Victorious through God’s grace: de Hautevilles’ chronicle
- Thread starter Hastu Neon
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Game-wise, it simply happened that the Governor of Lombardia (Milan plus Grisons) had a claim on the title of King of Germany and when the emperor was "in dire straits" gave up that crown to the Milanese ruler.
Let's put in this way: two centuries after the clash among Frederick Barbarossa and the Lombard League, a new one has finally brought to the collapse of the imperial power and the establishment of a confederation of free communes and city-states, which now covers not only the Po Valley but also the lands accross the Alps and "core Germany".
The longer I play, the bigger are surprise and enjoyment! So, in few years both England and Holy Roman Empire have disappeared, the former absorbed by Scotland and the latter broken down by civil war and external enemies.
Let's put in this way: two centuries after the clash among Frederick Barbarossa and the Lombard League, a new one has finally brought to the collapse of the imperial power and the establishment of a confederation of free communes and city-states, which now covers not only the Po Valley but also the lands accross the Alps and "core Germany".
The longer I play, the bigger are surprise and enjoyment! So, in few years both England and Holy Roman Empire have disappeared, the former absorbed by Scotland and the latter broken down by civil war and external enemies.
LXII. The Khwarizmian invasion of Sicily
After such a long imperial excursus, let’s return to the Kingdom of Sicily, because it is not immune to tensions and troubles that will spell good news for our Apulian dynasty in the near future. Around 1350, we have left the Sicilians still busy in the East with the war against the Khwarizmians led by Zartosht. Following the loss of the Syrian dependencies, Mauger of Sicily is resolute in keeping the Egyptian strongholds, which represent the oriental gate of his Mediterranean empire.For all the 1350s, a large number of men have been shipped off there to help guard the Sicilian castles, particularly in the far and inhospitable regions of Upper Egypt. For this effort the king has mainly relied on the armies raised by his nobles (including Grand Duke Alexios), thus depleting a huge portion of their human and material resources; to the point that, for instance, Alexios needs the troops of his own vassals to conduct the 1353-54 expedition against the Pisan forces in the Tyrrhenian Sea. Unfortunately for King Mauger, despite all the men dispatched into battle the Khwarizmians manage to cross the Red Sea, ravaging and finally conquering Nubia and Sudan.
And then, in 1355 the inconceivable happens: as the Sicilian sovereign prepares and successfully directs a swift expedition to revenge the defeat of 1343 by Emperor Folkmar and free Roma from the tyranny of his son Rudger (also sacking a treasure of 500 gold bezants), Sultan Zartosht hurriedly arms a large navy that takes by surprise a Sicilian fleet in the Libyan Sea, a defeat much shocking considering that the Khwarizmian Empire is not exactly a major sea power and that the sea areas close to Sicily have long been supposed secured.
After the success at sea, Zartosht loses no time and dispatches several vessels to take the Libyan town of Leptis Magna. From there, the resupplied Khwarizmian forces set sail toward Sicily, elude again Mauger’s cruisers and disembark in safety below Messina while the king is still on the continent. No need to say how much appalling is the landing of a Muslim army and the subsequent siege of the capital city of Sicilian realm. The small defences can do nothing against the invaders and in 1356 Messina falls to the Muslims.
At the time of Messina’s fall Mauger of Sicily is at Benevento, where he relocates the court and, bent on revenge, tries to plan a counterattack against such an unexpected threat. Such attempts even gain some good results as the capture of the Cypriot town of Famagusta, but the loss of the capital is a crucial blow to the king’s hopes and even to his health: two years later, in mid-1358, he would die without having the chance recover Messina.
LXIII. Stay alert: war is in our homes!
Differently from King Aberlard, Alexios answers the pleas of the anguished people and prepares an expedition under the direction of his son Antemios. In the first days of autumn 1359 two contingents begin their approach march toward Benevento and on 30th December of the same year, after a short unopposed siege, Alexios’ general drives the Muslims out of the town. When Alexios reaches Benevento shortly after, its inhabitants salute him with the deepest gratitude, offering the keys of the castle as if he, and not King Abelard, were the master of the city: a superb honour considering that Benevento was the historical capital of the Lombards at the time they ruled Southern Italy, before the arrival of the Normans.
While the Greek-Apulian army is still being gathered and ferried to Italy by an emergency flotilla, Antemios repairs to Taranto to dispute there the passage into Apulia of the Muslim invaders. After having razed again Benevento and other several defenceless towns and villages, Zartosht’s horde reaches Taranto in late March 1360. The total of Antemios’ army is about 3.300 men, too few to oppose almost 7.000 enemies, even after the arrival of relief troops from Bari. So following a bloody encounter which costs hundreds of losses, in April he is compelled to retire and fall back on Lecce, while Taranto’s last defenders prepare to bear the siege.
After this latter mortifying defeat, the Grand Duke begins to convince himself that the only way to stop Zartosht is attempting his assassination, an execrable deed that brings huge risks. The plan set up by Maelduin de Poitou, the cunning spymaster hired by the Grand Duke since the early 1350s, foresees the entry of a killing squad into the enemy camp with the favour of darkness and the murder of the Sultan. Maelduin pays the assassins 2.000 bezants – four times the sum Alexios was ready to offer for peace few weeks before – and on the convened date (2nd August 1360) they penetrate the Khwarizmian camp by night, kill the sentinels and reach the Sultan’s pavilion where he is stabbed.
Scared by the Khwarizmian reaction, in a last stand the Grand Duke orders to dispatch into Apulia 2.200 men from the (as-yet) unthreatened castle of Cosenza, but in late August comes Vahhab’s incredibly advantageous peace offer: probably conscious of his own weak position – in a foreign country and faraway from the capital of the empire, just after the death of his brilliant father – the new Sultan requests a meeting with Alexios. During the encounter the two contenders agree on a ransom of 1.500 bezants – thrice the sum previously offered by Alexios – in exchange for raising the sieges against Alexios’ castles. Thus the danger is averted from the Grand Duchy.
Yes, he is ... and is getting trashed by them. I agree, I've been very lucky this time as the Khwarizmians could really crush me with their superior numbers. Fortunately, I lost only Benevento and managed to pass Taranto to my son before it surrendered as well. And then, the assassination helped a lot, because the new ruler decided to come to a compromise and get the tribute. But Alexios will not forget ...
LXIV. The Apulian recovery slowly begins
The Grand Duchy so far afflicted by such terrible incursion can resume to breathe, but what is left is devastation almost everywhere. The losses suffered by the Apulians produce a shortage of manpower that prevents to deliver assistance to those areas (like Benevento, Northern Apulia, Capua) still subject to the threat of retaliation from the retreating Muslims.Also, the war has drained the lives of Alexios’ best captains: Baudoin of Urbino has died, Antemios narrowly escaped an assassination attempt; David Marshal is living in strained condition, while Duke Roger of Cairo is rushing back to Egypt to protect his own dominions. So it is understandable that, regardless of the allegations of cowardice made by Abelard against Alexios, the Grand Duke evades the requests to provide more contributions for the defence of Famagusta, where the King of Sicily stays now besieged. Quite the opposite, instead of depleting the energies of the Grand Duchy to help his awkward liege, with great magnanimity Alexios chooses to help his subjects by building new working facilities and reducing taxes and corvee labours. In order to compensate lower revenues, he cuts donations to monasteries profiting from the low popular esteem that the clergy enjoy in these days.
The year and half of truce spent consolidating the positions is up in January 1362, when Alexios intrepidly resumes the hostilities against the remainder of the Khwarizmian army, now directed by Berkan (the leader of the 1360 siege of Taranto) after the departure of Sultan Vahhab. The Grand Duke sends his brother David with over 7.000 Salernitan soldiers and almost 3.000 recruits from Calabria in order to hound Berkan out from the mountainous region surrounding Benevento. Regardless of some raids by Khwarizmian corsairs that divert Alexios’ attention from the main target and force him to pay again almost 600 bezants as ransom, the repression of the Muslim resistance on the mainland is brutal and Benevento is quickly cleansed of enemy presence and assigned to Christophoros as his second bishopric (the first one, Taranto, having been given to him in 1360 during the siege of the town).
In less than two years the severe defeats suffered at the hands of Zartosht have been revenged. As a complimentary indication of recovered authority, in July of the same year Berthold of Arborea accepts to pledge allegiance to Alexios, probably convinced to break the isolation of Northern Sardinia by the Grand Duke’s achievements against both Pisa and the Khwarizmian pirates. Thus, even if the grand ducal treasury is drained and too much blood of young warriors has been shed on the homeland, Alexios alone stands out as the brightest living example of the old Hauteville glories.
Grand Duke Alexios’ domains in 1362
Rumours from distant lands – The Pope’s crimes
What happens during the pontificate of Richard (III) de Tolouse is exemplificative of all such vices. Elected in 1353 with the help of abundant gifts, some years later he gets involved in a war against Duke Pedro of Galicia, one of the most powerful feudatories of Iberia. Despite several military victories against the papal mercenaries, Duke Pedro dies in mysterious circumstances in March 1358. Thanks to a forged testament in which Duke Pedro pleads for pardon, Pope Richard III claims to be the appointed tutor of his young son, the 7-year old Enrique and obtains custody of the boy. Astoundingly, just five months later the child is found poisoned to death, a fatal accident that makes everybody suspect the Pope of unsayable skeletons in the closet. Whichever the truth, the outcome of all this is that Richard III incamerates the whole Duchy of Galicia into the Papal States.
Actually, something really strange happened here.
While Duke Pedro (father) was clearly winning the war against the hope, he died leaving his lands to son Enrique. Quite incredibly, the boy died after few months ... and Pope Richard III inherited him. What is very strange is that the Pope comes from Tolouse, so I cannot imagine a dynastic link between him and the Galician ruler. Thus I created the "forged testament" idea.
What is interesting here, is that the Papal States are doing in Spain exactly what they did in Italy in real history: create their own domain, moving one prince against the other at their best convenience. Basically preventing the creation of a unified Iberian state, which was a real possibility in late 13th century when Portugal and Castile were ruined and Aragon controlled alone more than half of the peninsula.
LXV. Abelard “the Mule” ruins Sicily
Contrary to Alexios, King Abelard is a real disgrace for his people: arrogant and unreasonable, he fully merits the nasty sobriquet of “Mule” which everybody refers to him by. Abelard’s biggest fault has been disregarding the motherland’s protection for the sake of an unsustainable counter-offensive in the East: while the fleets and armies of the Khwarizmians are ravaging Southern Italy, only opposed by the courage of Alexios and his soldiers, Abelard chooses to sacrifice many of his most experienced troops for the maintenance of the castles in Egypt and Cyprus, establishing himself in Famagusta.
Initially responsive to Abelard’s requests for troops, finally Grand Duke Alexios – like other vassals – gets tired of the king and refuses to commit more men for his foolish expeditions, preferring to use his limited resources to garrison coast fortifications and assist the peoples of Southern Italy and Greece in rebuilding their defences.
Growing discontent among all classes with regards to Abelard’s behaviour soon creates a seditious spirit, and conspiracies against the king begin. With the king still at Famagusta, some nobles and officers displeased with the conduct of war attempt a first plot in March 1363 which does not receive much support, first of all by Alexios himself.
Two years later Abelard’s situation further deteriorates as 12.000 Khwarizmians invade Cyprus and take Famagusta after a siege of three months, forcing him to flee back to Sicily. Cleary the king’s return is not a triumph. First of all, because with the loss of Famagusta prevails the sense of vainness of all the efforts and hopes, as clearly shown months later by the capitulation of Djerba and the Muslim deluge throughout Lybia; and secondly, because the shattered knights coming back from the Levant bring the bubonic plague to Italy. The Black Death – as the great pandemic is called – enters for the first time the Grand Duchy in June 1366: its first point of entry is supposed to have been the port of Salerno, from where it spreads through the country to reach Lecce, already beleaguered in the first half of the 14th century by a ruinous outbreak of pulmonary typhoid.
In the meantime, Abelard’s faults and misadventures continue without pause: a new Muslim expedition attacks Sicily in 1367 from the bases in Libya, sacking Messina as Zartosht’s ships have done eleven years before. Forced to run away another time from his capital, Abelard returns naively to the offensive landing in Libya, but fails to prevent the fall of Cyrenaica and Benghazi.
In October 1368 Abelard flees back to Italy and establishes his court in Apulia, north of Bari. It soon becomes apparent that with his behaviour Abelard is putting at risk the whole nation and the most resolute men decide to take action; among them, Alexios is the chief. On 11th October Abelard is proclaimed deposed as King of Sicily and his subjects freed from their oaths of allegiance to him. Urged to take control of the royal institutions, the Grand Duke raises a great army against Abelard who, on hearing the news of the coup, has summoned the help of his only foreign ally, the King of Poland Georgii Piast.
As Alexios’ troops march into Northern Apulia from all sides, reaching the number of 10.000 men, Abelard honourably takes the field with a much smaller army that is outnumbered on 28th October. After the defeat, Abelard takes refuge in the strong coastal fort of Barletta, planning to arrange there a resistance. During the siege that lasts exactly two months, no offers for surrender are exchanged. Finally in the night of 28th December 1368, the besiegers breach the castle’s outer walls and storm Abelard’s residence, compelling him to sign his abdication. With great mercy, in the following days Abelard is escorted safely into an isolated monastery to be forgotten, while Alexios has himself appointed “Protector of the Kingdom” by an assembly of magnates.
Yeah! This glorious year 1368 will remain in the annals.
I have role-played a lot here, probably Alexios was capable to become king even 20-30 years before, it was me that didn't want to be too "exploitative". But this last Sicilian ruler, Abelard, was a real disgrace and needed to be deposed before ruining the whole kingdom. Thus, almost three centuries after Robert Guiscard the leadership moves back from the island to the continent. And there are some 80 years of gameplay left for even greater deeds ...
I have role-played a lot here, probably Alexios was capable to become king even 20-30 years before, it was me that didn't want to be too "exploitative". But this last Sicilian ruler, Abelard, was a real disgrace and needed to be deposed before ruining the whole kingdom. Thus, almost three centuries after Robert Guiscard the leadership moves back from the island to the continent. And there are some 80 years of gameplay left for even greater deeds ...
I have to check, but probably not. Greek remain only the few initial ones: Lecce (my capital, by the way), Reggio and Messina.
LXVI. Alexios, Protector of the Kingdom
The Kingdom of Sicily at the time of Alexios de Hauteville’s Protectorate
The maps above show the extent of Sicily during the short period in which Alexios remains Protector of the Kingdom, from December 1368 until his death in June 1369. After Abelard’s disastrous decade in power, Sicily is still (though diminished) a considerable realm.
The Kingdom of Sicily at the time of Alexios de Hauteville’s Protectorate
- In the Central Mediterranean, the Khwarizmian swarm has taken over a great part of the Libyan possessions and Messina, but the rest of the Sicilian island is much under control;
- The Italian peninsular region represents now the core of the country, and not only because one of Alexios’ first acts is moving the capital to Lecce. Even before the relatively recent additions in Central Italy, the continental section – and the Grand Duchy above all - has been for long time the main contributor of revenues and manpower to the royal cause;
- Greece has not been touched by the Muslim raids, even if the eyes of the Byzantine Emperor Eusebios are greedily looking upon those lands;
- Egypt is the only Hauteville overseas possession that has strongly resisted overwhelming pressure by the Muslims, despite some territorial losses;
- Very little of the Levant possessions remain, only the Holy City of Jerusalem (still a glittering prize) and few scattered posts here and there.
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Apart from tackling the Black Death and the continuing war against Georgii of Poland, in his few months in office as Protector, Alexios initiates the reforms needed to re-establish royal prerogatives, according to his motto “lands to relatives, controls to friends”.Administrative reorganisation: Alexios’ most important project is the reform of the provincial system on the model of the successful Byzantine themata system. In virtue of the powers conferred upon him by the assembly of the peers, he combines military and civil responsibilities over several regions and assign them to the most loyal members of the Hauteville’s dynasty as a reward for their last efforts.
- The elder surviving son Antemios receives the Duchy of Urbino;
- The younger son Christophoros is elevated to the newly established Archbishopric of Benevento, with authority also over Taranto;
- Geoffrey of Bari is given the emotional title of Duke of Apulia;
- Alexios de Hauteville, who rules over the counties of Hellas and Atheniai since 1353, is raised to the ducal dignity in Greece.
Some of these strangers would even gradually advance from subaltern positions to the highest offices, founding fortunes for themselves and their relatives: people like Maelduin de Poitou, Alexios’ faithful spymaster from early 1350s until his death in 1369 (few months after his principal’s decease), or Mathieu and Tiburge Stewart, respectively steward and chancellor. Tiburge herself, once elevated by Alexios to such post of honour, will be noted by King Simon of France, and married to him in 1357.
There are few exceptions to the “lands to relatives, controls to friends” policy adopted by Alexios. One is his brother David, who has long retained the honorific title of marshal for his great deeds – the liberation of Jerusalem in 1337, the expedition in Northern Italy against Emperor Folkmar, the decisive conquest of Benevento in 1362 – and the constant effort to innovate the military. Unfortunately, in April 1368 David has got the bubonic plague and Alexios is obliged to substitute him with Bernard de Crecy (instead, thanks to his enduring fibre David will survive Alexios and die only in 1370). The second exception is a weird character, Bishop Guy of Lecce, the creepily enthusiastic supporter of the Inquisition who has begun to chase heretics out of the court since 1358, finally convincing Alexios of the goodness and necessity of the fight against all blasphemous people.
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Ascended to the title of Protector at the old age of 60, Alexios stays in power just more than five months, but his legacy and influence would last much longer, as with his great deeds the Apulian branch of the Hauteville dynasty is to become ruler of the Kingdom. Despite religion has never been the focus of Alexios’ government, nevertheless contribute to his prestige and piety the support to David’s crusade to free Jerusalem, the promotion of missions to bring back to Catholicism the peoples of Greece and above all his role as defender of the Christianity against the threats coming from both the Muslims and heretics. With such premises, there is no doubt that the cause for beatification started by Pope Richard III will be completed soon.
Evolution of Alexios’ domains from the beginning to the end of his rule
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LXVII. Renaming as Kingdom of the Two Sicilies
On the deathbed Alexios nominates the grandson Theophilos to succeed him, instead of his elder surviving son Antemios. Probably the Protector’s will is to bring new blood and energies into the ruling circle, and the 24-year Theophilos seems more apt than his brave but older uncle Antemios for such a purpose.
Theophilos was born in Reggio in 1344, the son of Adrianos de Hauteville and Sybille de Poitou, daughter of the last Duke of Capua. At the age of 2, he moved to Capua with his mother upon inheritance of his grandfather’s lands. In 1352 his father Adrianos died, leaving the County of Reggio to the 8-year old boy (probably at that point the wealthiest orphan in the whole kingdom!). At that sad juncture, his grandfather the Grand Duke Alexios took him under his wing to teach the arts of politics and make him his successor. Since then Theophilos has lived pleasantly, even if with a black spot in his private life: the controversial union with Anna de Hauteville (so, within few degrees of consanguinity) has produced five children, two of whom have already died in their babyhood and another one suffers from inbred idiocy. The couple’s only sane kids are the first two: Isaakios (1363) and Pulcheria (1364).
One of his first acts is to officially reinstate the monarchical designation suspended by his grandfather during the half year before, but Theophilos styles himself as King of the Two Sicilies (and not just Sicily) in order to give relevance also to the continental part of the realm. Once clarified his institutional status he moves to install Romanos Masaraph as new bishop, designates a new council (that now includes his wife Anna – in replacement of the dead spymaster Maelduin – his brother Alexios as marshal and his brother-in-law Ioannes Forgach as chancellor) and finally assigns the county of Apulia to his nearest vassal, Duke Geoffrey of Apulia.
Theophilos has to face two urgent issues: the first is the sedition of Ralph, the mischievous and arrogant Count of Naxos and Demetrias who breaks out into open rebellion against his king in November 1369 because of the preference accorded to Alexios, Count of Hellas and Atheniai, in the attribution of the ducal title over the Greek dependencies. In order to force back to obedience Ralph, Theophilos raises a small contingent from Cosenza and a mercenary militia in Campania (strong of 5.000 warriors) and dispatch them to the command of the Duke of Athens with the task of defeating the disloyal count.
Having done that, Theophilos turns back his attention to a much serious menace, being the Polish assaults against the Apulian coast. Their king Georgii, the staunchest advocate of Abelard against Alexios, has never accepted the Protectorate and the following succession of Theophilos as king. Even after Abelard’s surrender of the kingship the Polish ruler has continued to muster a remarkable army to cross the Adriatic Sea and invade the Two Sicilies.
Concerned by reports of his envoys, Theophilos raises taxes for the defence, while the Polish vanguards are preparing for landing in Apulia. On a rainy 5th March 1370, the king’s host meets near Lecce the Polish invaders – whose speed has given them the opportunity to explore the surrounds. After two hours of intense fighting, Theophilos decides to end the fight quickly by leading a charge into the fray, but he is unhorsed and slain in the mud.
The rule of the unlucky king has lasted exactly nine months and two days, and he lefts a 7-year old son, Isaakios.
Very short reigns; the reborn Kingdom seems to be going through a tough time.
I do like the Greek culture of the Sicilians; makes them seem more multi-cultural.
I do like the Greek culture of the Sicilians; makes them seem more multi-cultural.
Thanks for your reply, SplendidTuesday.
While the predecessor Alexios died at 60 years after a very long reign and a life full of events and achievements, I must admit I'm really sad for Theophilos dying at 25. Have you noticed his stats, particularly the military one? He would have been a great conqueror.
Game-wise, the culture of the Hauteville rulers has switched from Norman to Greek with Athanasios on the turn between XIII and XIV centuries, but also in real-history the Kingdom of Sicily had a strong Greek flavour and cultural trace until Frederick II, when the Latins started to prevail over other cultures.
While the predecessor Alexios died at 60 years after a very long reign and a life full of events and achievements, I must admit I'm really sad for Theophilos dying at 25. Have you noticed his stats, particularly the military one? He would have been a great conqueror.
Game-wise, the culture of the Hauteville rulers has switched from Norman to Greek with Athanasios on the turn between XIII and XIV centuries, but also in real-history the Kingdom of Sicily had a strong Greek flavour and cultural trace until Frederick II, when the Latins started to prevail over other cultures.
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Poor luck with Theophilos. He could a have been your verision of Richard the Lionheart. Merry Christmas Hastu Neon!