Only the Fuhrer can countermand this offer, which is very unlikely for someone in your position.
As a navy man, his immediate inclination was to say “No,” and besides he felt he still had important work to do regarding the Rumanian transport fleet.
However a second message arrived a little time later from the OKW making it into an order.
It seemed there was no other option but to do his duty: at least the order had arrived before he had time to refuse the offer!
He drafted a reply to von Manstein:
“…In the interests of the German war-effort I am pleased to accept Herr Feldmarchall…”
Upon receiving the messages from Oberst Potski from the Luftwaffe-Ost, von Flock brought it to the attention of Von Manstein when he reported to von Mansteins headquarters. Von Manstein skimmed trough the papers, before speaking:
”Fine the Fallshirmjagers will face there fate alone in the russian steppes while the Wehrmacht and the Waffen-SS under my command are safely entrentched behind the line.”
Von Manstein were obviously upset by the message from the Luftwaffe, and Oberst Potski.
”I will request that Herr Oberst Potski is relieved of command for insubordination, he do not outrank a Generalfeldmarschall of the Wehrmacht!”
He took a zip of water, and did calm down considerable, before continuing to speak:
”All objectives aimed for the season is bent solely on establishing a strong defensive potential, the Kriegsmarine will be required for possible short notice Evacuation, also I do believe the army should not be allowed to stay in Sevastopol, we should evacuate it immediately after the southern army is withdraw behind the Dnepr. This Force in the Crimea can be used to set up a Feld-Armee in reserve, possibly to use in Fall Entfremden."
”I would also advise Luftwaffe Chief of the southern wing to provide sufficient air cover over the Black Sea to protect the Kriegsmarine, but also bomb enemy ports to establish predominance in the sector at this critical moment.”
Mansteins chief-of-operations did however not agree with what was said, and spoke out:
”-NO! Sevastopol should not be evacuated until we no for certain that it will be lost! It is a strong fortress, and everyone, especially you herr Feldmarschall, should know how hard it is to conquer! The Kriegsmarine should be hold back until we know for certain that the fortress can not hold back a Soviet onslaught!”
”So what?”, von Manstein replied.
”Once the southern front is secured it should be moved back, the forces it would provide would be more valuable behind the strong defence line then it would fighting in Sevastopol. The most i would ever agree too is, to defend it to the limit of the Kriegsmarine’s and Romanian navy’s potential to move troops. So we do not lose any divisions fighting for it."
Von Flock felt a need to speak up, on behalf of the Kriegsmarine:
”Herr Feldmarschall. Are you suggesting merely pulling the troops out of Sevastopol save for some kind of garrison unit, or a complete withdrawal, giving up our air and naval bases there and declaring it some kind of 'open city'?
If the later I concur with the need for drastic action, but doubt the OKW, who now seem to have a serious hand in affairs in the East, will agree at this moment in time.
This will leave us only two Black Sea naval bases, Constanta in Romania and Varna in Bulgaria.
Politically, I doubt the Romanians will stand for their naval forces being stationed in Bulgaria, or German troops being stationed in Constanta, except for a brief moment of time at an occasion of crisis, such as we envisage leading to a Fall Entfremden scenario. However, as a planned and measured withdrawal, I don't think they would stand for it.
Therefore, a withdrawal from Sevastopol at this moment in time may, to be candid, ultimately result in our losing control of the Romanian fleet.
It may be possible to have those ships based out of Constanta but ,for operational reasons, so we say, stationed in Odessa. If the worse came to pass, I could not guarantee what would be the outcome, but likely it will be more favourable than if they were in Constanta.”
Von Flock paused briefly.
”I am pleased to say I have the support of Admiral Commanding, Black Sea in these matters, but the Luftwaffe is something of a closed book to me, so any help you can provide there will be greatly appreciated."
"My small boat crews have asked me to pass on their commendation for the tireless efforts of army personel to assist with unloading of supplies, often under the utmost difficulty due to darkness, shattered port facilities or enemy action. Indeed some resupply and casualty evacuation operations have been carried out directly onto a beach. Such things are possible only with the utmost co-operation between our two services.”
”That is good, von Flock”, von Manstein calmly replied: ”You are excused”, as a clear signal that he could leave the room.
Von Flock left the room. No sooner had von Flock started to digest the full import of von Manstein’s missive, than a communication had arrived from O.K.W. to the effect that “Sevastopol is to be defended to the limit of our Navy’s potential to evacuate the defending troops.”
That was an order clearly open to some interpretation, for in the strictest sense of the phase, “our Navy’s potential to evacuate the defending troops” was limited to about battalion size, or there about. If taken to mean all seven Romanian transports, then defending Sevastopol with 7 divisions would clearly completely countermand von Manstein’s intention.
However it would be a way of keeping at least some of the Romanian fleet away from Romania. All things considered, he felt he should confer with von Manstein’s staff before taking any decisions. If he knew the Luftwaffe’s intentions, that would be a help, but things had become so chaotic there that he no longer even knew who to speak to. It was becoming ever more imperative to safeguard the Romanian transports; he felt confident the U-boats could stave-off the Red Navy, but the air threat was a different matter, and then there was the political situation.
Leaving instructions to be woken if anything came through from von Manstein, or clarification from O.K.W, he bedded down in his office, having decided that if need be he would pay a visit in person to the Luftwaffe.
A message from the Luftwaffe did how ever arrive the following morning to von Flock, which were to be delivered to von Manstein:
Metatrone: …“…In the interests of the German war-effort I am pleased to accept Herr Feldmarchall…”
excellent update! !
excellent update! !
In line with the previous wishes made by the Fuhrer during the conference, so had Grossadmiral Raeder delegated the task of an increased Kriegsmarine activity in the Atlantic to FbU.Dönitz.
Dönitz undertook the assignment with great enthusiasm. Flottilen already out on assignment received coded radio messages that the lengths of their patrols had been prolonged. Those submarines that were low on supplies received information on where they could rendezvous with either supply-uboots or converged merchant-ships. Every available Uboot still in port received orders to go out on patrol.
Dönitz were of the opinion that the naval warfare should be waged against the British Islands, since they were really the only place where the effects of an effective campaign by the Uboots would be felt. Even though Germany were at war with the United States, and that there were Allied forces in North Africa, so would a blockade against either of the two not be as effective as one against the British Isles.
Dönitz’ plan consisted of two parts. The first one to concentrate the Wolfpacks off the coast of Africa and strike against the Allied merchant shipping that were sailing that route. Due to the fact that the straits of Gibraltar were in Axis hands, so did that mean that a good portion of the British merchant-fleet had to go around Africa in order to reach, and supply, the British Isles. Six Uboot-flottillen, numbering almost fifty Uboots, would take up position off the coast of Africa. Such a high number boats in such relative small area would be able to wreak havoc in the shipping-lanes. Chances were also high that the amount of Kriegsmarine activity in that area would lure the Royal Navy, and possibly the US Navy, down.
For that eventuality, Dönitz had persuaded Raeder to deploy at part some of the surface-raider groups for action in the North Atlantic in order to strike against Allied shipping sailing between the United States and the British Isles.
”Gruppe Bismarck”, consisting of the battleship ”Bismarck” and the three heavy cruisers ”Prinz Eugen”, ”Lutzow” and ”Roon” left their base and took up position off Labrador.
Raeder were however reluctant to commit any more of the Kriegsmarines surface vessels at the moment. The fear, and respect, for the Royal Navy was still great.
The Luftwaffe in the west did also participate in the naval offensive and committed both their naval recognisance-aircrafts as all of their naval-bomber geschwaders. In addition to that, so were the fighter-units based along the Atlantic coast reassigned from their duties of protecting the skies over mainland France. In line with the naval offensive so were they tasked with guarding, and keeping the skies clear, over the Bay of Biscay.
Dönitz undertook the assignment with great enthusiasm. Flottilen already out on assignment received coded radio messages that the lengths of their patrols had been prolonged. Those submarines that were low on supplies received information on where they could rendezvous with either supply-uboots or converged merchant-ships. Every available Uboot still in port received orders to go out on patrol.
Dönitz were of the opinion that the naval warfare should be waged against the British Islands, since they were really the only place where the effects of an effective campaign by the Uboots would be felt. Even though Germany were at war with the United States, and that there were Allied forces in North Africa, so would a blockade against either of the two not be as effective as one against the British Isles.
Dönitz’ plan consisted of two parts. The first one to concentrate the Wolfpacks off the coast of Africa and strike against the Allied merchant shipping that were sailing that route. Due to the fact that the straits of Gibraltar were in Axis hands, so did that mean that a good portion of the British merchant-fleet had to go around Africa in order to reach, and supply, the British Isles. Six Uboot-flottillen, numbering almost fifty Uboots, would take up position off the coast of Africa. Such a high number boats in such relative small area would be able to wreak havoc in the shipping-lanes. Chances were also high that the amount of Kriegsmarine activity in that area would lure the Royal Navy, and possibly the US Navy, down.
For that eventuality, Dönitz had persuaded Raeder to deploy at part some of the surface-raider groups for action in the North Atlantic in order to strike against Allied shipping sailing between the United States and the British Isles.
”Gruppe Bismarck”, consisting of the battleship ”Bismarck” and the three heavy cruisers ”Prinz Eugen”, ”Lutzow” and ”Roon” left their base and took up position off Labrador.
Raeder were however reluctant to commit any more of the Kriegsmarines surface vessels at the moment. The fear, and respect, for the Royal Navy was still great.
The Luftwaffe in the west did also participate in the naval offensive and committed both their naval recognisance-aircrafts as all of their naval-bomber geschwaders. In addition to that, so were the fighter-units based along the Atlantic coast reassigned from their duties of protecting the skies over mainland France. In line with the naval offensive so were they tasked with guarding, and keeping the skies clear, over the Bay of Biscay.
Wooaa! A very big beginning, but I like your style of writing very much! Keep it up, please!
When you warned that your prologue was slightly long - you sure were serious!
Great intro!
I can't wait for more.... I mean I can wait, but I am eager!
Great intro!
I can't wait for more.... I mean I can wait, but I am eager!
Metatrone: ...Dönitz was of the opinion that the naval warfare should be waged against the British Islands, since they were really the only place where the effects of an effective campaign by the Uboots would be felt...
IRL, this would be true. in game, is it true? ? i thought that i read somewhere that this was not true "in game"...
excellent update! !
IRL, this would be true. in game, is it true? ? i thought that i read somewhere that this was not true "in game"...
excellent update! !
GhostWriter said:Metatrone: ...Dönitz was of the opinion that the naval warfare should be waged against the British Islands, since they were really the only place where the effects of an effective campaign by the Uboots would be felt...
IRL, this would be true. in game, is it true? ? i thought that i read somewhere that this was not true "in game"...
excellent update! !
depending on when you start your sub campaign if you start the game in 36 its impossible (because of the 3 year buildup in resources) to starve them. If you start in 39/41/44 you can starve them.
Probably quite true. However, wanting to sink as much as possible of the British merchant-fleet in order to eventually cause a lack of resouces in other regions, concentrating on the shipping-lanes to the British Isles does in Dönitz opinion seems wise.
Armaments Ministry, Berlin
The Armaments Ministry had during the end of May reached the conclusion that it could not rely, nor depend, on the industrial capacity located in the occupied territories in the east. This was based on the notion that the industries in the east were to vulnerable to attacks by partisan, and also the advance of the Red Army. Since Speer felt that Germany could no longer afford to defend on those industries so would Germany need to compensate that from the captured industries in France and the Low countries. The Allied air-campaign for the past years had though shown that both those industries, as well as those located in western Germany, were vulnerable to Allied bombings. With this conclusion in mind, Speer decided to call a meeting with the heads of the German industry as well as the most important designers working for the Ministry of Armaments.
After a productive meeting with the Luftwaffe later the same day, so did the Armaments Ministry receive assurances from the Luftwaffe West that the Luftwaffe would increase its presence in the skies and prioritise patrolling the skies over industrial areas.
The Oberkommando der Luftwaffe did also form an entire new Jagdgruppe - .Jagdgruppe West‘, originally intended for the eastern front, to entirely patrol the skies over industrial regions.
OB West, Paris
Having learned from the development in the east from both the conference and the train ride with the Fuhrer, so did OB West von Rundstedt take action in order to strengthen the defences along the coasts, and especially along the English channel. He already had the strong LVIII.Reserve-Panzer-Korps in reserve at Argentan, ready to strike at several coastal sectors were the Allies to invade across the English channel. Up in Heeresgruppe H sector [Netherlands/Belgium] so did the LXVII.Reserve-Panzer-Korps occupy itself with occupational duties, and as a rear area reserve, around Antwerp. Von Rundstedt found it to be wiser to station that formation closer to the coast where it would be able to strike immediately against any invasion forces, and issued orders for a relocation to Amiens. Heeresgruppe H would still have reasonable strong and fast reserve formations in the 18.SS-Pz.Gr.-Div ‘Horst Wessel’ and the 27.SS-Freiwilligen Division ‘Langemarck’.
In the sector of Heeresgruppe Sud so did the situation become extremely serious when superior Russian forces attacked from their bridgeheads over the Don-river and drove the defending elements of the 2.Panzer-Armee away from Kashary. In his first major engagement as commanding officer of the 2.Panzer-Armee, so were General Tippelskirch defeated. Von Mansteins headquarters, having been directly involved in the German defence did immediately sent a message to the OKH
Being confident that OKH, and Hitler, would be able to realise the seriousness in Heeresgruppe Don’s situation, so did von Manstein issue orders to elements of the 3rd Hungarian Army defending Salsk to withdraw to Konstantinovsk; the German/Hungarian forces in Morozovsk to withdraw westwards as a first phase in the withdrawal of Heeresgruppe Don. Von Manstein did not reveal it for anyone, but he were at that moment happy over the fact that the only escape-route of Heeresgruppe Don - trough Rostov and Stalino- was being guarded by the five elite Fallschirmjäger-Divisions. The situation of fifty-five German/Hungarian/Romanian division was rapidly becoming desperate. Von Manstein main concern now was not how to hold the line against the advancing Russian, but rather being able to retreat faster than the Russians could advance.
In the centre did von Kluge act in order to straighten out his frontline trough a withdrawal, in direct violation of the Fuhrers command. The 8.Armee had been holding its position in a hopeless salient at Rogachev. The 8.Armee was ordered to withdraw to Zhlobin and take up new positions there, using the river as a barricade against the Russian. It would also free up the two main formations defending Zhlobin, the powerful XXIV.Panzerkorps under Hoth and the Panzerkorps ‘Grossdeutschland’ under Nehring.
On the 28th of May so did the Hungarian High Command receive instructions from the OKW to transfer the Hungarian reserve formations, being still in Hungary, to Kherson and the Dnepr-river bend. Being a loyal ally to Germany, the Hungarians immediately started the transfer of troops to the eastern front. During the same day, the OKW also instructed Slovakia that its newly formed 2nd Army were to be attached to Heeresgruppe Ukraine, and were to redeploy to the Kiev-area. Out of Germanys own forces, the strong 14.Armee was attached to Rommels Heeresgruppe and started to embark their trains during the evening of the 28th.
In the sector of Heeresgruppe Nord so were the Russians in the process of attacking Novorzhev, and von Leeb sent every available reserve into the battle, intending to follow the Fuhrers orders to the letter. But in spite of a firm defence so were the German divisions forced back. A measurement of how desperate the defence had been so had the elite, and strong, V.SS-Gebirgskorps been brought down to 40% of its full strength. The 9.Armees situation at Nevel now became dangerous, and were at risk becoming cut of. Von Leeb asked permission from the Fuhrer to withdraw the 9.Armee westwards. Only being impressed with the defence of Nocorzhev did Hitler approve the withdrawal.
During the night to the 29th so did the badly mauled divisions of the 2.Panzer-Armee withdraw from their positions across the river, into Rostov, with the 6.Armee serving as rearguard for the withdrawal.
At 0400h on the morning of the 29th did Rommel´s forces strike back the Russian threat against Kiev. Armoured German divisions and Romanian infantry divisions stormed, and overwhelmed, the Russian positions at Vyshgorod and brought the Russians fleeing across the river.
When the Rundfunke (German radio) in Berlin announced that Rommel had been victorious in, what already was referred to as, the ‘Battle of Vyshgorod’ were Hitler and his closest aides sitting at a made table in the Fuhrers headquarters. When the radios special bulletin was heard in the rooms small radio receiver, Hitler and all of his guest stood up at the table when the national anthem was played.
Later that day, when congratulations to the Fuhrer arrived at his headquarters, Hitler rejoiced over the victory for the German weapons but also said:
“I have saved Kiev, not Feldmarschall Rommel.”
As seen above, even British newspapers had the news of Rommel throwing the Russians back on their frontpages.
OB Sud, Innsbruck
Kesselring, in the south, having become concerned with the reliability of Romania after the previous conference, took steps of precaution in the Balkans. Wanting to deal with the increased levels of partisan activity so did he assign to Heeresgruppe F to prepare for an anti-partisan offensive though out their area. Heeresgruppe F was also instructed to make preparations for a possible German intervention in Romania, given the situation in the east. That brought about that the XXXXII.Gebirgskorps was transferred to Pleven, where it would be in a good position to take control over the Romanian capital.
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With withdrawing his forces from the Donetz von Manstein understood that he, at least temporarily, had lost he initiative but saved the lives of his troops. Casualties during the withdrawal, mostly caused by fast Russian units catching up to slow moving Hungarian units, were considerable.
Hours before crossing the river over to Rostov from the east, von Manstein held a short staff-meeting intended to point out the general instructions for the troops once withdrawn to Rostov. The conclusion was that Heeresgruppe Don would for a time only be able to react to continued Russian attacks, and defend itself against them for probably the duration of the summer. If the Russian offensive could be contained until the arrival of the winter, when von Manstein expected that the Russians lust for offensive operations [after the successful summer] would fade away. If that could be managed, von Mansteins forces would have an opportunity to reorganize and reform themselves in order to be prepared for offensive operations of its own when spring arrived.
When learning of the unauthorized withdrawal from the Donetz by von Manstein, Hitler went into a state of fury, and did in front of his aides state that von Mansteins latest withdrawal and refusal to follow his orders were similar to the actions of a Soviet-collaborator. Hitler found von Mansteins withdrawal to be a personal insult, and did openly question von Mansteins motives. Especially when von Manstein had withdrawn his forces after Rommel had defeated the Russians at the gates of Kiev.
A few hours later when the Fuhrer have had time to calm down and evaluate the situation, as well as reading the reports from the Luftwaffe that were performing recognisance missions of the huge numbers of Russian divisions advancing in von Mansteins tracks, Hitler got into a state of ‘strategic clarity’. With the loss of the Donetz, he understood that the Russian would now seek to reach the Dnepr somewhere south of Kiev. Knowing that the Russians now had to be contained in the Donetz, he ordered the immediate constructions of field-fortifications and demanded that the Wehrmacht in the south, von Mansteins forces withdrawing towards Rostov, defend its positions around Rostov at all costs. Hitler had no intention what so ever of giving up the industrial region around the Dnepr.
During the evening the Kriegsmarines Liaison-Officer to Heeresgruppe Don, von Flock, sent the following message to the OKW:
Later that night so did a message arrive to von Flock. To his great surprise so did he find that it was not an answer from the OKW, but rather very disturbing information from Oberst Potski of the Luftwaffe:
Von Flock placed the message in front of himself and thought to himself: “How can Potski know about all this?”
In the days following, Rommel followed up his victory at Vyshgorod with some ‘mopping-up” operations in the area. These operations were carried out with relative ease since the remaining Russian defenders in the region were disorganized and demoralised.
On the other hand so did the Russians in the north notice the German withdrawal from Nevel, and refused the German divisions to withdraw in order, but launched an attack into the area which turned the German withdrawal into a retreat.
The USAF continued with its bombing of cities and towns in northern France, but the strengthening of the Luftwaffe in the west were starting to have effect. A US raid on Compiegne was brutally interrupted by strong German fighter-units, and the American bombers had to abort their mission only to return to England with large casualties.
On the 30th so did finally reinforcements arrive to Heeresgruppe Nord. It came in the form of the much awaited “XVII.Waffen-Armeekorps der SS” commanded by Phelps. Due to the lack of transportation, the entire corps had disembarked their trains as far behind the lines as Memel. That was however a fact well known to Heeresgruppe Nord, who had already prepared orders to Phelps which instructed him to march northeast in order to link up with the Heeresgruppe. While on march, Phelps were to perform an anti-partisan sweep in Latvia which would remove a serious threat to Heeresgruppe Nord. In order to be able to perform that operation swiftly, the already present anti-partisan units in the region were brought under the command of Phelps´ corps.
The success of the Luftwaffes offensive in the skies over France and the Bay of Biscay continued in the closing days of May. ‘Nachtjagd’-units [Nightfighter] defeated strong RAF-fighter, looking and targeting German Uboots leaving their ports, units off the coast of Spain and inflicted considerable losses to the British fighters.
On 0200h June 1st, the Russians attacked the strategic city of Smolensk. The Russian attack took the Germans completely by surprise, especially since the Smolensk office for the Freeme Heer Ost had a file regarding the expected Russian offensive against Heeresgruppe Mitte in the area of Smolensk. It contained all of the major studies and the estimates of expected Russian actions made by the department, as well as reports from agents operating behind the Russian lines. Hundreds of people were working with decoding Russian radio transmissions and captured documents.
Regardless of that so did the Russian offensive against Heeresgruppe Mitte in the Smolensk area capture the entire department off guard. The entire office turned into an asylum. Telephone, telegraph and telex-communications broke down. Large numbers of so called “experts” started to tare the archives apart. They reached the conclusion that the intelligence-reports were outdated and that the reoccurring rumours, that had been heard for quite some time, that a Russian offensive was about to be launched with in the next couple of days was something that had been planted by the Russian NKVD and SMERSJ. That, however, did not mean that the department was not aware of what was coming, far from it. But the information was completely inadequate.
Unfortunately for Heeresgruppe Mitte so was that a fact that was discovered too late.
Von Kluge acted swiftly and did immediately order Guderians XXXVIII.Panzerkorps to strengthen the defences at Smolensk and blunt the Russian attack. Due to communication problems so did however Guderians panzerkorps start their march until 1700h on the afternoon. Time was now getting short for the defenders of Smolensk, and to the divisions still withdrawing from Vyazama.
Hours before crossing the river over to Rostov from the east, von Manstein held a short staff-meeting intended to point out the general instructions for the troops once withdrawn to Rostov. The conclusion was that Heeresgruppe Don would for a time only be able to react to continued Russian attacks, and defend itself against them for probably the duration of the summer. If the Russian offensive could be contained until the arrival of the winter, when von Manstein expected that the Russians lust for offensive operations [after the successful summer] would fade away. If that could be managed, von Mansteins forces would have an opportunity to reorganize and reform themselves in order to be prepared for offensive operations of its own when spring arrived.
When learning of the unauthorized withdrawal from the Donetz by von Manstein, Hitler went into a state of fury, and did in front of his aides state that von Mansteins latest withdrawal and refusal to follow his orders were similar to the actions of a Soviet-collaborator. Hitler found von Mansteins withdrawal to be a personal insult, and did openly question von Mansteins motives. Especially when von Manstein had withdrawn his forces after Rommel had defeated the Russians at the gates of Kiev.
A few hours later when the Fuhrer have had time to calm down and evaluate the situation, as well as reading the reports from the Luftwaffe that were performing recognisance missions of the huge numbers of Russian divisions advancing in von Mansteins tracks, Hitler got into a state of ‘strategic clarity’. With the loss of the Donetz, he understood that the Russian would now seek to reach the Dnepr somewhere south of Kiev. Knowing that the Russians now had to be contained in the Donetz, he ordered the immediate constructions of field-fortifications and demanded that the Wehrmacht in the south, von Mansteins forces withdrawing towards Rostov, defend its positions around Rostov at all costs. Hitler had no intention what so ever of giving up the industrial region around the Dnepr.
During the evening the Kriegsmarines Liaison-Officer to Heeresgruppe Don, von Flock, sent the following message to the OKW:
Later that night so did a message arrive to von Flock. To his great surprise so did he find that it was not an answer from the OKW, but rather very disturbing information from Oberst Potski of the Luftwaffe:
Von Flock placed the message in front of himself and thought to himself: “How can Potski know about all this?”
In the days following, Rommel followed up his victory at Vyshgorod with some ‘mopping-up” operations in the area. These operations were carried out with relative ease since the remaining Russian defenders in the region were disorganized and demoralised.
On the other hand so did the Russians in the north notice the German withdrawal from Nevel, and refused the German divisions to withdraw in order, but launched an attack into the area which turned the German withdrawal into a retreat.
The USAF continued with its bombing of cities and towns in northern France, but the strengthening of the Luftwaffe in the west were starting to have effect. A US raid on Compiegne was brutally interrupted by strong German fighter-units, and the American bombers had to abort their mission only to return to England with large casualties.
On the 30th so did finally reinforcements arrive to Heeresgruppe Nord. It came in the form of the much awaited “XVII.Waffen-Armeekorps der SS” commanded by Phelps. Due to the lack of transportation, the entire corps had disembarked their trains as far behind the lines as Memel. That was however a fact well known to Heeresgruppe Nord, who had already prepared orders to Phelps which instructed him to march northeast in order to link up with the Heeresgruppe. While on march, Phelps were to perform an anti-partisan sweep in Latvia which would remove a serious threat to Heeresgruppe Nord. In order to be able to perform that operation swiftly, the already present anti-partisan units in the region were brought under the command of Phelps´ corps.
The success of the Luftwaffes offensive in the skies over France and the Bay of Biscay continued in the closing days of May. ‘Nachtjagd’-units [Nightfighter] defeated strong RAF-fighter, looking and targeting German Uboots leaving their ports, units off the coast of Spain and inflicted considerable losses to the British fighters.
On 0200h June 1st, the Russians attacked the strategic city of Smolensk. The Russian attack took the Germans completely by surprise, especially since the Smolensk office for the Freeme Heer Ost had a file regarding the expected Russian offensive against Heeresgruppe Mitte in the area of Smolensk. It contained all of the major studies and the estimates of expected Russian actions made by the department, as well as reports from agents operating behind the Russian lines. Hundreds of people were working with decoding Russian radio transmissions and captured documents.
Regardless of that so did the Russian offensive against Heeresgruppe Mitte in the Smolensk area capture the entire department off guard. The entire office turned into an asylum. Telephone, telegraph and telex-communications broke down. Large numbers of so called “experts” started to tare the archives apart. They reached the conclusion that the intelligence-reports were outdated and that the reoccurring rumours, that had been heard for quite some time, that a Russian offensive was about to be launched with in the next couple of days was something that had been planted by the Russian NKVD and SMERSJ. That, however, did not mean that the department was not aware of what was coming, far from it. But the information was completely inadequate.
Unfortunately for Heeresgruppe Mitte so was that a fact that was discovered too late.
Von Kluge acted swiftly and did immediately order Guderians XXXVIII.Panzerkorps to strengthen the defences at Smolensk and blunt the Russian attack. Due to communication problems so did however Guderians panzerkorps start their march until 1700h on the afternoon. Time was now getting short for the defenders of Smolensk, and to the divisions still withdrawing from Vyazama.
What an amzing Update. Wonderfully written.
I especially likes the interplay in the letters. Great Stuff!
I especially likes the interplay in the letters. Great Stuff!
A great AAR. Metatrone these updates are huge how long does it take to write them??
Thanks, much appriciated! Its always great with feedback.
Well, it do depend some of the size of the update, but I spend about 1 hour or so on each.
The advantage is that I play a while, then spend perhaps the next day thinking out of to explain the events that have happened and what kind of extra-material I can include. So when I start writing, it usually goes pretty fast since I know what I wish to tell.
Its always great with feedback.Well, it do depend some of the size of the update, but I spend about 1 hour or so on each.
The advantage is that I play a while, then spend perhaps the next day thinking out of to explain the events that have happened and what kind of extra-material I can include. So when I start writing, it usually goes pretty fast since I know what I wish to tell.