• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Yes, they have claims. But until now they are quiet, maybe because they are allied with my liege the King of Sicily?
Don't know if this may be the reason (otherwise my king will defend me and break the alliance), but if the answer is yes, this pact is lucky for me...
 
LV. The Scottish liaison

13252101alexiosefinngua.jpg
The so-called Scottish liaison dates back to 1324 when Alexios, just become major of age, begins to actively look for a suitable bride at the most prestigious courts of Europe. After several consultations, the choice falls on Finnguala, Princess of Scotland. This matrimonial link with a foreign royal dynasty brings enormous prestige to the Apulian Hautevilles, further enhanced by the fact that her father is one of the most powerful leaders of the time: with great valour and skill, King Trian has actually become master of the British isles, annexing to Scotland vast regions of Northern England, Ireland and Cornwall.

The marriage of Alexios and Finnguala, celebrated in January 1325, proves very prolific as eight children are born between 1326 and 1342: Adrianos, Gormflaeth, Antemios, Konstantinos, Maria, Agathe, Christophoros and Simonis (unfortunately, the rampage of pulmonary typhoid would soon claim the young lives of Gormflaeth and Konstantinos). Given the good results of this political marriage, a second union seals the friendship with Scotland in 1327, when David (Alexios’ brother) marries Aileann (Finnguala’s sister). The Duke’s brother, an assertive guy showing excellence in military subjects, is the natural substitute for marshal Henry after the champion of the recent expedition to Alexandria gets pneumonia and dies. Before the deeds that we will count later, David profits of the Scottish liaison to bring fresh forces to the Hauteville cause as he accepts the generous military assistance offered by King Trian: 6.000 mercenaries of the Highland Claymore Company settle in Southern Italy during 1328, available for future endeavours.

13282901hcc.jpg
Apart from this (and the death in 1328 of Henry of Sicily, succeeded by Richard II, who in turn passes away in 1334 leaving the crown to Mauger de Hauteville), the late 1320s and early 1330s remain uneventful, but generally unhappy because of the continuing disease of pulmonary typhoid and an additional outbreak of smallpox that ravages Lecce and surroundings. Of the thousands that get the malady, many die hopeless (particularly children and elderly people) and only few recuperate health. Two children of Alexios pass away, while his brother David and elder sons Adrianos and Antemios manage to recover.

While many lords and merchants carry their much-loved riches to monasteries and miserable peasants turn into bandits, Alexios and Finnguala support the afflicted communities as much as they can, giving alms to the poor, sustaining food production and delivery and helping the victims’ families. In particular, Finnguala devotes herself to the care of the sick, but becomes stressed because of the hardships and losses suffered. Even when the typhoid seems to reduce its intensity starting from 1333, an awful sense of terror continues to spread all over the region so appalling is the look of the survivors.

Rumours from distant lands – The Great Northern War
The epistolary correspondence of Finnguala and Aileann with their Dunkeld relatives allows Duke Alexios to be constantly informed on the crucial developments happening in Great Britain, where Scottish and Norwegian interests finally clash.

After 1322 annexation of Sweden, Bjorn – the new King of Norway (and of the Isles, Iceland and Sweden, precisely!) – has turned his eyes west, much like his Viking ancestors did in the 9th century, and signed a friendship treaty with the Angevin King of England, Laurence. But this time he finds something wholly different, as the Scots can now offer a tougher challenge than the ancient Anglo–Saxons.

The Great Northern War starts officially with the Norse attack of Scotland in December 1335, but is preceded by the usual skirmishes between Scots and English. This time the casus belli is a border dispute between King Trian and the powerful Archbishopric of York, which triggers the Scottish invasion of the Midlands and the occupation of Dublin in the same year 1335. Despite the Norwegian declaration of war in support of England and Trian’s death, military initiative remains with his successor Cairthenn for much of the following years: the Scots grab the county of Salisbury in 1336 and push on in a pincer movement from the north and the west.

Hard pressed by the Scottish advance, two years later the Archbishop of York defects from allegiance to England and consequently his militias assault the king’s garrisons in the North. In the meantime Bjorn of Norway, struggling with internal strife in Scandinavia, renounces the invasion of the British islands and signs a truce with the Scots.

A lapse of war actions occurs in the following years, as main characters change again. In the same year 1339 both contending kings die: Ruadrì succeeds Cairthenn in Scotland; the young Henry IV inherits Laurence in England, but reigns only two years before dying and leaving the embattled kingdom to William III. In the intervening time, the Archbishop of York takes advantage of the Angevin weaknesses to humiliate the Crown, grab territories in the Midlands and even acquire full ownership of Dublin, the main town of Ireland traditionally belonging to the royal demesne.

The intricate situation for the Angevins would not be at least partially settled before the death of William III, occurring in 1348. The positions of the new king, Henry V, and of Archbishop Roger of York get closer again when Morgan of Wales attacks England: in order to appease the powerful prelate and lure him back into allegiance, Henry V supports his election as Pope. Actually, Pope Osmond has died in 1348 (a date which interrupts almost half century of Hauteville pontiffs), succeeded by the short pontificate of Richard II. When also Richard II dies in April 1351, the good offices of Henry V make the conclave resolve upon Roger of York.

But this would not save the Angevin side from ruin: encircled by the Welsh from west and the Scots from north and south, Henry V sees over the course of his period in office the devastation of the English realm and of his family. After the death of his friend Pope Roger of York in 1353, for Henry V it is actually a slow descent to hell: like many of his unfortunate predecessors, the new Pope Richard III interdicts him in 1354. More than a decade of low-intensity fighting ensues (no need to mention the many skirmishes that ruin England), with the Angevin ruler always desperately trying to hold off the invaders. But clearly English morale is now destroyed. In a rapid succession of events, a tired and hopeless Henry V capitulates to the demands of his foreign foes: in September 1367 cedes to Wales a material portion of the Midlands, five months later surrenders his crown to Ruadrì of Scotland. So, the English defeat in the Great Northern War leaves the Scottish Dunkelds masters of the British Isles with the Welsh as minor partners.

1368gbr.jpg

Domain of Ruadrì (Scotland and England) in 1368; Wales shown in light yellow.
 
I'm not sure, but maybe yes. I also had doubts when after Trian appeared Cairthenn and Ruadrì...
 
LVI. David’s Crusade (the Sixth)
David is destined to lead the greatest expedition in the Holy Land since the time of Werner’s unfortunate Fourth Crusade, exactly a century before. Since then, no relevant Christian leader has ventured there, preferring easier targets in North Africa; the Kingdom of Jerusalem still survives in truncated form under weaker and weaker Lusignan monarchs exercising a symbolic rule on the Holy Sepulchre and another small feud on the Nile Delta.

But the Lusignan authority is so rotten within that in 1329 two brothers, Innocenzo and Sanche, begin to fight over the modest legacy left by their father. The following year Innocenzo defeats Sanche, but the consequence of this pitiful conflict is simply that the Muslim forces surrounding Jerusalem find it even easier to storm the vulnerable city few years later.

Finally, on 29th June 1336 Pope Osmond (de Hauteville) writes a circular letter to all Christian leaders to induce them to undertake the sacred mission of freeing Jerusalem. With a treasury in excess of 8.000 gold bezants, a powerful and well-equipped army, a well renowned name and a network of naval bases spanning the Eastern Mediterranean, the Duchy of Apulia seems to be fated to lead the Sixth Crusade.

More than Duke Alexios, the goal inflames his brother David. The ducal couple seem tepid in their support to the enterprise: Alexios is content with his three ducal titles, bearing in mind that Normans have not recently collected great successes in the Levant; Finnguala, now also chancellor, tries to oppose David’s plans as she desperately pushes for assistance to be rather given to her brother Cairthenn of Scotland, embroiled in the Great Northern War.

On the other hand, for David the crusade is a quest for lands and laurels rather than a religious matter. The young man is ambitious and pugnacious, and he appreciates that, as a cadet, there will not be room for him at home. Thus, he assembles an army of 13.000 men (roughly 7.000 levied in Salerno and 6.000 Scottish mercenaries of the Highland Claymore Company), hires a fleet of galleys for 350 bezants and on 25th July 1336 sets sail from Calabria. In November 1336 David’s fleet coasts Crete, arriving at Pelusia in Egypt on the day after Christmas. Although the Nile Delta is firmly in Christian hands, during the exhausting marches the warm Egyptian sun parch the Apulian soldiers with thirst. When in late January 1337 David finally reaches the friendly post of El-Arish, ruled by his uncle Tancred de Hauteville, only slightly more than 11.000 crusaders remain: he has lost some 2.000 men in the crossing of the Mediterranean and the subsequent passage through the Sinai desert.

13362507david.jpg
After some rest, David resumes his march but takes a longer route through Negev, reaching Amman before approaching Jerusalem from the East. Instead, the Scottish mercenary group does not follow the steps of the leader and moves through Beersheb and Hebron, investing the city of the Sepulchre directly from South. On 19th March 1337 David ascends a hill that commands a view of Jerusalem and summons the city’s ruler Sheik Mervan to surrender.

13371903jerusalem.jpg
Faced with Mervan’s refusal, David starts the siege of Jerusalem, confident of his own chances. Despite some progress, April and May pass without the capitulation of the Muslims. In the following weeks, Duke Osbert of Cairo, a distant relative of Alexios and David and one of the key vassals of Mauger of Sicily in Egypt, comes and joins the siege – with the consequences we will see below. On 13th June, after almost three months of siege, Mervan surrenders Jerusalem to Osbert of Cairo personally (there are unconfirmed tales of bribery), rather than to the crusade’s leader David. The usurper claims Jerusalem as his own, making pretence of being the highest King’s lieutenant on the field.

Furious and disillusioned, David immediately leaves Jerusalem and marches north, willing to grab at any cost his well-deserved slice of glory. The progress of Alexios’ brother is not molested, and he quickly arrives at Acre. Yet, near that city an engagement with the defenders could not be avoided.

Despite a remarkable superiority (9.000 crusaders against 2.000 Muslims), David’s army morale, and particularly that of the Scottish bands, has been weakened by the incessant troubles and lack of spoils. So when Nabil of Acre makes a sortie in force, David suffers his first terrible defeat on 7th July. David commands a retreat, and the crusaders get some weeks of rest. In autumn David resumes the attacks against Acre, this time with new powerful siege weapons, trebuchets, but in November the inopportune envoys of Mauger of Sicily are cajoled by Nabil and persuaded to sign a truce, a silly episode that will be repeated at Hebron in early 1338 causing David an outburst of rage against the king.

The affronts suffered at Jerusalem, Acre and Hebron, more than the difficulties of the campaign, finally induce David to leave the Holy Land. Despite the fascinating march on (and liberation of) Jerusalem, for which later in the year Alexios and David receive the personal praise of Pope Osmond, the venture has not brought the hoped-for fruits. The loss of 9.000 soldiers (2/3 of those departed two years before from Apulia) on the plains of Palestine has earned David more honour than lands. With the exception of a small tail represented by the temporary Sicilian capture of Al’Aqabah, the coastal town on the Red Sea, with David de Hauteville’s departure the Sixth Crusade comes to an end.

Rumours from distant lands – The Second Aragonese-Portuguese War​
In summer 1329 the Portuguese raid Faro, initiating the second war against Aragon after the one lost in 1284. Garcia of Portugal has probably chosen the right moment to declare war on Aragon – that is when the rival country is in the middle a dynastic crisis after the premature death of its young monarch, Flazino. Having died childless the previous year, he has been succeeded by his brother Elpidius who unfortunately suffers from the adverse effects of family inbreeding.

From Faro, Garcia proceeds to take Caceres while the enemy garrisons still stand unprepared. Some skirmishes on the northern frontier with Papal mercenaries supporting Aragon do not divert many Portuguese forces and result in insignificant losses for King Garcia. Thus, in the subsequent year, the Portuguese army can carry on a massive invasion of Andalusia, capturing key citadels like Almeria, Cadiz and Sevilla. Up to 1331, war accounts only record Portuguese victories and conquests, then follow several years marked by a lack of major changes. Under the leadership of a new, better king – Ramon Roger – the Aragonese nation recovers forces and ground until in late 1330s the course of the war definitively changes: Garcia of Portugal dies in 1337, passing the crown to the deficient Gil de Borgonha (thus switching again the dynastic priority of succession from the House of Lara to the competing House of Borgonha). The poor Gil dies in 1341 leaving his wrecked crown to Duarte, but in the meantime Ramon Roger d’Aragon pushes through, to the point that Duarte cannot even enter his capital Lisboa, captured by the Aragonese.

Duarte’s short reign does not change the odds of the conflict: the Armistice of Christmas (25th December 1348) finally comes to relief Duarte of his troubles, forcing him to abdicate in favour of Alfonso III (another dynastic switch among Borgonha and Lara!!!). The losses suffered by Portugal with the truce of December 1348 are catastrophic: Mertola, Plasencia, Caceres and Folcalquier go to Aragon, not counting war indemnities in excess of 900 gold coins.

The armistice would not last very long: after one year and half, the new King of Aragon Ramon Berenguer denounces the truce, taking the military initiative in the south of Portugal. Following a new occupation of Lisboa, Alfonso III is forced to sign an embarrassing treaty, by the terms of which Lisboa, Silves and Zamora are ceded to Aragon. Of Portugal, it remains very little now…

1351aragon.jpg

Ramon Berenguer’s domain in 1351 (red-squared the additions after the Second Aragonese-Portuguese War)
 
I believe it's a matter of elective law. Both Borgonha and Lara dynasties are relatively weak and with few lands, so the title tilts from one to the other at each single death of the king.

I would say Portugal and England in this game are the realms which have been completely crippled by dynastic issues. Angevin England even had at the beginning of 1300 three consecutive minor-excommunicated-realm duress kings: a real shame, and in fact England got annexed by Scotland!
 
LVII. Alexios, the Grand Duke
During and after the Sixth Crusade Alexios of Apulia – now styled by everybody “the Grand Duke” because of his collection of titles – keeps on managing the state affairs through a period still characterised by the social and economic consequences of the epidemics described before. The ducal capital of Lecce, recurrently hit since the beginning of the century, has lost thousands inhabitants before the contagion subsides in 1337: but with this year, light finally comes back in the lives of many Apulian people.

After the subsidence of the epidemic, Alexios undertakes an extensive enlargement of the castles of Lecce and Salerno, by this time the two most important residences of the Apulian Grand Duke. Due to his aesthetic sensibility, the two castles are also transformed in comfortable places where living and hosting prestigious events and jousts, almost as splendid as regal dwellings. At a cost of 3.000 gold coins each, such huge upgrades not only aim at increasing the number of supportable troops in the two castles, but also serve as a means to redistribute wealth, ensure employment and thus households’ survival in areas hardest hit by the epidemic or other calamities, like for instance the devastating fires that break out at Salerno destroying the city’s fishing wharf and sawmill.

Prompted alike by devotion and political considerations (and without forgetting the misadventures suffered by the predecessor Hugh because of his less-than-fervent attitude toward the Church), the Grand Duke maintains a friendly relationship with the clergy: obviously, the indefatigable assistance provided by Alexios and Finnguala through the worst moments of the long disease has already inspired many sympathies in the Church, like also the support given to missionary work which has converted to the Latin Christian doctrine all ducal lands with the sole understandable exception of El-Arish; an esteem that can only intensify when Alexios champions the cause of the clerics and protects their properties against nobles demanding hunting rights on ecclesiastic lands, or when the Grand Duke denies the sinful rights of prima nocta. As a counter-gift for Alexios’ patronage, two jubilee pilgrimages are celebrated in the Grand Duchy, at Reggio (1339) and Salerno (1346). Sometimes such strict relation with the Church hierarchy seems to go beyond the limits, like when Alexios accepts the opening of an Inquisition tribunal in Lecce (1347).

1350catholic.jpg

Spread of the Catholic Faith in the Eastern Mediterranean around 1350
But where Alexios is most impressive is in the diplomatic arena: not sure about the opportunity to pursue further endeavours in the Levant, he focuses on expanding the sphere of influence in nearby areas; like for instance in Central Italy, where smaller entities have long struggled to stay independent from either Hohenstaufen or Hauteville hegemony. In 1339 the lord of the neighbourhood of Urbino Gilbert Montefeltro (a cruel and selfish kinslayer, schizophrenic and ridden with pneumonia) probably fearing plots by his many foes, asks Grand Duke Alexios for protection, which is given with magnanimity. As we will see later, Grand Duke Alexios’ expansionism in Central Italy is one of the key factors that cause tension between Emperor Folkmar and King Mauger of Sicily to erupt into a brief but disastrous war in early 1340s. But for the sake of continuity of account, this section will skip the conflict and keep on covering the following successes of the Grand Duke.

In 1342 Alexios manages to marry his wise elder son Adrianos with the sole daughter of Duke Renaud of Capua (the last prominent member of the Poitou family and among the most competent generals of King Mauger), granting the fresh couple the County of Reggio in appanage. The union of Adrianos and Sybille soon proves fruitful, as their elder son Theophilos is born in 1344, with the likely prospect of merging Capua into the Grand Duchy one day (surprisingly, the first step towards unification would come just two years later with the death of the child’s grandfather Renaud).

In the same glorious year that sees the birth of grandson Theophilos, an intense diplomatic activity resumes and Alexios extends his sway over two new client states: Corfu and Siena. There is a strong difference of treatment shown to these vassals: while Philippos of Corfu is easily confirmed in his title as a reward for long-lasting good neighbourhood, once given the sovereignty of the rich city-state in Tuscany (a feature common to many other Northern Italian republics tired of strife among nobles and lower classes), Alexios immediately procures for the displacement of the existing magistrates and the appointment of his second son Antemios as Count of Siena.

Then, in a reckless search for further successes, in 1346 Alexios leverages on the inheritance of a small fief to advance his rights on the town of Brescia and gathers the claims of a dead distant relative on a big chunk of lands located in the Byzantine Empire (namely, Kaneia, Ephesos, Kaliopolis and Belgorod), but is reluctant to push through his demands against the current owners who can respectively count on the backing of two Emperors.

A chance of effective expansion finally comes when Pope Osmond places an interdict over Count Rudolf of Ancona, promising indulgences to anyone who would fight him. In October 1346 Alexios takes advantage of the excommunication to grab the title of Ancona and move against Rudolf, assembling a big army with contingents coming from Siena, Urbino and Bari. The overwhelming grand ducal forces soon defeat Rudolf and close round the port city, while starvation and epidemics reduce its inhabitants and defenders to the utmost distress. On 24th April 1347 Ancona capitulates, to the satisfaction of Alexios who creates for himself the additional title of Duke of Urbino.

13470105apulia.jpg

With the conquest of Ancona (1347) the Grand Duchy reaches new heights of expansion
 
LVIII. The Swabian menace is always present
In May 1341 King Mauger of Sicily takes a step too far by incautiously attacking the Duchy of Spoleto (a longstanding tributary of the Empire), probably convinced by Alexios’ comfortable achievements at Urbino and by the fact that the Holy Roman Emperor Folkmar is busy fighting the Norse in the Baltic Sea and therefore unable to help his Italian vassals.

Thanks to the proximity of the target and the reliable support of his vassals (including Alexios who accepts to levy a strong army from his demesne in Apulia and Calabria), the King of Sicily can easily progress to conquer Spoleto and oust the imperial duke from the town before the end of August, even seizing a treasure in excess of 5.100 gold bezants. Yet, although the beginning of the war seems rather successful for Mauger, its subsequent course would prove he has not been right in underestimating the rival’s reaction. By end of 1341, imperial troops begin to be dispatched across the Alps and pour into Lombardy’s plains. The communes and lords of Northern Italy, since a while loyal to the Ghibelline cause, open the gates to Folkmar.

Before the Emperor can set in motion two huge armies assembled at Florence and Ravenna, the Sicilian army steadily advances into Lombardy and captures Pavia in early 1342. The Apulian forces led by Grand Duke Alexios and his brother Marshal David distinguish themselves in the siege of Genoa, which ends with the fall of the merchant city on 23rd March; despite Alexios’ disapproval, Marshal David displays cruelty on the battlefield putting to death many civilians.

The deeds of the two Apulian brothers represent the acme of the Sicilian expedition in Lombardy and Liguria, as since the second half of 1342 Emperor Folkmar takes back the initiative. While a part of the powerful imperial engages and defeats the Apulians in the surroundings of Genoa (July 1342), from the assembling points in Tuscany and Romagna Folkmar moves south regardless of what is happening on the northern theatre, approaching Roma. The Sicilians accept battle on 9th August 1342, and long dispute the victory but finally lose, suffering 12.000 men killed or taken prisoners. In September a last attempt to defend Roma cost another 11.000 casualties, after which the city capitulates.

On their retreat from Northern Italy (both Pavia and Genoa are evacuated in early 1343), the Sicilian troops achieve a momentary victory at Roma, but the prospects of the war look definitely harmful when also the garrison of Foggia, well into the traditional borders of the Norman realm, falls to an overwhelming enemy force. Not wanting to expose more core territories than those already lost to the imperial army, on 8th November 1343 Mauger of Sicily signs a peace treaty with Folkmar, by which Roma, Foggia and the province of Negev are surrendered to the Holy Roman Emperor.

Rumours from distant lands – The Khwarizmians advance!
Troubled by the events in Italy, the Sicilians have lost momentum in the Levant and Alexios himself has disbanded the small band of Scottish mercenaries there garrisoned. Such disengagement has left room for more expansion of the Khwarizmian Empire, now led by Sultan Zartosht. For a long time the Azeris have represented a cushion between the Khwarizmians and the Sicilian possessions, well consolidated in Egypt around Cairo but quite scattered and vulnerable throughout Syria and Palestine. Yet, Zartosht invades Azerbaijan and incorporates most of it at the end of a short campaign (1346-47) conducted with the Emir of Kirkuk, a much weaker ally occupying the northern plains of Mesopotamia (or Iraq as the Muslim call it). By this time, the Khwarizmian Empire’s territory comprises most of Persia, parts of the Levant and Caucasus and the Russian steppes east of Volga River.

1347khwa0105.jpg

The Khwarizmian Empire in mid-14th century
In the same year of the absorption of Azerbaijan, Zartosht moves against the remaining Sicilian outposts in the Levant: first of all Jerusalem, now owned by Count Roger (son of Osbert de Hauteville, Duke of Cairo and distant relative of Alexios), and then El-Arish, still held by Tancred, the Grand Duke’s uncle. At Lecce Alexios receives these updates with anxiety, as he knows that defences in the Holy Land are really weak but at the same time does not want to levy new soldiers from home demesne, too far from the war stage and already drained by the effort of fighting against Emperor Folkmar. From these issues in March 1348 comes Alexios’ decision to muster the Flanders Longspear Company, a party of 3.000 mercenaries immediately shipped for less than 90 bezants to Jerusalem, where they arrive well into autumn.

Resupplied and rearmed at Jerusalem, the Flemish contingent is ordered to march through Iraq towards the Khwarizmian capital, Shiraz, where no crusading army has ever set foot before. On the way, they overcome a small enemy group at Karbala, but once reached in early 1349 the banks of the Tigris River (the last natural obstacle before Shiraz) they find there a much bigger army waiting for battle. The outcome is disastrous for Alexios’ mercenary band, completely annihilated. Following this ambitious but ineffectual enterprise, in 1350 Alexios agrees a separate truce with Sultan Zartosht, while fighting moves through Sinai into Lower Egypt, where at least the Sicilian presence has been more rooted in the decades to prepare an adequate defence. Yet, the Khwarizmian fury comes and pillages everything belonging to the Christians. As we will see, their advance does not stop on the Nile’s shores.
 
Be patient ... the Grand Duke is virtually the strongest Hauteville by now. Can field more man and has a stronger economic basis than the King himself.

It's just a matter of years (game-wise); all in all, Mauger is still a decent ruler, but I can anticipate that he will die in 1358 and his successor Abelard will be disastrous.
I'm role-playing a bit here, imaging that Alexios can still be vassal of an average king, but has to take precautions when the successor shows his inability to keep the kingdom safe ...

As we are approaching mid-14th century, next post will not be a chapter, but a map update. Hopefully by tomorrow will be up!
Keep on following (frankly I would appreciate some more feedback from other readers as well ...)
 
Atlas Update (1350)

1350bigs.jpg
As promised. Developments in the first half of 14th century – not many indeed, but momentous - include:
  • Aragon has continued expanding (though at a lower rate than the past) at the expense of other minor Iberian entities.

  • Scotland has beaten England becoming master of the British Isles, while the Capetians have profited from the Angevins’ troubles to virtually expel them from France.

  • Norway has annexed Sweden, the Northern Isles and Iceland (not visible here), creating a Nordic superpower.

  • The Nemanjic Serbian-Bulgarian potentate has been squeezed out by the Hungarians on one side, and the Byzantines on the other.

  • Sicily has gained ground in Central Italy (thanks to Grand Duke Alexios!) but lost it in Syria to the expanding Khwarizmian Empire.
 
LIX. Life in mid-14th century Apulia

characters2hxivc.jpg
While war is ravaging the northern and southern frontiers of the Kingdom of Sicily, Alexios’ Grand Duchy (now comprising the titles of Apulia, Calabria, Athens and Urbino) records few crucial events in the early 1250s. Among them noteworthy are:

  • Alexios’ great building plans, including the launch of a huge castle at Lecce (begun in 1347, the project takes over 8 years of incessant work and 5.000 gold bezants, but brings about the first example in Italy of such colossal stronghold which is found almost exclusively in the Byzantine Empire), the enlargement of that of Cosenza and the construction of the naval harbour of Taranto.

  • Significant military innovations introduced by Marshal David after the war against Emperor Folkmar. He has a great personal love for warfare and – generously rewarded by his brother Alexios for his services – relentlessly works to improve weapons and institute a system of specialised regiments, like the marksman longbowmen trained at the commanding academy of Salerno and the drilled pikemen drafted in the province of Lecce.

  • The 1351 burghers’ protest in Cosenza (in reality much less severe than many other contemporary popular uprisings), precipitated by the resentment against the heavy-handed rule of Alexios’ local bailiffs.
Grand Duke Alexios must cope with a series of dramatic losses in private life: in 1351 his beloved wife Finnguala passes away, and shortly afterwards he marries Miraglia, 17-year old sister of King Ramon Berenguer of Aragon. Unfortunately, in roughly one year also the second wife dies in pregnancy with the child. To complete the list of disgraceful happenings, in December 1352 Alexios also loses his elder son Adrianos, aged only 26. In 1253 the Grand Duke remarries for the third time to Alice Dunkeld, a 29-year old sister of Ruadrì of Scotland (therefore, niece of his first wife Finnguala), a union long and happy, but childless.

After the subsidence of the epidemics that have gripped the Grand Duchy during the first third of the century, the domestic situation returns to one of exceptional prosperity and stability. Hard-working peasants farm the fertile country; artisan industries improve through the application of technical innovations (particularly remarkable in this period is the development of very profitable cloth-making facilities in Lecce); merchants trade regularly to different parts of Italy and throughout the Mediterranean Sea with the Orient. Because of the increased wealth, luxury goods spread from upper classes also to richer burghers.

- - - -​
With a monthly income peaking to 51 bezants thanks to monopolies and privileges, the Grand Duke well appreciates the potential for further growth coming from the activities of the merchant class, and in June 1353 decides to sponsor a military expedition against the Republic of Pisa.

Since the 1260-68’s revolt and submission of Genoa to the Holy Roman Emperors, Pisa has profited from the troubles of the natural rival to redevelop its once-extensive trade network: Pisan merchants have poured into the Western Mediterranean creating commercial bases and warehouses (in competition with the Aragonese), their ships controlling the traffics among Europe and the emirates of the Barbary coast. To some extent, the Pisan-Aragonese commercial rivalry replicates in the West the challenge that puts Venetians and Siculo-Normans head to head for the leadership of trade with Byzantium, the Levant and even beyond (just to give an idea, the latter possess an emporium in Damman for trading with the Persian Gulf). Another striking similarity is that in both contests a tiny merchant republic faces a much bigger feudal kingdom.

Historically, the relationship between Apulia and Pisa has changed on the basis of reciprocal advantages and necessities. But around 1350 the expansion of both mercantile networks arouses competition that soon turns into a violent skirmish. Profiting from the new chaos in the Holy Roman Empire, in June 1353 Grand Duke Alexios stands by the merchants and orders an expedition against Pisa, levying the troops from the vassal towns of Siena, Urbino and Bari. The city’s governor, Abelardo Steno, already under pressure from the imperial troops at home, cannot support the small garrisons of Corsica and Cagliari. For less than 90 bezants, Alexios’ contingents are transported to their overseas targets by a flotilla of Sicilian and Apulian ships: Alexander of Bari lands in Corsica in October and defeats the local forces, Baudoin of Urbino leads the squad that disembarks in the south of Sardinia in November and then moves against Cagliari. The war continues for several months, during which the Pisans lose all their fortresses and territories to imperial and Apulian forces and have their city blockaded by land and sea. On 25th July 1354, Pisa surrenders to Alexios, whose conditions are not punitive: he does not press for any territorial gain, but satisfies himself with the appointment as Doge of Pisa (his fifth ducal title) and the opening of the Tyrrhenian Sea to Apulian merchant vessels.

13542507pisa.jpg
 
Last edited:
The real in-game reason was an old claim to the Duchy of Pisa got through event. Completely out of the blue, so I had to rework it under the plausible rationale of a trade conflict (which by the way was quite common in this period, among Genoa and Venice for instance). The outcome of the war was actually negligible, as I did just get my claim to the Duchy of Pisa confirmed, without acquiring any land. That's why a say that Alexios is given the title of honorary doge of Pisa...
 
LX. The Empire in trouble, again and for the last time
Two achievements stand out for Emperor Folkmar von Hohenstaufen: the consolidation of the German grip on the southern shores of the Baltic Sea (secured through both the 1338 Teutonic Knights’ resettlement in Lithuania and the successful containment of the Norse threat) and the conquest of Roma at the expense of Mauger of Sicily. Then, in 1346 Folkmar launches an expedition against Aubry II of France (his father Louis VIII has died the year before), not knowing that this hasty move would soon ruin the Holy Roman Empire again. Through the change of year from 1346 and 1347 the Emperor invades Flanders and Champagne and progresses towards Paris, meeting little resistance. Folkmar’s entrance to the French capital (2nd July 1347) represents both the acme and the beginning of the end for this ambitious Emperor, as shortly after the problems begin to mount again for the Swabian dynasty:

  • The feeble Aubry II dies in 1349 and his more competent successor, Simon Capet, manages to reorganise some defences and counterattacks from the south of France;

  • Folkmar himself does not see the end of the war, as he dies in 1351 succeeded by his inbred son Rudger, a jittery tyrant;

  • The useless prolongation of the war with France and a new opening of hostilities with the Scandinavian Empire (Norwegian-led) and Poland cause more and more discontent among German nobles and people.
As Rudger does not possess any of his father’s abilities, he can only see his authority increasingly marred by a series of open revolts and sneaky defections. One after another, both German princes and Italian communes abandon allegiance to Chur, where the Hohenstaufen court has been relocated since the times of Emperor Augustin: the most relevant rebels are the Dukes of Flanders, Luxembourg, Saxony, Austria, Thuringia, Bavaria and Carniola in Germany, and the Republics of Pisa, Romagna, Verona and Brescia in Italy.

At least initially, Rudger von Hohenstaufen tries to cope with some of his foes and restrain the centrifugal forces: in 1355 he defeats the Duke of Bavaria and forces him to retreat from the anti-Ghibelline league, while jealousies among Italian city-states cripples any possibility to come together against the common dangers, being not only the Emperor’s vengeance but also the expansionism of the Hautevilles and Venice. But after several years of bloody war, Rudger falls to a terrible combination of internal and external opponents.

First comes the French invasion of Lombardy: having reconquered the territories previously lost to Folkmar, in the mid-1350s the Capetian generals pass through the Alps. Chur and Pavia, two of the most symbolic cities of the imperial demesne (being the actual residence of the Hohenstaufens and the traditional coronation venue for the Kings of Italy, respectively) fall without much resistance. The advance of the French army - better led and equipped and, moreover, motivated by a sense of nationhood that the once unbreakable imperial soldiers lack - is unstoppable and in 1357 the Hohenstaufen forces are driven out of Genoa.

Pressed by the advance from north of King Bo of Scandinavia, Rudger’s last pathetic effort to win some consensus among the German princes is the issuance of a statute by which the Emperor relinquishes many royal rights – including the possibility to mint – to the vassals, basically giving up the centralised power of the monarchy. In Italy, spurred by the French invasion even the most loyal Ghibelline communes – being the republics of Tuscany and Lombardia – oust the Emperor’s representatives and take arms against the House of Hohenstaufen respectively in 1357 and 1359.

The collapse is now complete, and with it the descent of the imperial order to hell: in Germany the hostilities last till 17th April 1359, when Rudger meets King Bo of Scandinavia and concedes to him the sovereignty of Skane in Sweden, Chur, Nurnberg, Kleve, Brugges in Germany, Genoa and Pavia in Italy plus a gift in excess of 200 bezants.

1359empire.jpg

What remains of Rudger’s Empire in 1359, surrounded by many foes
Less than one year later, Rudger calls a diet at Nice where he formally abandons all the imperial rights. The constitutional privileges of the Lombard communes over their territories and citizens are sanctioned once for all, including the possibility to federate each other for their defence. For this purpose, the statute of the 12th century Lombard League is revived and strengthened to create the German Confederation and embrace even more cities on the other side of the Alpine chain, even if with its size and contribution to victory Milan can legitimately exercise the leadership over the rest of the confederates and have its governor presiding over the union as consul.

1362germanconf.jpg

The German Confederation in 1362
Rudger retains for him and his successors the royal titles of Italy and Denmark (more theoretical than real, as the former is far from being a settled quarter and the latter is too distant to exercise effective control and counterweight the influence of Bo’s Scandinavian Empire). Humiliated and degraded, the last Holy Roman Emperor dies childless in 1362. His surviving brother Markward inherits the quasi-empty crowns of Italy and Denmark, and with them a resumption of the clash with the communes, only to reign for a short time before his own death in 1365. Then Baldewin, little more than an infant, is given the Iron Crown and the associated Danish title, in a accidental but gloomy resemblance of Romulus Augustulus’ experience.
 
I agree. From my experience, it seems that every CK realm must go through a civil war at least once in the game interval. Up to now, I can count several dynasties gone seriously in trouble in roughly 200 years of game (beginning 1187, now in late 1300s):

  • Countries completely disrupted: Castile-Leon, Golden Horde, England, Holy Roman Empire (Germany, Italy, Denmark)

  • Countries that managed to go out of crisis: Byzantium, France, Portugal, Norway-Sweden, Sicily, Aragon

Strangely, the Almohads have been quiet during all the time - no conquests, no internal strife. And also the Slavic kingdoms (Poland, Hungary, Serbia-Bulgaria) have been immune to civil war.

In the next update, we will see who is gaining from the collapse of the imperial Hohenstaufen authority... hopefully today!
 
LXI. The vultures split the spoils: Venice and Austria

veneziaportolano.jpg

A portolan depicting Venice and the Adriatic Sea
Trouble in the former Holy Roman Empire does not end with the so-called “1360’s Renunciation of Nice” by Rudger. Quite the opposite, as the archenemies of the Hohenstaufen dynasty begin to fight over the spoils. Besides the Milan-led German Confederation, the Republic of Venice and the Duchy of Austria get the lion’s share of the ex-Swabian domain, respectively in Northern Italy and Germany.

At the time of the breakdown of the imperial system in Italy in the mid-1350s, the Republic of Venice is still small in size: its domains comprise the closer surroundings of the lagoon, the peninsula of Istria and the Bishopric of Zadar in the Adriatic Sea, plus the small trading post of Safed in Syria from which to do business with the Levant. Not exactly an empire… However, under the judicious rule of the Mastropiero dogal dynasty Venice has established a mercantile leadership that provides the republic with a considerable amount of wealth (and firepower).

With Doge Abbondio Mastropiero, the Venetian attention is drawn towards the mainland left vulnerable by the crisis of the Swabian dynasty. In 1354 the tough governor declares war on Duke Ludwig of Carniola, who has previously rebelled against Emperor Rudger, and with his immense wealth sets on foot an army composed by the best available condottieri and soldiers. The Duke of Carniola tries to oppose the Venetian advance, but his forces are infinitely inferior: Aquileia and the whole Friulian march are immediately occupied, later followed by Krain. In January 1355 Duke Ludwig capitulates, giving up to the Most Serene Republic all his territories. Not content with the eastward conquests, in 1357 Abbondio decides to move west and in a short period of time takes possession of Padua and Verona. For sure, these additions have finally provided a background to the lagoon city and a connection with Istria.

13571608venice.jpg
Treviso suffers the same fate few years later, but when in 1363 the Venetians assault the communes of Romagna, they finally find a much stiffer test. At this time, the Renunciation of Nice has already occurred, Emperor Rudger has died and Northern Italy is in tumult. Alarmed by the repeated attacks of Venice against its neighbours, many city-states have chosen to put aside their jealousies and swear allegiance back to the Markward, brother of the dead Emperor and shabby King of Italy. The connection of communes like Firenze, Lucca, Pisa, brings some results as breaks their isolation and provides Markward with the means to re-establish a parvence of authority.

In the meantime, the Venetian occupation of Romagna progresses, not without difficulty: Abbondio Mastropiero takes possession of Ferrara and Bologna, but his enemies advance their militias across the Po and ravage Padua. Despite the fact that by 1364 the Venetian army can claim to control the whole Romagna, the raids in Veneto persist for a couple of years more, also strengthened by the supporters of the King of Italy (now Baldewin, as Markward dies in 1365). Finally, in August 1366 the Peace of Bologna sanctions the victory of Venice: the Most Serene Republic acquires Ferrara and two valuable kontor (trading posts) in Frisia and Ostfriesland for commerce with the Hansa, while the town of Bologna recognises the sovereignty of the King of Italy.

- - - -​
In the meantime, after Emperor Rudger’s death in 1362 two leaders have emerged as key players in proper Germany: the King of Bohemia Svatopluk Premyslid and the Duke of Austria Lothar von Babenberg.

Formerly Duke of Moravia, Svatopluk has grabbed Saint Wenceslas’ Crown from the head of his relative Bretislav in a bloody dynastic struggle. Nominally not an imperial vassal, the Bohemian leader has profited from the Hohenstaufen collapse to consolidate and expand a little bit his holdings. Even more aggressive would be the strategy of Duke Lothar von Babenberg: together with Saxony, Austria has been the great contributor to the defeat of Rudger in the German area. Tensions between the two Dukes spark a conflict in 1365, when Lothar invades the lands of Carlo of Saxony. With the latter still seriously engaged in putting down the last Ghibelline forces in Northern Germany, the uneven fight ends in total victory for Lothar, who strips Carlo of his lands and titles.

The chart below shows the situation in the former Holy Roman Empire after a decade of turmoil: in addition to Venice (violet) and Austria (red), are depicted also Bohemia (yellow), the loose and diverse German Confederation (light blue) and the territories still loyal to the Swabian cause now personified in Baldewin von Hohenstaufen, King of Italy and Denmark (green).

1367hre.jpg