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The Early Months of 1865
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The first few weeks of 1865 were ones of utter shock. The response to what was now popularly known as the Olinda Law, nicknamed so after the Prime Minister, was one which the political scene of Brazil had not in their wildest dreams had expected. The government had always expected a backlash to the law, and to combat that, they had gone against complete abolition, and only acted in steps. But the backlash to the law was still utterly shocking, not only did several regions refuse to adopt the law, but several farm owners had taken up arms. The first time in the Empire’s history that the plantation owners had taken up arms against the government.

The Emperor and the government watched as the men who took up arms risked civil war which by now had plagued everything in America for the last decade. From the United States, Mexico and all the way down to Argentina. One of the founding ideas of Brazil was that it had to be united to withstand outside of influence of the European powers. One only had to look at the United States or Mexico to see how readily the European nations with their ambitions intervene in the political affairs of America. For the last twenty years since Dom Pedro had come of age, the Empire of Brazil had enjoyed political stability, economic prosperity and increased wealth which helped all sectors of society. With Brazilians in the north of the Empire now taking up arms, it risked everything the last twenty years had built up, and it had to be stopped at once.

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Dom Pedro II

Dom Pedro II feared not only immediate foreign influence of the Great Powers, which while potentially problematic could be solved over time, but far more the damage it could do to the nation. Should Brazil be torn apart, it would no longer be the giant of the South, it would lose incredible economic and political power. Potentially it may even turn the Empire into a similar position of its northern neighbors, minor nations which fought and were ruled by dictators. Should that happen, there would be no doubt that the long term influence of the Great Powers were ensured, and that Brazil could no longer shape its own future.

To ensure this said future, Pedro II went into action, he was the moderator of the Empire, the Poder Moderador, as outlined in the constitution. Pedro II’s role was to mediate and mediate he would. Pedro II position as Emperor was to represent the entire nation; he could not care for his own vision for slavery or race, religion, class, party but had to represent it all. This was where Pedro II was in his ace. The nation was now as split as it ever had been before. Olinda had become a symbol to many conservatives and the law which now threatened the Empire was often linked with his name.

The first act that the Emperor would carry out was the dismissal of Olinda, which the latter accepted. In truth he was on the way out of office regardless of the scandal, it was the custom of Pedro II, and Brazilian political life, for the Prime Minister only to be active at a couple of years at time. Pedro himself made sure to enforce this so that no Prime Minister would become overly popular, or overly hated. In this case, it seemed that this prime minister may be both, depending on who one would ask. The man who was selected to replace Olinda was Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos, a politician who had decades of experience in Brazilian politics and even served as president for some of the northern provinces now in disagreement with the government.

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Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos, Prime Minister of Brazil

To help Vasconcelos in this issue and to lead Brazil forward, he appointed the following ministers:
Minister of Industry: José Joaquim Fernandes Torres
Minister of Justice: João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Martim Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Martim Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada, Antonio Coelho de Sá and Albuquerque, João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, João Silveira de Sousa
Minister of the Navy: Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo
Minister of War: Ângelo Moniz da Silva Ferraz, João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá
Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and Public Works: Sousa Dantas

The next few days the government spent it’s time in consultation with Dom Pedro II, discussing how to deal with the crisis. There were several large issues at stakes. On one hand there were the provinces, who if the government caved to them could shift the political balance of power in Brazil away from the council and into the hands of the local governments. The other was far more dangerous, which were the armed rebels themselves. If they were cave into them it would weaken the legitimacy of the whole democracy. Every time that the government made a decision that parts of society disagreed with, they could now rise up and oppose in the hopes of the government giving in. At the same time, the government could not completely abandon the Olinda law, or the authority of the government would likewise collapse if the laws were decided on the whims of certain groups.

The resolution which was reached was twofold, on the one hand the government, and the Emperor would call out and invite the presidents of the provincial regions in dispute, while also inviting the leading conservatives of the chamber in Brazil to a meeting with the Emperor and the government to solve these disputes peacefully and civilly as proper Brazilians. The other decision which was reached was that in light of this summon, all armed men across Brazil must stand down within seven days as the government would not negotiate under the threat of violence and arms. If this was not done within the time limit, the government would respond appropriately.

Luckily for Vasconcelos, the government did have some good fortune, the support of the south, where the majority of the wealth and people were located, and the south at large supported the government.
 
Treaty of Amsterdam

ARTICLE I.
From the day of the exchange of the Ratifications of the present Treaty there shall be reaffirmation of Peace and Friendship, between Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, His Majesty the Emperor of the French, His Majesty the King of Italy, His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, on the one part, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, on the other part; as well as between their heirs and successors, their respective dominions and subjects, in perpetuity, and that there shall be Acknowledgment of the Inviolable territories of their Realms between His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, on the one part, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, on the other part. The following terms are henceforth resolved and sworn.

ARTICLE II.
No foreign warships, in excess of the number of four in the total of all nations, are to be allowed to transit the Turkish straits during peacetime, with these limits excused for the allies of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan during periods when the Sublime Porte is contracted in a state of warfare.

ARTICLE III.
Peacetime foreign warships shall be permitted two weeks to complete their transit of the Turkish Straights.

ARTICLE IV.
The Turkish Straights are confirmed as composite to the Inviolable Sovereignty of the Sultan, and as such he may close them at his prerogative during times of war.

ARTICLE V.
The Powers in contact with the Black Sea resolve to the listed limitations on forces in the Black Sea, the Sea of Azoz, and all adjacent tributaries thereof, with the exception of the Danube. The included territories are hereafter described as the Black Sea and its environs.

ARTICLE VI.
The Powers on which the preceding article applies, hereby agree to the listed limitations on Navies in the Black Sea. Each power shall enjoy a parity of one-one with the other Powers of the Black Sea and its environs, no matter the class of vessel. The minimum number permitted vessels shall be thus: four (4) heavy warships, eight (8) ships of the frigate class, and twelve (12) minor vessels.

ARTICLE VII.
The Powers on which Article V applies, hereby agree to the listed limitations on Navies in the Black Sea and its environs. Each Power shall have no more than eight (8) heavy warships, sixteen (16) ships of the frigate class, and twenty-four minor (24) vessels. These limitations are imposed by evaluation of the class of vessel, and thus the parity requirement shall only apply to those vessels currently on the Black Sea and its environs.

ARTICLE VIII.
Minor discrepancies shall be excused for a period no longer than three-months, and these discrepancies shall not be permitted to exceed (1) heavy ship, two (2) frigates, or three (3) minor vessels in variance; this exception does not apply to a combination of these classifications, but in the division of the classifications; (i.e, one heavy ship and two frigates shall not be permitted to be in excess at simultaneous moment without being in contradiction of this article).

ARTICLE IX.
Any change in the composition of vessels in the Black Sea and its environs must be reported to the other Black Sea Powers or be subject to violation of this treaty in contradiction to its terms. These restrictions will the only restrictions regarding the militarization of the Black Sea and its environs.

ARTICLE X.
Recognizing the need to aid in the protection of the Sublime Porte following the loss of maritime protection, Her Majesty the Queen and His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French shall aid in the development and modernization of the Ottoman Navy.

ARTICLE XI.
The terms of this treaty in supervision of the restrictions on military vessels on the Black Sea and its environs shall be reviewed in ten (10) years by all Black Sea Powers following the ratification of this document. In twenty (20) years, the governing terms of this treaty excepting those regulating the Straights shall expire. Any attempt to unilaterally disoblige the terms of this treatise will be equated to a violation of the treatise and thus a breach of the treaty.

ARTICLE XII.
This treaty shall supersede all previous treaties contracted between the Powers concerning maritime matters in the Black Sea and its environs.

ARTICLE XIII.
The present Treaty shall be ratified, and the Ratifications shall be exchanged at Amsterdam in the space of 6 weeks, or sooner if possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the Seal of their Arms. Done at Amsterdam, the 30th day of the month of June, in the year 1865.

--
[X] Lord Stanley, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
[] All Ratifiers of the Treaty of Paris (1856)

--
[Annex A] Declaration by Her Majesty's Government that Her Majesty shall cease peaceful relations, and invoke any necessary punitive measures against whatever party first disobeys the terms of the treaty before the natural expiration in twenty years.

[X] Lord Derby, Prime Minister
 
The Treaty of Amsterdam

[X] Édouard Drouyn de Lhuys, Minister of Foreign Affairs
 
The Treaty of Amsterdam

[X] ~ Alexander Gorchakov ~ Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
 
The Treaty of Amsterdam

[X] BETTINO RICASOLI
Prime Minister of Italy

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Foreign relations of the Argentine Confederation

Since the May Revolution, the instability of Argentina gave its foreign policy a mercurial character. The initial Junta sought to 'liberate' the remainder of the former Viceroyalty so that it may benefit from their rule. Yet military campaigns into Paraguay (1811) and Upper Peru (1810-17) were abortive. Under the Supreme Directors, Buenos Aires focused on establishing its own position at the expense of the other provinces, conceding the Banda Oriental to Brazil and making only nominal attempts into Upper Peru. Their fall in 1820 to federales saw another volte face, war with Brazil in 1825 being a consequence of their agitation for the Provincia Oriental to re-join the United Provinces, efforts which were partially successful when the state gained its independence as Uruguay.

The tenure of Juan Manuel de Rosas ushered in relative domestic peace, but continued the contradictory and self-defeating policy abroad. de Rosas sought to economically choke Paraguay into subservience as the Mesopotamian provinces recognised their neighbour and agreed to delineate formal borders. Indeed, as Rosas courted Oribe and the Uruguayan blancos in an effort to turn Montevideo into an Argentine protectorate, Justo José de Urquiza founded a grand alliance involving the colorados, Paraguay, and even support from the Empire of Brazil.

Victory by the 'Grand Army' of Urquiza in the Battle of Caseros (1852) saw a complete rejuvenation of Argentine foreign policy. Juan Bautista Alberdi traversed Europe successfully acquiring recognition of the Confederation, reciprocal treaties were signed with Bolivia and Chile regarding local trade, and relations with the fusionist government in Uruguay were normalised. The Confederation went so far as to integrate the free navigation of its rivers for ships of foreign nations into its constitution. Yet the separatist State of Buenos Aires, also fought in vain for international recognition, and supported colorado interventions against Montevideo (which were frequently put down with the support of the Confederation).


It was not until the Battle of Pavón (1861) that Argentina finally approached the world with a united and singular policy abroad. The Brazilian ultimatum to Uruguay in 1863 was the first test of the new government abroad; the resulting Congress of São Paulo (1863) was the epitome of what was hoped to be a new and lasting era for the United Provinces abroad. The Spanish occupation of the Chincha Islands and the revolt of the plantations in Brazil presented new pressures on the continent, with the Argentine government seeing these potential crises as new opportunities for the nation. Regarding Spain, a brief but polite message was delivered in Madrid, urging la Madre Patria to respect the independence of its other offspring as it had Argentina's. Meanwhile, invitations were sent to the governments of Paraguay and Uruguay to join discussions in Buenos Aires concerning the peace of the Rio de la Plata.
 
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William Wheelwright

William Wheelwright and the Chilean Railroad

William Wheelwright was born in the United States of America the 18th of March 1798, and the American buisnessman played an enormous, and essential role in the development of steamboats and railroads in Chile, and other South American countries, in the mid-19th century. After being in, and conducting trade in the Gran Colombian city of Guayaquil, and while he left for home, with his partner conducting buisness (and failing), Wheelwright decided to start over. He wished to establish a steamship line between the young republics of Peru and Chile. He began this endevour in 1835 and according to himself it was a most grueling process, "This was a very difficult undertaking. There were prejudices to overcome, much needed capital and many negotiations necessary to carry it out, all of which required great skill and patience." After some years however, he founded the Pacific Steam Navigation Company, with a capital of 250,000 pounds. While two steamers were built in 1840, there was problems with a lack of coal, and the impossibility of repairing the ships. These obstacles were overcome however.
After his succesful steamer adventure, he turned his attention to improving ports, building lighthouses, and docks, so to better accomodate and protect trade.

Wheelwright, now a wealthy man, decided that he wished to not only earn money on transportation on sea, but also on land. This decision proved to be vital for the development for transportation in Chile, as it was the first ever railroad in the country. While it may have had seemed like an act of generosity for some naive Chileans, it was of pratical reasons that he began, with the help of the government of Chile to build a railroad from Caldera to Copiapó. For in 1832, a woodcutter had by chance found large deposits of silver, and these resources had to be transported, and by 1851 the first railroad in Chile was completed.

He had also, in 1841, presented a project for constructing a railroad between Santiago and Valparaíso, so that instead of taking several days of travel, it would take "only" 8 hours. In 1849, Wheelwright was allowed, by law, to operate and run the railroad for the next thirty years. Luck was however, not the Wheelwright side. When he travelled to Europe to find investors for his new project, there simply was no money to spare for a project in Chile. Therefore, the Chilean government decided to dispense with Wheelwright, and issue a decree in 1851 that authorized the government to form a company with Chilean capital. Thusly, the CFSV was formed, with the government holding 50% of the shares.
Wheelwright was not done with Chile yet though.

In the late 1850s he planned to unite Valparaiso and Buenos Aires by a railroad on the mountain range that separates Chile from Argentina. The work was completed in 1859, but the Chilean government, to which the project was submitted, considered that the difficulties were too great to be satisfactorily terminated, and the company was momentarily abandoned. After this, Wheelwright moved to Argentina, and it ultimately ended his involvment in Chile, but it was by no means the end of the railroad in Chile, merely the beginning.

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A Treaty to establish Peace, Amity, and Commerce among the Peoples and Governments of the United and Confederate States of America.
(Treaty of Manassas)

Recognizing the inherent rights of a sovereign people to secure for themselves their liberties;
Recognizing the need to draw to an end a bloody and inconclusive conflict among two peoples;
Reaffirming the general dispositions of Republics and their promotion of free and amicable commerce and trade with other nations;


The signatories and the governments they represent agree to the following:

GENERAL PROVISIONS of recognition and peace.

§ 1. The Governments of the United States of America and the Confederate States of America recognize the territorial sovereignty and independence of one another. The territory and sovereignty of both the United States of America and the Confederate States of America shall not be violated by the soldiers of either party.

§ 2. The armed forces of the United States of America and the Confederate States of America shall cease posthaste all combats between one another, and shall respect a general peace in all the land.

GENERAL PROVISIONS of commerce.

§ 3. The Governments of the United States of America and the Confederate States of America shall, after the results of the Commonwealth of Kentucky referendum (see General Provisions of statehood) be certified, no later than three months thereafter, to hold a convention regarding trade on the rivers forming the interior borders between the United and Confederate States, and all future laws between the two Powers regarding duties on imports and exports on those rivers, the latter of which includes the Mississippi, Ohio, Potomac, Tennessee, Rio Grande, and Cumberland Rivers, among others.


§ 4. The Governments of the United States of America and the Confederate States of America may open or restrict trade between one another through tariffs, quotas, and all other means of levying duties on imported and exported goods that any independent and sovereign nation may of right do; and in all other instances, healthy trade and commerce between both nations shall be observed and enjoyed.

§ 5. The Government of the Confederate States of America shall pay to the Government of the United States of America a payment of all Federally-owned properties, as existed on 19 December 1860, which shall, after the adoption of this treaty and subsequent referendums (see General Provisions of statehood), thereon be found within the borders of the Confederate States of America. The payments shall be a sum total of all properties ceded to the Confederate States as calculated by the United States Departments of War and a commission of officials as appointed by the Government of the Confederate States of America. The payments shall be made in yearly instalments over the course of seventeen years after the approval of this Treaty, with the option of early payment on the part of the Government of the Confederate States.


§ 6. The Government of the Confederate States of America shall pay to the Government of the United States of America, and corporations and other private institutions, a payment equivalent to the value of commerce seized on the high seas, between the dates of 12 April 1861 and 16 June 1865, also including any and all vessels that remain on the high seas and have continued to seize shipping and attack commerce after the date of 16 June 1865. The payments shall be calculated by a joint commission of officials from the Departments of the Treasury of both the United States of America and the Confederate States of America. This report shall be presented to both the United States Congress and Confederate Congress no later than 1 April 1866. Following the submission of the report, the payments shall be made in annual instalments over the course of fifteen years after April 1866, with the option of early payment on the part of the Government of the Confederate States.

GENERAL PROVISIONS of statehood.

§ 7. A fair and free referendum shall be held in the Commonwealth of Kentucky, posing a question of the future statehood of that Commonwealth, and its status as a member-state of either the United States of America or the Confederate States of America; and its results shall be respected and upheld by both of the signatory powers.


§ 8. A fair and free referendum shall be held in the Commonwealth of Virginia, posing a question of the future statehood of that Commonwealth, and its status as a member-state of either the United States of America or the Confederate States of America. It results shall be determined on a county-result basis; those counties that opt for remainder within the United States of America shall gather in a state constitutional convention to draft a binding constitution between the associated counties, and shall then apply for official statehood under the United States Government. The results of this referendum shall be respected and upheld by both of the signatory powers.

§ 9. The status of the State of Missouri as a part of the United States shall be respected by the Government of the Confederate States of America.

GENERAL PROVISIONS of the territories.

§ 10. The Indian Territory shall be transferred in all of its administrative and cultural needs to the Confederate States of America. The Neutral Strip shall remain under the jurisdiction of the Government of the United States, and shall be administered as that Government sees fit. All Indian tribes which decide upon it, in whatever fashion is most preferable to each tribe, may depart the Indian Territory and be placed in a new reservation in the United States for resettlement.

§ 11. The area formally known as the Territory of Arizona under the Confederate States of America, which claims parts of the Territory of New Mexico under the United States of America, shall have a fair and free referendum on its allegiance to either the United States or Confederate States; if the result is in favor of allegiance to the latter, its borders shall be respected by the United States of America, and the Territory of New Mexico shall be reformed to reflect the reality of altered borders.

GENERAL PROVISIONS of amnesty.

§ 12. A prisoner of war shall be defined as the following: a man, officially or unofficially in the service of the Governments of the United States and Confederate States, who took up arms in the conflict that is here now being drawn to a close, and is being held captive by the Governments of either the United States or Confederate States. All prisoners of war on both sides shall receive a general amnesty under the other’s government, and shall be returned, unharmed, to the country under which they fought; and their citizenship in the United States or Confederate States shall be respected by both parties.

With signatures affixed on this sixteenth day of June, in the year of Our Lord eighteen-hundred and sixty-five,


For the United States:

DANIEL W. VOORHEES,
President
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HORATIO SEYMOUR,
Secretary of State
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For the Confederate States:

JEFFERSON DAVIS,
President
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JUDAH P. BENJAMIN,
Secretary of State
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To Judah P. Benjamin, Secretary of State of the Confederate States of America,

Your Excellency,

His Imperial Majesty has taken note of the de-facto acknowledgement of independence and sovereignty by the Chief of State of the United States of America in regards to the Confederate States of America. Therefore, unburdened by previous considerations, His Imperial Majesty NAPOLEON III, Emperor of the French by the Grace of God and the Will of the Nation, is pleased to resume full diplomatic relations with the Confederate States of America on behalf of the French Empire, as previously stipulated. Your ambassador, M. Slidell, shall be received at court and his credentials reviewed by His Imperial Majesty.

On His Imperial Majesty's behalf, please extend our best wishes to your President.

Sincerely,
Édouard Drouyn de Lhuys
Minister of Foreign Affairs
 
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The Mexican Empire is pleased to fully acknowledge the independence of our good friends of the Confederate States of America. The people of the South are a truly proud and noble people who are partners of Mexico in our mutual economic development. Further cooperation with the Confederate States will be a high priority in the government of His Majesty.

Ignacio Comonfort, President of the Council of State
 
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Kingdom of Prussia

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Telegram from Minister of War Edwin von Manteuffel to Prussian Military Delegation in the United States

Gentlemen, you have served overseas in the United States with the upmost honor and dignity to document what can only be described as hell on Earth brought upon by the violent actions of man. The accounts I have read from newspapers and witnesses whom have encountered the grueling reality of modern war bring a sobering feeling to myself and others within the War Ministry and General Staff. I have confirmed reports of a peace being negotiated between the Union and Confederates, which shall result in the conclusion of your mission upon it's signing.

By order of the War Ministry and of my post as Minister of War, all Prussian military personnel within the United States are to be recalled to Prussia in orderly fashion upon notice of this telegram. Prussian vessels shall be dispatched and await at the port of Philadelphia for transport back to Prussia, securing of all documentation of the conflict is ordered to be sealed until return to Prussia for examination. Once again I thank you all for your service, the priceless information you have gathered shall aid the Royal Prussian Army in it's tireless efforts to stay one step ahead of our opponents on the field of battle.
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Minister of War
 
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A Just and Lasting Peace


The Civil War was fought in ten thousand places. From the Rappahannock and the Rapidan, to the Tennessee and Ohio. To the Mississippi and Rio Grande, and all the way to the Colorado. From dusty crossroads like Shepherdsville, Warrenton, and Chambersburg. To tremendous battles like Cold Harbour, Memphis, and Mobile. The Battles were fought on land and the water, from Hampton Roads and Key West, to Galveston Bay.

After years of fighting, and months of negotiations, the impossible became reality. The South legally won her separation from the North under an armistice and peace treaty, signed in mid July in the town of Manassas. The Confederate States of America stretched from the Potomac to the Colorado. It’s leaders now dreamed of a Tropical Empire, reaching ever southward. To Mexico, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Brazil.

By August 1865, the shock of independence was slowly starting to sink in. The artifacts of war were removed from Richmond, and the Confederate Government held its first official peacetime meeting in the country’s history. The Confederate armies, the terror of the Union, now saw themselves disbanding, gone home to be their family and friends, to sow the land once again and live peaceably among themselves.

In the woods of Tennessee, former adversaries James Longstreet and Nathaniel Lyon met, not engaged in battle, but to discuss the withdrawal of the once proud Army of the Tennessee from what was now a foreign country.

In four years, nearly a million photographs were made of the war. Matthew Brady went bankrupt. Thousands of glass plate negatives were lost, misplaced, and forgotten. Thousands were sold to gardeners. Not for the images they held, but for the glass itself, for use in greenhouses. In the years that followed Manassas the sun slowly burned the image of war from thousands of greenhouse glass panes.

“The Civil War,” A Harvard professor wrote at the time, “opened a great gulf in what happened before in our century, and what has happened since. It does not seem to me as if I am living in the country in which I was born. The war is both over, and not over.”

The terms of the treaty were palatable enough for the Republican Senate that it was able to pass, barely. With no mention of slavery in the United States, the House and Senate quickly passed the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution, outlawing the practice of slavery within the United States of America. Slave owners in Maryland and Delaware freed their slaves in droves, and hundreds of former slaves now wandered the roads seeking family, or work. Hundreds cried in agony, their family members now lived on the other side of an international border.

“A dark pall has come over me. I think of my brothers and sisters in this country, now freed and destitute. No administration to guide them. Nothing given to them but freedom. I wail in agony for those unfortunate brothers and sisters of mine who will toil in anguish for the rest of their lives at the yoke of the slave holding devil.”
Frederick Douglass

The Treaty of Manassas, while it ended the Civil War (called the War of Secession in the Confederacy), did not immediately resolve the issues of the border states. Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, and the Confederate Arizona Territory would be allowed to vote which country they wished to be a part of. Virginia, notable in its divide between the west and the east, was given the option of splitting on a county-wide basis. It would be Virginia which voted first, just three weeks after the country split in two officially. There were two choices, one was remain with the Commonwealth of Virginia, and remain in the Confederacy, or join the State of Kanawha, which the Restored Government of Virginia had morphed into, and rejoin the Union. Voters in Alexandria County had the option of choosing to remain in Virginia, or become a part of Washington, D.C. once again. In Accomack and Northampton Counties, the decision was given for them to join Maryland.

A clear divide was present. Counties that had been under the control of the Union during the war were much more susceptible towards voting for the Union. Only two counties, Harrison and Clay, voted to remain with the Commonwealth of Virginia. With both parties having agreed to the vote’s validity, the two Confederate counties within the new State of Kanawha were granted to the state, and the eight counties which voted to join Kanawha were given to the Commonwealth of Virginia, in exchange the close vote in Alexandria County would allow it to join DC over Confederate objections, while also being allowed to maintain control of Accomack and Northampton Counties.

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Results of the Virginia Referendum, 1 July 1865.
Between July 8th and July 11th, Kentucky underwent the process of voting for which country it would join. One problem overlooked by the Confederacy was the fact that the Kentucky was the home to thousands of freed slaves, done so during the War, and many of them simply decided to assert their abilities to vote. In counties along the Ohio River, this was not that much of a problem. In counties closer to the Confederacy, they were turned away. Confederate General John Breckinridge, a native of Kentucky and onetime Presidential candidate, spoke in favour of the state joining the Confederacy. The Confederates, however, made a crucial misstep. Skilled on the field of battle they were, great orators they were not. Proposals were flying around, proclaiming Confederate monuments should be erected across the state, the names of counties and cities should be changed, locations simply renamed and a total change in how the state looked and felt. Suddenly, the southern Confederacy seemed like a much less promising choice.

Kentucky ultimately decided to stay with the Union. As much as Confederate observers attempted to claim the illegality of the vote by letting freedmen vote in the northern counties, they conceded that the margins in the northern counties were not enough to tip the balance of the entire state. Their spirits were not entirely dashed. The Arizona Territory had voted, overwhelmingly so, to join the Confederacy. Washington, D.C. had ignored their needs, and many felt that the Confederate States would seek to address their issues and concerns.

The nation, now two nations, had made war on one another for four long years. With the final votes having taken place, and the new State of Kanawha’s legislature meeting for the first time on July 20th, 1865. That same day, the last soldier under the command of the United States of America departed Nashville, Tennessee, and Meade’s once proud Army of the Potomac found itself stationed in Alexandria County, Washington D.C. just twenty thousand strong, most of the men had gone home by now.

The new American President, forged from an impeachment of a man who was believed so corrupt and treasonous that the Union might dissolve under him, quickly assembled a new Cabinet, and pledged himself to the peaceful affairs of the now profoundly changed United States of America. Secretary of War Clement Vallandigham was fired, considered “incompetent” for the job, and in his place came in former Major General George McClellan, who had joined the Republican Party, but agreed to work with the Democratic administration, having seen the horrors of the War Department under Pendleton, and wishing to offer his services to the country he loved so much. Attorney General William Finck, the least corrupt member of Pendleton’s cabinet, brought up charges on the former President, for maliciously acting to destroy the Government of the United States.

Congress also approved a slew of new measures during July, the most notable of which was the adoption of a new flag. Instead of dropping the stars of the now independent Confederate States, two more stars were added for Nevada and Kanawha. “Our Heritage,” Pennsylvania representative Thaddeus Steven proclaimed, “is what binds us to this flag, not hatred for our new Southern neighbour.” They also approved of President Voorhee’s nominee for the Secretary of the Treasury, Samuel Randall from Pennsylvania, a tough-talking man from an industrial region of the state, who advocated for higher tariffs, much to the delight of his now former Republican colleagues. For the first time since the inauguration, the Treasury Department began to pay its bills again, and alarming news was passed to Congress. The war had cost a fortune, and money had to be raised to pay for it.

In Richmond, Secretary of the Treasury Christopher Memminger was faced with yet another crisis in his tenure as the head of the Confederacy’s finances. He had financed a war, spent the money he got through loans as effectively as possible, and now had to pay for the peace. The Confederate Congress was less than pleased with being obligated to pay for all Federal property the Confederacy seized, they had after all paid taxes to the United States government for years.

The total value of all Federal Property in the Confederate States was valued at $278 million dollars, and the value of all shipping that Confederate commerce raiders took prizes for was values at $68 million dollars. The repayments would be the one thing prioritised during the yearly budgets, coming in at a total of $346 million in gold bullion. Any dreams of paying off the loans taken from London at a speedy rate were dashed, as Memminger and the Confederate Congress began to grapple with financing it.
[Confederate States owes the United States $6,062.5 m. stats money]

As for the military aspect, both sides slashed their armies. The United States directed that its peacetime army shall be eighty thousand strong, spread out from Washington, D.C. to San Francisco, California. The Washington fortifications would be maintained and manned, but fences and military barriers would be removed, and the free movement of people once again allowed. A small American garrison and arsenal was also established in the city of Clarksburg, Kanawha. General Winfield Scott Hancock, the new commander of the garrison, resided in the same headquarters building as Robert Garnett had done just a couple months before him.

The mighty Confederate armies were new destined for the history books. Twelve thousand men would consist of the entire Confederate forces, almost half of which would be stationed in Texas for fighting against the Native Americans. James Longstreet was chosen to lead the remainder of the Confederate forces east of the Mississippi, making his own headquarters in the War Department in Richmond. In El Paso, Texas, Nathan Bedford Forrest took command of four hundred cavalry men, and began to raise terror on natives who harassed settlers in Arizona and Texas.

The war was over. 309,450 Confederates had been killed or wounded in their bid for independence, and 441,876 Union men had been killed for wounded in trying to maintain the Union. 751,326 men, all Americans, died in the Civil War.

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Former President Abraham Lincoln, loved by only a small circle of Republicans, began to practice law in Springfield, Illinois. He would travel to the Confederate States of America to meet Jefferson Davis in Richmond on amicable terms.

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General Nathaniel Lyon, widely regarded as the best General in the Union Army, would remain in the army after the war, joining a unit to be stationed in the Colorado territory.

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General William Tecumseh Sherman had descended into fits of rage and sorrow over the breakup of the United States. He lashed out at the politicians, democrats, incompetent military leadership, and the press. He refused any political office in the future, and moved to California.

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General Robert E. Lee had never been defeated in a major engagement. His name was a legend in the North and the South. On his final day as an officer in the Army of the Confederate States of America, we worse the coat bearing the insignia of a full Confederate General, he had worn the insignia of a colonel, his last rank in the United States Army, the entire war. He eschewed public life, and made his home in Richmond with his wife. By the summer of 1865, he was considered as the greatest military commander in history.

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General Thomas J. Jackson was considered one of the most brilliant commanders of the entire war. Known as “Stonewall Jackson” and the “Ghost of the Shenandoah,” he was perhaps the only living human who could challenge the legacy of Robert E. Lee. He was a risk taker, daring, and audacious. He remained in the Confederate Army, dismayed at its smaller size, but maintained close ties with his beloved Virginia Military Institute.


 
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A letter from Secretary of War George Brinton McClellan to President Daniel Wolsey Voorhees.
regarding the current state of the War Department and its Armies.
Mr. President,

I have reviewed the documents left at my desk for the past two weeks and, at your request for a full review of the qualities and condition of the United States Army, render my report thus: the United States Army has not the means nor the capability to call itself a modern force of arms. This conflict so recently concluded has revealed glaring faults in the operations and organization of the army as a mobilized force for Union. I must therefore present to your desk a series of proposals to reform and reorganize the Service into one of absolute modernity. As the old Union has died and given birth to a new Union, so must the old Army die and be reborn.

Chief among my concerns are problems of seniority between general officers and the overall lack of a codified chain of command. Generals far afield from Washington or St. Louis were expected to report to seniors hundreds or thousands of miles distant; but realities often meant they would report to other generals much closer, or would take military matters into their own hands for a great length of time. This is unacceptable for the proper conduct of war as much as it is an embarrassment to any modern field army captained and composed of white men.

I have begun to sketch out several early draft proposals -- to be perused at your comfort -- which shall be agreed upon by a joint council of myself, your person, and General Halleck. I believe the course of action of delegating districts divided by geography, with local commands and departments therein, will effect a much more efficient travel of information to and from seniors and subordinates, and will better the effectiveness of the army. I also include a more brief list of recommendations for the adoption of new arms for the Army; I have already ordered Assistant Secretary Dana to issue orders to the appropriate offices of the Department to begin carrying out these changes. A full report on the implementation of this secondary plan shall be presented to your desk no later than 1 December, with subsequent reports, to be perused at your leisure, presented on the first of every other month thereafter.

Respectfully yours,

GEORGE B. McCLELLAN
Secretary of War of the United States
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Your Majesty,

Upon the Advice of Cabinet, I request that you appoint Mr. Thomas Newman Hunt as Governor of the Bank of England.

Your Faithful Servant,

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Mr. President Vorhees,

I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of the United States of America, and the happy achievement of peace in the Continent. It is my solemn duty to repeat the apologies of my Government for the erroneous conduct in the Long Island Sound, and reaffirm our duty to compensate for the loss of live. I extend the opinion of my Government insofar that We hope that you shall entertain a tranquil administration of sound Morals and Christian governance. We have the utmost confidence that the friendly relations of our Peoples will be certified.


In the Confidence of Our Crown,

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Mr. Hunt,

Pleased be informed to the holders of the tradable bonds issued that these will be payable by the Exchequer, and that we intend to enter into negotiations for the debt restructuring of the Confederate States of America for stretched interest.

Sincerely,
Sir Stafford Northcote, Bt,
President of the Board of Trade

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Mr. President Davis,

I wish to congratulate you on the achievement of Peace in the North American continent, and extend, by consultation with the United States of America, renewed recognition of the Confederate State of America; you know with sincerity the affection of my people to your Liberty, and we hope that by the nature of our general sincerity, the Confederacy shall be integrated into the Concert of Nations, and make joyful entrance into these pursuits which can conclude with nothing but the greatest satisfaction of popular acclaim and national satisfaction.


In the Confidence of Our Crown,

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Prime Minister,

On the recommendation of the proceedings of Cabinet last weekend, I have withdrawn the stipulation witholding and preventing the purchase and exchange of the securities and credits of the Untied States of America and the Confederate States of America.


Sincerely,

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We do hereby grant credentials and passports to Sir Anthony de Rothschild, 1st Baronet, and appoint him Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Confederate States of America.

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Dear Admiral The Hon. Sir Frederick William Grey GCB,

You are hereby ordered, on behalf of Her Majesty's Government, to direct the hereafter listed squadrons, by purpose and virtue of events transpiring in the Eastern Mediterranean, to the Crown Colony of Malta. Await further instruction at the HM Dockyards.

Cordially,
Sir John Pakington, Bt
First Lord of the Admiralty

 
An Empire Under Siege:
Austria at the beginning of 1865

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Archduke Albercht, Herzog von Teschen

The beginning of 1865 saw waves of Polish refugees enter the Vistulan territories of the Habsburg Empire. The Congress Poland of the Russian Tsar was now but a smoldering ruin and the harshness of Russian response in putting down the rebellion in the lands of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth forced many to flee in order to survive. Rumblings in Egypt and the end of the American Civil War hinted at more an aggressive, interventionist French foreign policy backed up by British money. It was in this tense atmosphere that unwelcome attempts by the Kingdom of Italy to stoke the fires of war would force a strong Austrian response.

The Italians had significantly strengthened the size of their standing army, built military railways aimed to funnel troops into the heart of Austrian Venezia, and sponsored government propaganda encouraging armed conflict with the Austrian state. The unemployed of Italy were streaming into the recruiting stations for work. Tensions between the two countries were high. A war between Austria and Italy seemed inevitable. Affirmative steps were necessary to defend the Empire from such naked aggression. The Imperial General Staff was called upon to present the Kaiser with contingencies for an armed conflict. The main theatre of any such war would be Venice and its hinterland.

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Chambers of the Great Council of the Kingdom of Venice at the Doge's Palace.

The Austria of 1859 was not the Austria of 1865. Nearly half a decade of Localist policies had brought a degree of cohesion to the Empire. Like the rest of the Empire, Venezia was granted a local Diet and a wide range of internal autonomy. Beyond the pull of the locals towards the growing Italian nation-state there still was the social debris of centuries of rule by the Republic of Venice. For centuries the "Terrafirma" had been dominated by the relatively smaller but richer Venetian city-state. For decades the Austrians had captalized on the disputes between mainlanders and Venetians to present themselves as natural arbiters between both sides. Habsburg "Democracy" had flipped the situation, with the votes of the mainlanders ensuring their greater representation in the "Great Council." It remained to be seen how local factors would line up or oppose the Empire in the event of war. During previous conflicts the Italian elements of the military had remained loyal, as was the majority of the Terrafirma, and there was hope that the autonomy provided by the Habsburgs would contrast positively with the centralizing tendencies of the House of Savoy.

If war did come defense would be in the hands of the Army and Navy. While the Habsburg Navy significantly outnumbered the Italian Navy the presence of new railways suggested that the Italians wished to match or overwhelm the Habsburgs on land. Under the influence of Liberal politicians the Empire had kept a close watch on military expenditures and even managed to run a surplus for some years. The clear and present danger presented by Italian armament dictated that such economies had to be abandoned in order to respond to the challenge. The Kaiser ordered that the standing army be expanded to an authorized strength of 320,000 men and that military districts modeled after similar efforts in Prussia and Russia be created to facilitate a more rapid mobilization of reserves.

The Imperial Government did not hide its more aggressive defense policy from the public citing increases in standing forces in most all of Austria's neighbors and the need for Austria to match such moves. It was noted that the Austrian government had even taken steps to decrease standing force totals at the beginning of the decade but such moves were not reciprocated in the main among Austria's neighbors. The Kaiser's ministers did not single out any particular nation, even Italy for all its bellicose rhetoric was not treated with the same contempt as their influence makers had singled out for Austria. The Habsburgs desired to put the Italians on notice that massive preparations had been ordered to defend Austrian territory but in a way that emphasized it would be Italy striking the first blow against peace, not Austria.

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Joseph Freiherr von Maroicic

In charge of implementing the Imperial General Staff's chosen strategy was Feldzeugmeister Joseph Freiherr von Maroicic, designed Oberkommandeur of the Southern Army. This Croat general had fought extensively in Italy, against the Hungarian Revolutionaries, and his white papers on army reforms in reaction to Prussia's defeat in the latest war against the French had led to adoption of breachloading rifles and the tactics that went with them. Supporting him--but having an appointment of more prestige in the eyes of courtiers--was Archduke Albrecht, Duke of Teschen, who was in command the defenses of the capital and its attached military formation, the Central Army. Under the Duke of Teschen was Gavrilo Rodić, a general-major of Serbian extraction, was in charge of preparing additional formations to be sent to the Southern Army.

The Imperial General Staff, led by Feldzeugmeister Ludwig Freiherr von Gablenz-Eskeles, envisioned a campaign where the initial stages would see Italian forces using their superior infrastructure density to deliver a force that would outnumber the Habsburgs by a third or even half. Using the lessons of the Second Schleswig War the general staff wrote out guidelines for General Maroicic to follow and a menu of relevant advice dependent upon situation he faced in the field. He then set his own staff officers on the task of mapping out ground for an offensive or a defensive campaign in Northern Italy. The feverish pace of Italian armament suggested Florence was abiding by a timeline of a year to three years in which they would strike.
 
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Given the treaty signed by both parties, given the current states of affairs and the peace settling over the land we must recognize change. The Russian empire officially recognizes the Confederate States of America. We will shortly begin to establish regular and normal relations with this brand new government. We hope it is able to prove itself as a government of peace. As well that it one day realizes its deep mistake on slavery.


Alexander Gorchakov ~ Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
 
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((Apologies; done on mobile.))

Your Excellencies of the Empire of France and the Sublime Porte,

Her Majesty's Government, concerned by the disturbances between Your Govenments, and acting upon the Requests of Several Powers, as well upon the interests of the British Crown, has dispatched the Royal Navy to the Eastern Mediterranean, and presents these terms, to which we believe are neutral and amicable, to the respective plenipotentiaries of your Government.

Her Majesty's Government believes that an act of economic or military warfare; the former defined by sanction or default of debts, embargo of trade, or blockade of port, and the latter defined by an infringement on the territorial sovereignty of any territory, is an intolerable act; and that to whomever disturbs the neccesary tranquility of trade and commerce, will by action invoke the intervention of the British Crown by recriprocal, or if necceaary, excess action.

Insofar that the controversy regarding Egypt is concerned, Her Majesty's Government presents the following with the same force as the aforementioned notice.

It is the opinion of Her Majesty's Government that the settlement of 1840 must be upheld; but we are not ignorant of the position of the Emperor of the French; we therefore believe that if France is to enjoy suzerainty by fact, the Sublime Porte should enjoy suzerainty by law, and that by virtue of this compromise, the Emperor of the French should not be ignorant of the grievances of the Porte, and provide compensatory measures of a pecuniary and commercial disposition; and in this measure we may consider hegemony confirmed by lease, and not by illegitimate means.

For the interest of the British crown, and indeed, for all the goodwill of Europe, we ask that His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French oblige, by an act of confidence in Peace with his new suzerainty, the engagement and arbitration of Her Majesty's Government in matters of exchanges of international transportation through the Eyalet.

By that any further grievance of the Sublime Port be presented, we do hereby guarantee the territory of the Ottoman Empire with the confidence of the Terms aforementioned.


Sincerely,
Lord Stanley,
Secretary of State for Foriegn Affairs