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Eyālet-i Mıṣr
Letter to Alfred Krupp of Friedrich Krupp AG
The fact that these weapons are made of steel has meant that their durability is in every way superior to their bronze and iron counterparts. They are extremely durable and have continued to function effectively even when subjected to conditions under which other guns would fail. It is most impressive and has meant the Egyptian military could hold off and even push back against French forces. I attach to this letter the joint reports of Amir Liwa' Hamad 'Abd al-'Ati Bek and Amir Liwa' Ja'far Sadiq Pasha.
His Excellency would be extremely interested in establishing, in Egypt, a Krupp factory which can implement the recommendations of this report and ensure the continued improvement of and supply of these weapons to the Egyptian military. His Excellency is also extremely interested in procuring Krupp steel for future railways construction, and the presence of a Krupp factory in Egypt will certainly make that easier. We wait on your response and will endeavour to update you regularly on the performance of the guns should current hostilities persist.
In Friendship from His Excellency and the Egyptian Army,
NAZIR of the NIZARA for WAR, Sirdar Isma'il Pasha Haqqi [Abu Jabal]
NAZIR of the NIZARA for WAR, Sirdar Isma'il Pasha Haqqi [Abu Jabal]
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Kingdom of Prussia
Private Letter from Minister-President Otto von Bismarck to President Abraham Lincoln
The events unfolding within the United States this past year brings me great sorrow to witness, as your noble cause to uphold the standard and unity of the cherished Union has been thrown into discord by the recent election and the declaration by President-Elect Pendleton being published. I wish to state on behalf of the Prussian Government and His Majesty Wilhelm I that we shall continue to fully endorse your government's abolishment of the rebels infesting the American south. The threat posed by the rebels if they succeed is not only dangerous to the United States but to the stability of Europe, as nationalist movements may become emboldened by actions across the Atlantic and begin a violent phase of rebellions, seeing the January Uprising within the Russian Empire as a prime example of what may come.
I have no doubt in the capabilities of the Union Army, her skilled commanders and determined soldiers to bring victory to the United States against the rebels beset before them. Prussian observers have documented the brutal fighting that has been ongoing for a majority of this conflict, and the horrific scar it leaves upon this generation and every after it. It is my belief that your brave countrymen can conclude this conflict with a Union victory, and restore the great nation of the United States to it's former glory as a unified and prosperous state. We in Prussia have similar feeling that those of the Union have, to bring together our peoples into a single, undivided state that would stand tall to be a beacon of hope and strength to all whom witness it.
My best regards Mr. President, may you find victory on the fields of battle,
- - - -
Private Letter From Alfred Krupp to Isma'il Pasha Haqqi
I am delighted by your reports of the effectiveness of our artillery on the field of battle, as we have been continuously advancing the quality of our cannon to meet the demanding requirements of the modern ways of war. I can state that trained and experienced crews can unleash havoc upon the enemy, after personally seeing demonstrations of the Royal Prussian Army in use with our equipment. The success of Egyptian batteries against the French is something that to be frank, most European military men would not expect to say the least and I commend your men who have exceeded expectations.
In regards to the creation of a factory to produce artillery for the Egyptian Army and rail for Egypt as a whole, we shall first state that military goods produced during this very unpredictable time in Egypt is something we shall for the year will put on hold and begin discussion in 1866. Any purchase by Egypt for our artillery shall still be sold as previously if requested, with rail we shall have to pass the necessary steps before construction of a domestic factory can be made but we are willing to begin cooperation with the Egyptian government on the creation and expansion of rail throughout your country.
My Regards,
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I have been instructed, by the verdict of Her Majesty's Government, that we must protest, in the strongest possible terms, backed by the exertions and the purposes of Her Britannic Majesty, the current invasion of Eyalet-i Mısr. By the consequences of the Second Syria War, Her Majesty's Government has recognized, since the Convention of London, of which France is a signatory, the suzerainty of the Sublime Porte over the Eyalet-i Mısr. It is the esteemed opinion of our Government that treatise are to be obliged with the utmost reverence, and that any action that contradicts these documents, must be derided for illegality of purpose, and responded either by the exeuction of diplomatic pressure, or by the force of arms. I therefore demand, on behalf of Her Majesty and Her Government, that the noble and esteemed Emperor of the French, who is always held in the highest regard by Her Majesty, the Queen, make immediate and absolute withdrawal from Egypt, and observe the obligations of the Convention of London.
Sincerely,
Lord Stanley
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
Lord Stanley
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
The Seventy Days Administration
As 1865 dawned on the world, it seemed as if peace was going to be restored on the continent. George Meade was stalled outside Richmond. Nathaniel Lyon and William Tecumseh Sherman were besieging the rebel stronghold of Chattanooga, Tennessee. And Abraham Lincoln was a lame duck President. The incoming administration in Washington was one based on the idea of Peace. After four long years of war, the United States was ready for an end to the war, no matter what the cost was going to be. In the election of the previous year, George Pendleton secured the White House on a platform of Peace and Union, abandoning the lofty ideals of the abolition of Slavery, and giving up all the Union had fought for.
A distraught President Lincoln, unable to muster the conviction to send more men to their deaths in a futile attempt to save the Union before his administration left off, simply ordered the armies to winter where they were, and work on the consolidation of their positions. The new Administration was brief on the situation at hand, all the plans Lincoln had toiled over were laid out clearly for the new President, but he paid little attention to it. Pendleton went on a speaking tour in the Northeast, talking of his ideas of Union, and how this terrible war would come to an end, and the sons of the United States will come home from Lincoln’s war.
On March 4th, 1865, George Pendleton was sworn in as President of the United States, the nation’s 17th President and a Peace Democrat. In his inaugural address, he promised the Union would be restored, Peace would come to the continent, and the Constitution would be followed as it had been before Lincoln’s inauguration. He also announced a total armistice, all the armed forced of the United States would stand down from offensive positions within the southern states. There would be no more military campaigns unveiled by the new administration, and he outlined his plans to reintegrate the southern states into the Union and to respect their way of life, now and forever.
President Pendleton delivering his Inaugural Address.
The President opened the first talks of peace in Harpers Ferry, Virginia. President George Pendleton, Secretary of War Clement Vallandingham, and Secretary of State Horatio Seymour represented the Union, while the Confederacy was represented by President Jefferson Davis, Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin, and Senator Robert M. T. Hunter represented the Confederacy. Negotiations began on March 12th, and it became quickly clear that the South would not return to the Union willingly. Union demands to return to the Union had lasted only a week, now the new Union President was maneuvering to accept peace on the basis of Confederate independence.
As a show of good faith, the President directed his administration to resume to apply all Federal laws previously enacted, notable the Fugitive Slave Act. In cruel twists of fate, former slaves who were serving in Tennessee were suddenly taken by their comrades in arms and handed over the slaveowners of the region. Thousands were re-enslaved after just being granted their freedom, causing an uproar amongst the Radical Republicans who quickly began to draft a movement against the President. Senator Rosecrans delivered an impassioned plea in his first speech to the Senate to preserve the freedom of the slaves who had already been freed, almost half a million of them. Congressman Thaddeus Stevens announced he was going to be drafting Articles of Impeachment against President Pendleton for Treason against the United States.
The Administration brushed this off, it was little more than partisan jockeying by a faction well and clearly out of power, but the talks continued to stall. The President was uninterested in ceding much land to the new Confederacy, seeking to maintain the naval base at Key West, Florida, as well as Arlington County, Virginia to defend the capital. The President pushed back against the Confederate demands to allow secessionist votes in Delaware, Maryland, and Missouri, and President Davis himself pushed back against Union attempts to allow a vote to take place in Kentucky and western Virginia.
Be it southern hubris or not, the Confederates were insistent that there should be no vote in western Virginia on them forming their own Unionist state or not. They demanded that all votes be done on a statewide basis, and that the votes only take place in Virginia and Kentucky, and that Arlington County should remain an inseparable part of Virginia. The negotiations were dragging on over this contentious issue, and the mood of the country was beginning to sour to the idea of peace. With each step it seemed as if President Pendleton had offered more and more to the Confederacy. What had been Peace and Union was quickly turning into an independent Confederate States stretching from the Atlantic to the deserts of Arizona, and stretching far north towards the Great Lakes.
The new Administration was poorly run, and incredibly corrupt. By March 28th, Secretary of the Treasury Asa Packer had to resign, he had already grafted over eight million dollars from the Union treasury. The War Department had almost stopped functioning, the Secretary of War was camped at Harper’s Ferry, negotiating, and no deputy had ever been affirmed. The President, uninterested in dealing with the collapsing War Department, left it to the capable hands of George McClellan, who was moved east to Washington and became the defacto Secretary of War, most telegrams coming to him, while he coordinated the movement of men and supplies to the Union armies still deep inside rebel territory. Congress, uninterested in leaving the soldiers of the Union army to languish in the fields, simply acquiesced to McClellan’s requests. In one letter, he wrote of the “dismal nature” of Washington, and lamented how much he missed the “Honorable President Lincoln,” his favourite moniker for the ex-President vanishing from his repertoire.
The peace talks continued to drag on, and neither side seemed willing to budge. In early April, President pro tempore Lafayette S. Foster falls ill, and is hospitalised for an extended period of time. In a plot between the War Democrats and the Republicans, they instead placed freshman Senator William Rosecrans as President pro tempore. The move was widely questioned, but little could distract the country’s attention from the President’s attempt to secure peace with the Confederate states.
Despite this, the Confederacy was never in better spirits. It had seemed the war was over, and they had secured their independence. The political leaders were seeking to achieve a lasting peace, and to ensure the stability of the future Confederacy. General Robert E. Lee was already beginning to show signs that he was going to retire from military service, being far more interested in living out the rest of his life in a peaceful manner. He had served Virginia well, and he had helped defend his state from the Union invasion. With no peace being signed yet, his decision had nevertheless been made. Robert E. Lee resigned his commission as General on April 17th, 1865. The Army of Northern Virginia thus passed to General Thomas Jackson, who now had the task of maintaining a watch on the huge Union forces that still occupied the state.
Robert E. Lee on the day of his resignation.
On May 1st, the House of Representatives voted 105 to 88 to impeach President George Pendleton. The motion passed, and the motion was sent to the United States Senate. By now, the President had recognised that his Presidency was at stake, and broke negotiations with the Confederates. Returning to a full schedule in Washington, the President and his aides worked to try and judge the mood in the Senate. It was unknown as to how the vote would go, and suddenly things in the Confederacy seemed to be far less enthusiastic. Newspapers on both sides of the Mason-Dixon line were in an uproar over the potential removal of the new President, and many feared that the Radical Republicans, having lost the Presidential election through democratic means, would seek to gain control of it using Constitutional means.
Hearings began in the Senate on May 16th, seventy-three days into the new Administration. The points of contention were negotiating with a rebellion, and seeking to give away property of the United States to an enemy power, as well as seeking to aid in the destruction of the United States. The proceedings of the hearing would be closely watched from both the North and the South, as many believed it would determine the fate of the Confederacy. If they had the votes to remove President Pendleton, then they could easily remove the Vice-President as well, allowing William Rosecrans to ascend to the Presidency. Newspapers across north and south howled at the measures the Senate was taking, believing it a coup d'état of the democratically elected President of the United States.
The French Empire
I sincerely regret that Her Majesty's Government has felt it necessary to dispatch such a communiqué as regards the Egyptian situation. Know that it remains a critical priority of His Imperial Majesty and of His Majesty's government to ensure that pacific and fruitful relations continue to exist between our respective sovereigns, governments, and states. As Your Excellency knows, the French Empire has intervened in the Egyptian affair at the explicit request of the Ottoman imperial court, in light of the concerns raised vis a vis Turkish mobilization and the concerns of their northern neighbor. This was done to ensure the safety and security of European citizens within Egypt, who have been subject to persecution and harassment by the present Egyptian prince, and in response to insulting demands made upon the consuls of our respective governments.
Though the French Empire maintains that its intervention in Egypt is wholly legitimate and legal, within the bounds of law and treaty, we acknowledge that Her Majesty has expressed a strong interest in the conduct of that intervention. In recognition of the concerns set forth by the United Kingdom, which we consider to be of the utmost importance, I have forwarded your correspondence to the Minister of War and the Minister of the Navy and the Colonies. We have agreed to form a working group with personnel from each of our ministries, which shall be tasked with reviewing with a most critical eye all forthcoming policy as relates to the Levant, particularly the principality of Egypt. Moreover, the Minister of War has dispatched Marshal Bazaine to the relevant area, along with revised instructions, so that he might assume command and oversee the intervention in a manner which is in concordance with the views expressed by Her Majesty's Government and the concerns of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor.
We thank the British government for their concerns, which we accept in the spirit of amity and friendship, and look forward to future collaboration in matters of foreign import.
Sincerely,
Édouard Drouyn de Lhuys
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Édouard Drouyn de Lhuys
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Dear Mr. Seymour,
Her Majesty's Government would like post haste the opinion of the United States with regard to recognition of the Southern Republic; it is the persistent belief of Her Majesty's Government that peace is in the best interests of the American continent, but we understand this matter is one of certain controversy, and would not like to infringe on the deliberations of your country.
Sincerely,
Lord Stanley
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
Her Majesty's Government would like post haste the opinion of the United States with regard to recognition of the Southern Republic; it is the persistent belief of Her Majesty's Government that peace is in the best interests of the American continent, but we understand this matter is one of certain controversy, and would not like to infringe on the deliberations of your country.
Sincerely,
Lord Stanley
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
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Kingdom of Prussia
Private Letter from Minister-President Otto von Bismarck to Foreign Minister Alexander Gorchakov
The January Uprising within the Polish Corridor this past year gained the full attention of the Prussian government, as the Poles within the domain of the Russian Empire had the audacity to attempt to overthrow the benevolent rule of His Imperial Majesty Alexander II. Even though the Poles have been utterly defeated by the Imperial Russian Army, on behalf of His Majesty Wilhelm I and that of the Prussian government we strive to cooperate with the Russian government to quickly deter any future crisis in the region between our borders regarding the Poles. We see the Russian Empire as a respected friend and are hopeful that we may work together into the future to solve problems that occur into concrete solutions.
If you wish to discuss any details pertaining to the influx of Polish into Prussia that are wanted for crimes by the Russian government, or any other issue regarding the events of the January Uprising, please do not delay, as I shall await your response.
My best regards Mr. Gorchakov,
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United States Senate May 21, 1865
ALABAMA
Vacant
Vacant
ARKANSAS
Vacant
Vacant
CALIFORNIA
Milton Latham (D) NAY
James A. McDougall (D) NAY
CONNECTICUT
James Dixon (R) YAY
La Fayette S. Foster (R) YAY
DELAWARE
George R. Riddle (D) NAY
Willard Saulsbury, Sr. (D) NAY
FLORIDA
Vacant
Vacant
GEORGIA
Vacant
Vacant
ILLINOIS
Richard Yates (R) YAY
Lyman Trumbull (R) YAY
INDIANA
Thomas A. Hendricks (D) YAY
Henry S. Lane (R) YAY
IOWA
James W. Grimes (R) YAY
James Harlan (R) YAY
KANSAS
James H. Lane (R) YAY
Samuel C. Pomeroy (R) YAY
KENTUCKY
James Guthrie (D) NAY
Garrett Davis (D) NAY
LOUISIANA
Vacant
Vacant
MAINE
Lot M. Morrill (R) YAY
William P. Fessenden (R) YAY
MARYLAND
Reverdy Johnson (D) NAY
William T. Hamilton (D) NAY
MASSACHUSETTS
Charles Sumner (R) YAY
Henry Wilson (R) YAY
MICHIGAN
Zachariah Chandler (R) YAY
Jacob M. Howard (R) YAY
MINNESOTA
Henry Rice (D) YAY
Daniel Norton (R) YAY
MISSISSIPPI
Vacant
Vacant
MISSOURI
John B. Henderson (D) NAY
B. Gratz Brown (D) NAY
NEVADA
William M. Stewart (R) YAY
James W. Nye (R) YAY
NEW HAMPSHIRE
Aaron H. Cragin (R) YAY
Daniel Clark (R) YAY
NEW JERSEY
William Wright (D) NAY
John P. Stockton (D) NAY
NEW YORK
Daniel Dickinson (D) YAY
Ira Harris (R) YAY
NORTH CAROLINA
Vacant
Vacant
OHIO
Benjamin Wade (R) YAY
John Sherman (R) YAY
OREGON
George H. Williams (R) YAY
James W. Nesmith (D) NAY
PENNSYLVANIA
Charles R. Buckalew (D) NAY
Edgar Cowan (R) YAY
RHODE ISLAND
William Sprague (R) YAY
Henry B. Anthony (R) YAY
SOUTH CAROLINA
Vacant
Vacant
TENNESSEE
David Patterson (D) NAY
Emerson Etheridge (D) NAY
TEXAS
Vacant
Vacant
VERMONT
Solomon Foot (R) YAY
Jacob Collamer (R) YAY
VIRGINIA
Joseph Segar (D) NAY
Waitman T. Willey (R) YAY
WISCONSIN
James R. Doolittle (R) YAY
Timothy O. Howe (R) YAY
YAY 35
NAY 17
The measure PASSES, and President GEORGE HUNT PENDLETON is removed from office.
A letter from Secretary of State Horatio Seymour to Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Lord Stanley.
following his previous letter.
It has been the express policy of this Administration that, being elected for the purpose, a negotiated settlement with the Southern defacto state governments shall be the most preferred conclusion to the ongoing conflict. The United States, being formed a Republic and continuing to this day in such composure, will endeavor in all actions to preserve peace with all Nations whenever possible, and that a war unfairly waged, improperly conducted, and producer of little results in the way of successful and victorious triumph and conclusion, must therefore be brought to a swift and most amicable end for all involved parties.
As Your Excellency may be aware, however, there are numerous debates between the Executive and Legislative branches of this Government, which seeks to endanger this stated initiative, and I fear somewhat that the war will persist in deadly and inconclusive fashion. This Administration, however, will pride itself on the principles of peace, as taught by our Lord Christ Jesus, and will therefore do all in its power, legally and morally, to effect such a peace.
Yours respectfully &c.,
HORATIO SEYMOUR
Secretary of State of the United States
Secretary of State of the United States
A Sealed Letter to Emperor Napoleon III
Esteemed Cousin,
The current situation regarding Eyalet-i Mısr, is most distressing to both myself and the Porte. It has become increasingly clear the goal of the French Empire is not to pacify the Eyalet that has only become increasingly loyal to the Porte, but to instead impose a protectorate over a province of the Empire and defacto attempt to annex said province and separate it from Empire in direct contradiction to the Convention of London 1840. Indeed, the situation mirrors that of your famous uncle's Egyptian Campaign and the supposed intervention on the behalf of the Porte under Selim III. Thus I must protest this on a personal level and on an official level. Hence, the position of the government shall be a demand for the withdrawal of French forces from the Eyalet, though a token force near the canal should be acceptable, and a resumption of the status quo ante bellum. Pending acceptance of this request, I will issue a firman ordering the Wali to stand down and only hold defensive positions until a full resolution to this issue might be found. If such action is not taken, the Empire will be forced to take actions to protect its own territories and interests. It is thus that I request, in the interest of continued pacific relations, the French withdraw their forces from the Eyalet.
The current situation regarding Eyalet-i Mısr, is most distressing to both myself and the Porte. It has become increasingly clear the goal of the French Empire is not to pacify the Eyalet that has only become increasingly loyal to the Porte, but to instead impose a protectorate over a province of the Empire and defacto attempt to annex said province and separate it from Empire in direct contradiction to the Convention of London 1840. Indeed, the situation mirrors that of your famous uncle's Egyptian Campaign and the supposed intervention on the behalf of the Porte under Selim III. Thus I must protest this on a personal level and on an official level. Hence, the position of the government shall be a demand for the withdrawal of French forces from the Eyalet, though a token force near the canal should be acceptable, and a resumption of the status quo ante bellum. Pending acceptance of this request, I will issue a firman ordering the Wali to stand down and only hold defensive positions until a full resolution to this issue might be found. If such action is not taken, the Empire will be forced to take actions to protect its own territories and interests. It is thus that I request, in the interest of continued pacific relations, the French withdraw their forces from the Eyalet.
In Peace, Your Cousin,
~Abdülaziz
~Abdülaziz
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Letter to the French Embassy
It is the position of the Porte that the unauthorized French intervention in Egypt is contrary to the stability of the Empire. Though the Porte has long treasured friendship and brotherhood with the French, the situation echoes that of the previous Emperor's Egyptian Campaign, under similar circumstances attempting to affect the status of the province, removing her from the purvey of the Empire. The Eyalet-i Mısr is an integral part of the Empire, with the suzerainty of the Empire firmly entrenched, with the support your own government in the Convention of London 1840, along with that of the other powers. It is thus that we must request that the French forces effect an immediate withdrawal of French forces from the Eyalet, though a token force near the canal will be permitted in the interest of continued good relations. If this is not effected, the empire will have to reconsider its position vis-à-vis the French Empire, and will have to take actions to protect its provinces and interests.
In Peace,
~Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha, Grand Vizier
(fixed weird paradox formatting - I give up stupid separating the signature)
((Also incase it wasn't clear this is intended to have dialogue - but the empire protects its soverainty))
~Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha, Grand Vizier
(fixed weird paradox formatting - I give up stupid separating the signature)
((Also incase it wasn't clear this is intended to have dialogue - but the empire protects its soverainty))
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Letter to the British Embassy
The current situation in Eyalet-i Mısr is one most distressing to the Sublime Porte. It is the position of the Porte that the French must withdraw their forces for the stability of the Empire and the continuance of pacific relations, for this intervention appears to have increasingly become a grab for power seeking to unseat the suzerainty of the Porte. The situation echoes that of the previous Emperor's Egyptian Campaign, under similar circumstances attempting to affect the status of the province, removing her from the purvey of the Empire. A campaign that was ended by combining the might of both the Ottoman Empire and that of the United Kingdom, and one that crowned in glory the Royal Navy. The evidence of this can be seen in the letter delivered to you by the Wali's envoy and the recent actions of the French Empire. The position of the Eyalet as a province of the Empire, though a privileged one, is one that has been guaranteed by your nation and indeed by the French among others. The Porte thus formally requests the assistance of her Britannic Majesty in these matters. In particular, the Porte request the presence of the Royal Navy in the Eastern Mediterranean to make port in Alexandria or Acre - and work to affect a peace in the region. The Porte, additionally, noting the interest of the British in an Eastern Mediterranean outpost for the Royal Navy would be willing to enter negotiations concerning the granting of basing rights.
In Peace,
~Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha, Grand Vizier
A Sealed Letter to Isma'il Pasha
Cousin and, by the Will of God, Protector of the Devlet-i ʿAlīye-i; Wali Isma'il,
I must congratulate you on your success in the campaign to the defend the lands in your charge. I must also express my profound gratitude for your loyalty and informing the Porte and myself of the intrigues against the well being of the Porte. I hope that the aid rendered by the empire found you well and proved useful in the defense of the realm. It strains me that the Empire was unable to register greater help, but the diplomatic realities of the time have sharply limited the ability of the Empire to intervene given the massing of Russian forces on our northern border, and the perfidy of Danubians. However, the revelation of the true aims of the French demands a more active role to be played by the Porte. As such I have demanded the withdrawal of French forces from the Eyalet - though permitting a token force for their beloved canal. I have also instructed Âli Pasha to coordinate a response with the United Kingdom to these developments. Additionally, to stave off Russian encroachment we have enjoined in talks to discuss resolution to the tensions involving the Black Sea and the Treaty of Paris.
I must congratulate you on your success in the campaign to the defend the lands in your charge. I must also express my profound gratitude for your loyalty and informing the Porte and myself of the intrigues against the well being of the Porte. I hope that the aid rendered by the empire found you well and proved useful in the defense of the realm. It strains me that the Empire was unable to register greater help, but the diplomatic realities of the time have sharply limited the ability of the Empire to intervene given the massing of Russian forces on our northern border, and the perfidy of Danubians. However, the revelation of the true aims of the French demands a more active role to be played by the Porte. As such I have demanded the withdrawal of French forces from the Eyalet - though permitting a token force for their beloved canal. I have also instructed Âli Pasha to coordinate a response with the United Kingdom to these developments. Additionally, to stave off Russian encroachment we have enjoined in talks to discuss resolution to the tensions involving the Black Sea and the Treaty of Paris.
God be with you always,
~Abdülaziz
(the hell paradox and your formatting --- why do you do this, I give up)
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Eyālet-i Mıṣr
General Address to the People of Egypt and the Empire, and France
French Translation made available for publication in Le Figaro
We express our greatest thanks to the brave soldiers who have rushed to the Egyptian banner from all over Egypt and the Empire. Egypt, while proud of its autonomy and right to self-determination and respect for its territorial and political integrity, is equally proud to be part of a greater order. Even as I proudly identify as Egyptian, I identify also as an Imperial Ottoman subject. By the Will of God, Egypt is and shall forever remain under the benign protection of His Most Imperial and Magnified Majesty. Every Egyptian is a proud subject of the Empire, a proud defender of its territorial integrity and political order. The virtues of loyalty and good faith may perish from the earth, allies may turn on allies and friends may turn on friends; but the most serene Eyālet-i Mıṣr and her people, and her Walis, grateful for all that their Lord has given them, thankful for the bounties of the Most Gracious, ever seeking the pleasure of the Most Powerful, shall not seek to disturb the divinely mandated order and the prosperity and happiness we have garnered thereof. The reward of disloyalty is certainly humiliation, and this Egyptian Government shall not stand to be humiliated in this world or the next. Soldiers of the Empire, protectors of the Eternal State and the Eyālet-i Mıṣr, stand firm and do not be afraid: Certainly, God is with you, He sees and He hears. You have repelled the enemy's assaults when they thought to march into the very heart of our nation and take it as though it were some date waiting on one to pick it. Egypt is a thorny sabra [Opuntia] and shall cause unknown misery and despair to every tyrant who seeks to pick her. This I pledge to you so long as you stand faithful and true.
We do not seek war - we are not warmongers. But we shall, with everything that we are, defend our homeland against illegal and uncalled for aggression. Just as the French would defend their homeland against those who would seek to attack it, so too must Egypt. We condemn without reserve the French actions against our integrity and against the Ottoman Empire. This flagrant act of war is in direct contravention to the stated alliance and pledge of protection between the peoples of the Ottoman Empire and the French Empire. It has not been a decade since Egyptians and Frenchman alike fought together for the preservation of the Empire against the Russian attack.
Frenchmen died in Crimea. They died for the protection of the state their government now seeks to tear apart. Frenchmen died in Crimea, and it would appear they died for nought. Had the people of France a beating heart, they would rage against this grave injustice, they would rage against the futile deaths of their people in a war whose fruits their government now seeks to destroy. This is not the France we knew, this is not the firm ally who stood beside Egypt even in its darkest days. This is not the France of Sulayman Pasha al-Faransawi or Clot Bey. This is not the France of the Egyptian Military Academy in Paris, nay this is not even the France whom we trusted so that we sent our children to die with her children in Mexico. The French Government has lost its soul, and if its people do not rage against these grave injustices then France too has lost her soul - and what grave a loss!
Egypt repeats that it is a friend to the France it knew, and will enthusiastically return to that friendship should France awaken from this momentary lapse in reason. We have done nought to warrant this wholly disproportionate and unjustified assault, and we will not kowtow to belligerence and tyranny. Far better it is for every Egyptian to die standing and fighting than to live humiliated on his knees after knowing the taste of freedom and sweetness of civilisation. Egypt will not be enslaved, we refuse this and reject this vehemently. France must awaken, this assault is a grave error and is in no way a reflection of the relationship between our two states. I beg of the French Emperor, if there is yet a human heart in your chest, if the great ideals of civilisation and humanity which you taught the world still mean anything to you, call off your men and prevent the further spilling of French and Egyptian blood. Let not every Egyptian generation curse the name Napoleon, but let it be known that forty years of increasing friendship and cooperation between our nations was not but a farce.
Once again, the Egyptian soldiers who protected their country at Port Sa'id, who lost their lives at Damietta, who pushed back against an invading army at Isma'iliyya are heroes worthy of utmost praise across the world. They are examples to all in whose heart is a love for his homeland. Any man who would put his life on the line against an invading power for the noble goal of defending his homeland is worthy of praise. It is always ugly to be an invading conqueror; uglier still if you are invading those who thought you to be their friend. Soldiers of Egypt!- do not falter and do not hesitate, and you are, by God's Will, the victors. While there are yet those who resist tyranny, God's support for the oppressed shall never wane. If you wane, however, then certainly you are not worthy of God's support. So be strong and endure, and by His Will your freedoms and national sovereignty shall be forever preserved.
I know there are many who are angry. I know there are many who feel that the Sublime Porte has betrayed us or has not done all that it could to honour its duties and obligations towards us. But I assure all those who are angry, across Egypt and across the Empire, that His Imperial Majesty the Sultan has not rested since the beginning of these hostilities and has done all in his power to bring the hostilities to an end. It is sometimes those who appear most silent to whom we owe the very most. Ottoman troops may not have marched through Sinai to support us, but the Ottoman diplomatic corps has been working day and night to bring about a resolution to these unfortunate hostilities. Egypt does not seek continued hostilities, nor does the Ottoman Empire wish to see itself dragged into another debilitating war so soon after the last - this time with an ally! With the Will of God, the power of the word will prove mighty and the French Government will awaken to reason and pull back its troops from this erroneous misadventure. The Ottoman Empire, and us with it, has sought to be a force for peace in the region. In these endeavours, we have long been supported by France and the British. However, if war is forced upon the Empire and all diplomatic channels towards resolution are cut off due to a mad desire for imperial conquest - which has never been the French way -, then the Empire and her loyal servants have no choice but to take up arms in defence of the homeland. None can blame us for waging a war in self-defence, none can blame us for fighting off an aggressive and unprovoked war of conquest. The French people must awaken and hold their government to account- for the sake of good conscience and common decency, for the sake of civilisation.
The Glorified and Most Generous Manifestation of the Law, the Respected and Most Grand Marshal, the Governor of Imperial Order, Organiser of the People's Issues with Piercing Sight, Fulfiller of the People's Matters with Superb Judgement, Constructor of the Foundations of the State, Erector of the Pillars of Happiness and Grandeur, Organiser of the Ranks of His [God's] Greater Viceregency, Perfecter of His [God's] Greater Sultanic Laws, the One Encompassed by the Ranks of Higher Beings, Grand Advisor to His Most Elevated and Supreme Majesty [the Ottoman Sultan],
Isma'il Pasha, by the Will of the Most Glorious, Wali on His Imperial Majesty's Behalf of Egypt and the Sudan
Isma'il Pasha, by the Will of the Most Glorious, Wali on His Imperial Majesty's Behalf of Egypt and the Sudan
The French Empire
- That the Sublime Porte directly and specifically solicited French intervention in the Egyptian princedom as a means of curbing the anti-European actions of its prince, that its refusal to publicly acknowledge that fact after the intervention had already begun has damaged French foreign relations, and that its latest effort to actively claim otherwise is both deceptive and a direct attack on French national honor.
- That the intervention was begun on the principle that the Egyptian prince was acting contrary to European rights within Egypt and directly insulting the European consuls within, that the Egyptian prince has routinely acted in bad faith and for his own self-aggrandizement throughout this crisis, and that no resolution can be achieved without the decisive and complete capitulation of that prince to outside authority.
- That, having acted on behalf of the Ottoman Empire for specific geopolitical reasons which still remain valid, having expended substantial effort in doing so, and having lost French lives in the attempt, the French Empire cannot and will not simply abandon the intervention at the whim of the Porte, which now seeks to actively mislead the international community.
Therefore, the French Empire shall continue its efforts to pacify the Egyptian princedom until the task is accomplished and European commerce is safe, shall ignore the blatantly false overtures of the Egyptian prince as the words of a fraud and a petty despot, and shall not countenance the latest efforts by the Ottoman court to reverse course while engaging in blatant deception.
Such is the policy of the French Empire.
Édouard Drouyn de Lhuys
Foreign Minister of the Empire
Foreign Minister of the Empire
The Russian Empire desires peace be maintained, but it must also be a secure and just peace. We do believe there are numerous problems inside the Ottoman Empire. As well some of these problems do end up impacting the Russian Empire as well as fellow members of the faith. For now we are going to attempt to resolve as many problems as possible peacefully, and as well with a major goal of avoiding triggering a european wide conflict. However we are required to look out for our own interests. To that end we have the following to make clearly noted by foreign governments, including chiefly the Ottoman Empire:
Given the crisis underway and the clear weakness of the Ottoman standing army, it is understood they may need an increase in size. However this must be a modest increase of the standing force, a mobilization would be seen as a threat to Russians interests. This is a crisis on the edge of their empire, not one aimed at the heart of it. The British are not mobilized despite their efforts in Mexico, the French are not currently mobilized and neither are the Italians nor Austrians. Only an active threat aimed at core lands should provoke a mobilization. It must be understood that unnecessary build up of forces by the Ottomans represents an unacceptable risk for the Russian Empire.
We pledge to work for peace, but not at risking our security. We will continue to pledge ourselves to talks first, in the hopes that eventually this resolves all major issues. This should not be taken as a threat by the Ottomans, simply a desire to maintain peace. Any major build up of their forces would be out of line with current events, and thus threaten peace.
BE ADVISED
Let's make this very clear. I don't accept drama. Act more like adults than high schoolers.
Egypt is now a pro-French puppet, the leadership having decided it unwise to throw every last man against an advanced European nation and has decided to tell the Turks to pound sand.
Don't like it? Door's right there.
Let's make this very clear. I don't accept drama. Act more like adults than high schoolers.
Egypt is now a pro-French puppet, the leadership having decided it unwise to throw every last man against an advanced European nation and has decided to tell the Turks to pound sand.
Don't like it? Door's right there.
República de Chile
Republic of Chile
Por la razón o la fuerza
By right or by might
Presidents of the Republic´
From 1861
1861 - 1871: José Joaquín Pérez Mascayano (Liberal-Conservative Fusion)
1871 -present: Alvaro Covarrubias Ortúzar (Liberal Party 1871-1875, Liberal Alliance 1875 -)
IC Library:
Internal Affairs:
William Wheelwright and the Chilean Railroads
Chile, and the Spanish admiral gone rogue
A guide to political parties in Chile (1860's)
Chile, the Second Confederation, and the Andean War
Raising the tariff, 1870
Prospective Candidates, 1871 election
The Beginning of the Liberal Era - Part I, Abolishment of ecclesiastical privileges
The Beginning of the Liberal Era - Part II, the Constitution
Constitutional Amendments 1877
Chilean Atacama late 1878 - early 1879
Foreign Affairs:
Recognition of the CSA
Joint Condemnation of PBC 1877
Order of Mobilization 1879
Treaties concerning Chile:
Boundary Treaty of 1866 betyween Chile and Bolivia
Chilean-Bolivian Treaty of 1868
Signing of the Treaty of Rosario
Signiture concerning additions to the Treaty of Rosario
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28 & 29 Victoria, c. 63 (U.K.)
An Act to remove Doubts as to the Validity of Colonial Laws.
[Assented to 29th June, 1865.]
Whereas Doubts have been entertained respecting the Validity of divers laws enacted or purporting to have been enacted by the Legislatures of certain of Her Majesty's Colonies and respecting the Powers of such Legislatures and it is expedient that such Doubts should be removed:
Be it hereby enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled and by the Authority of the same as follows:
Definitions "Colony:"
1. The Term "Colony" shall in this Act include all of Her Majesty 's Possessions abroad in which there shall exist a Legislature as hereinafter defined, except the Channel Islands, the Isle of Man and such Territories as may for the Time being be vested in Her Majesty under or by virtue of any Act of Parliament for the Government of India:
Legislature. Colonial Legislature:
The terms "legislature" and "colonial legislature" shall severally signify the authority, other than the Imperial Parliament or Her Majesty in Council, competent to make laws for any colony:
Representative Legislature:
The term "representative legislature" shall signify any colonial legislature which shall comprise a legislative body of which one half are elected by inhabitants of the colony:
Colonial Law:
The term "colonial law" shall include laws made for any colony either by such legislature as aforesaid or by Her Majesty in Council:
Act of Parliament, &c. to extend to colony when made applicable to such colony:
An Act of Parliament, or any provision thereof, shall, in construing this Act, be said to extend to any colony when it is made applicable to such colony by the express words or necessary intendment of any Act of Parliament:
Governor:
The term "governor" shall mean the officer lawfully administering the government of any colony:
Letters patent.
The term "letters patent" shall mean letters patent under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
Colonial law when void for repugnancy.
2. Any colonial law which is or shall be in any respect repugnant to the provisions of any Act of Parliament extending to the colony to which such law may relate, or repugnant to any order or regulation made under authority of such Act of Parliament, or having in the colony the force and effect of such Act, shall be read subject to such Act, order, or regulation, and shall, to the extent of such repugnancy, but not otherwise, be and remain absolutely void and inoperative.
Colonial law when not void for repugnancy.
3. No colonial law shall be or be deemed to have been void or inoperative on the ground of repugnancy to the law of England, unless the same shall be repugnant to the provisions of some such Act of Parliament, order, or regulation as aforesaid.
Colonial law not void for inconsistency with instructions.
4. No colonial law passed with the occurrence of or assented to by the governor of any colony, or to be hereafter so passed or assented to, shall be or be deemed to have been void or inoperative by reason only of any instructions with reference to such law or the subject thereof which may have been given to such governor by or on behalf of Her Majesty, by any instrument other than the letters patent or instrument authorizing such governor to concur in passing or to assent to laws for the peace, order, and good government of such colony, even though such instructions may be referred to in such letters patent or last-mentioned instrument.
Colonial legislatures may establish, &c. courts of law.
5. Every colonial legislature shall have, and be deemed at all times to have had, full power within its jurisdiction to establish courts of judicature, and to abolish and reconstitute the same, and to alter the constitution thereof, and to make provision for the administration of justice therein;
Representative legislature may alter constitution.
and every representative legislature shall, in respect to the colony under its jurisdiction, have, and be deemed at all times to have had, full power to make laws respecting the constitution, powers, and procedure of such legislature; provided that such laws shall have been passed in such manner and form as may from time to time be required by any Act of Parliament, letters patent, Order in Council, or colonial law for the time being in force in the said colony.
Certified copies of laws to be evidence that they are properly passed.
6. The certificate of the clerk or other proper officer of a legislative body in any colony to the effect that the document to which it is attached is a true copy of any colonial law assented to by the governor of such colony, or of any Bill reserved for the signification of Her Majesty’s pleasure by the said governor, shall be prima facie evidence that the document so certified is a true copy of such law or Bill, and, as the case may be, that such law has been duly and properly passed and assented to, or that such Bill has been duly and properly passed and presented to the governor;
Proclamation to be evidence of assent and disallowance.
and any proclamation purporting to be published by authority of the governor in any newspaper in the colony to which such law or Bill shall relate, and signifying Her Majesty’s disallowance of any such colonial law, or Her Majesty’s assent to any such reserved Bill as aforesaid, shall be prima facie evidence of such disallowance or assent. And whereas doubts are entertained respecting the validity of certain Acts enacted or reputed to be enacted by the legislature of South Australia:
Validation of Acts
7. All Laws or reputed Laws enacted or purporting to have been enacted by the said Legislature, or by Persons or Bodies of Persons for the Time being acting as such Legislature, which have received the Assent of Her Majesty in Council, or which have received the Assent of the Governor of the said Colony in the Name and on behalf of Her Majesty, shall be and be deemed to have been valid and effectual from the Date of such Assent for all Purposes whatever; provided that nothing herein contained shall be deemed to give Effect to any Law or reputed Law which has been disallowed by Her Majesty, or has expired, or has been lawfully repealed, or to prevent the lawful Disallowance or Repeal of any Law.