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((I for one welcome our Democratic overlords...))

The Veterans Act, though I have my doubts and concerns about it, is a good piece of legislation, and, as Secretary of Defence, I'll ensure it is implemented as effectively as possible across my department.
 
((Is it me or this AAR is getting less attention everyday))
I, Mr.Robert Horshington resign from my position as secretary of education, meaning this not my retirement of my political career.
 
((Is it me or this AAR is getting less attention everyday))

I've been swamped by schoolwork and general creative burnout in the last month or so, which has translated to very lethargic and sub-par writing every time I try to get an update done. I'll never admit defeat though. You will have an AAR.
 
((And that is all we can ask for; get yer work dun, then get yer AAR dun; or the other order if you're so compelled!))
 
I have recently received a letter of resignation from my Secretary of Education, but it was rather lacking in detail or explanation. May I use this opportunity to ask Mr Hoshington if he could explain his reasoning for resigning his post, as it came as a great surprise to me and the country?
 
((Hi, everyone. I hope to get involved in The Presidents after having taken a long hiatus since the end of Shadow of the Andes. Excuse me if I prove ignorant in the history of this AAR. :p Anyway, here she goes.))

Name: Andrew P. Washington
Age: 56 (b. 1885)
Occupation: Author; Former Governor of North Carolina (1924-1928), Former Representative from North Carolina (1914-1920)
Affiliation: Republican
Biography: Washington grew up in a middle-class household in North Carolina to a Conservative father and a Federalist mother in a time of great economic prosperity. Washington soon became a staunch fiscal conservative and successfully ran for Representative in his district in 1914, and was successfully re-elected two more times in 1916 and 1918, and then lost in his 1920 bid to take the Governorship when the state went decidedly Federalist. However, he successfully ran again in 1924. Washington was a strong supporter of laissez-faire policies and was a strong anti-federalist. Washington proved a capable administrator, helping to balance North Carolina's budget and successfully brought a strong surplus as well as the lowest unemployment rate in the state in years. He chose not to run again in 1928.

Now, Washington is an author and still a supporter of free-market policies, and is also a strong supporter of the war effort.
 
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((Quick question which goes back a bit (and may seem a bit stupid...); how could the Liberals get 39 seats in the Senate when there would only have been 33 up for election in 1941?))
 
With great pleasure Mr.President, first, well i am useless literally and my carrer (nor my family's) has never been succesful , with a clear example of a document about the Horshington family, which i will present tomorrow, second, no one has ever actually taken our politics seriously, third, You must give me a great reason to stay at my position, Mister President, i do not disgrace any of your opinions or act's in fact i support them Dr.Mccahill, but, there is a slim possibilty i could return to my position.

((A Horshington that isn't a Secretary of State, weird, also one of the reasons is, that is i have spoken once about Educational System's and you appointed me at the inmediate time))
 
((Quick question which goes back a bit (and may seem a bit stupid...); how could the Liberals get 39 seats in the Senate when there would only have been 33 up for election in 1941?))

((Um, well, uh... good point! :D

And lovely to have you back, Mastah... even better with more Republicanos up in here.))
 
((Quick question which goes back a bit (and may seem a bit stupid...); how could the Liberals get 39 seats in the Senate when there would only have been 33 up for election in 1941?))
((Perhaps Progressive senators who defected to the Liberals when the party split?))
 
((Perhaps Progressive senators who defected to the Liberals when the party split?))

((That must be it. After all the esteemed Calvin Emerson was a senator when he made his speech at the Progressive National Convention, so that makes at least one defection, assuming he was in a seat that wasn't up for election (which is likely [67% chance]), and I'd assume there were others that among the others that went with him went some other serving senators that were to stay... ))
 
((I agree completely and utterly with that hypothesis))
 
The Second World War
1942: The Slippery Slope


1942 began as the year in which NATO believed I would consolidate its gains before the beginning of the push to liberate Europe. In anticipation of this, and the peace that would follow it, the President McCahill and the Liberal portions of Congress created and pushed through the Veterans Act of 1942, better known as the G.I. Bill. Intended to prevent veterans from becoming alienated as those of the Great War had become, the G.I. Bill created educational grants and military pensions for veterans.
Also in anticipation of this, NATO’s principal members, the United States and Britain, held a conference in Buffalo, New York. Over half a century earlier, the USA and UK had forged the strongest power bloc on earth at a similar conference and decided the fate of entire nations. Now they were doing so again. The difference this time was that there was no talk of territory changing hands to either of the Big Two; rather it was a conference to see where their allies and the defeated nations would lie at the end of the war.

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1. Jacques Pierrot, 1st President of the French Fourth Republic.​

The most significant, for the post-war world, matters decided at Buffalo were that the United Kingdom and United States would seek no expansion of their territory, referendums of independence were to be held in liberated territories, and Jacques Pierrot, a “Free French” General and well-known Yankophile was recognized as de jure President of the Fourth Republic declared by French generals in the wake of the Fall of France [1]. At Buffalo, McCahill also made his first official proposal for a “United Nations.” This proposal was rejected by the British for its high level of UN-Commonwealth co-operation, as Churchill and his cabinet wished to keep the Commonwealth as detached as possible from the UN.
The following month, the US and Britain backed up their conference with the beginning of a new campaign in the Pacific, intended to recapture Papua New Guinea, and a renewed offensive in North Africa, intended to break through the chokepoint Rommel had created at As Surayha. The former campaign, while less intense than the Battle for the Solomons, would take months and not end until 8,327 NATO troops were killed in the vast jungles and Japanese forces utterly decimated in May. By then however, the course of the war had changed sharply.
It was the success of NATO forces at the Second Battle of As Surayha that set in motion the chain of events that saw the Axis take on the vastness of the Soviet Union. As the North African front collapsed in early March of 1942, Hitler and Mussolini, desperate for victories to report to citizens who were increasingly tired of the war that seemed to go nowhere, coordinated to pressure Spain into joining the Axis Powers [2], and to justify the occupation of the Balkans.

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2. German tank in Serbia, c. 1942.​

On March 21st, insisting that the governments of Greece and Serbia posed a “threat to European security,” the Axis Pact invaded. Croatia and Slovenia both joined the Axis Pact, along with Bulgaria, instead of choosing, like Montenegro, Romania and Albania, to take their chances at peace with the Axis. For Romania, the attempt at neutrality proved fatal, as Germany, eager to capture the oil fields at Ploiesti, sanctioned a Bulgarian invasion from the south [3]. Within a month, despite efforts by NATO to provide support for Greece and Serbia, the Axis Pact reigned supreme over the Balkan.
This new conquest however, denied the Axis a chance for peace elsewhere. In the north, the Nordic Union began negotiations with NATO [4], convinced by the Balkan campaign that neutrality was not an option in this war. To the east, the Soviet Union, engaged in a brutal war to retake the Ukraine, accelerated its plans for an invasion of Alexandrist Russia and the Baltic states in order to create a larger buffer between Berlin and Moscow. This acceleration was the first order of the new General Secretary and Premier of the Soviet Union; Joseph Stalin, who had been appointed as Premier at the culmination of a coup d’état fueled by the seeming stalemate against Ukraine.

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3. Joseph Stalin, premier of the Soviet Union.​

Ironically, it would be these invasions that prompted Hitler, out of fear of the seemingly unpredictable and aggressive new leader of the USSR, to extend to Alexander of Russia an offer to join the Axis. When Alexander III accepted, there was no backing down from the inevitable consequence of the new addition; a war against the Soviet Union, of the scale and horror that Europe had not seen since 1916. On May 1st, Axis tanks thundered through the USSR’s western neighbors as Soviet forces desperately switched to defensive positions.
All through these two months, NATO had been forced to sit on the sidelines, relegated to planning the liberation of the Mediterranean as events barreled past them at breakneck speed. When the escalation between the Axis and USSR reached its violent conclusion in Operation Hindenburg however [5], McCahill finally had options to act upon. On May 3rd, the USA-USSR Aid Act sailed through Congress, promising cheap military goods and financial assistance to the USSR akin to that given to the USA’s NATO allies, which would continue regardless of the result of negotiations over Soviet membership in NATO between Stalin and US Ambassador to Moscow Terry Fowler.
Another action that could be taken was the relief of pressure on the Soviet Union by pushing forward the NATO invasions of Sicily and Mallorca, which had been in the works since March 21st, when the capture of Tunis had signaled the end of fighting in North Africa. These two islands could then be used as bases of operation for incursions into the mainland of Italy and Spain. On May 3rd, operations in the Pacific were halted and troops headed for England were redirected to the Mediterranean [6].
On June 12th, as German troops rolled into Smolensk, the invasion of Sicily began with the largest NATO air bombardment of the war so far, matched two days later at the opening of the Battle for Mallorca. Under General Henry G. Bradley, US-British forces successfully captured the Sicilian towns of Palermo and Syracuse within a week, while in Mallorca the 1st Ranger Brigade defeated a shell-shocked Spanish 4th Infantry Division with ease at Palma. After these crucial victories, the Battles for Sicily and Mallorca were mere cleanup.
NATO had hoped to draw away Axis troops from Russia with the mere threat of an invasion of the Axis’ “soft underbelly”, but when the slowdown in German operations against the Soviets failed to materialize, it was obvious that more would have to be done. On July 1st, President McCahill approved American participation in Operation Wellesley; the NATO invasion of Eastern Spain, scheduled for August 1st. Wellesley was, in many respects, a disappointment from the start. Churchill had hoped for more, but McCahill had balked at the amount of American involvement necessary for the initial Wellesley plans [7], and Stalin had hoped for much more; an invasion of France to truly scare the Germans.

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4. Axis troops during the battle for Vyazma, August 1942.​

He was in dire need of such a grand-scale distraction in August 1942, as German progress toward Moscow, while momentarily slowed to a snail’s pace, was still continuing, with Axis troops coming closer and closer to the suburbs. When Operation Wellesley began, they were less than a 150 miles from the city. Enamored by the thought of successfully capturing Moscow, Hitler thus paid no heed to the advice of his generals, to momentarily halt the bloody push for the city that was draining resources and morale, and concentrate on throwing NATO forces in Catalonia back into the sea.
With German attention diverted away from Spain, and Spanish troops still largely in the country, the Spanish government was able to negotiate relatively freely with NATO about the terms of its “surrender.” General Henry Bradley, appointed on July 24th as Commander of NATO Europe, replacing British general Andrew Sheffield, who had suffered a heart attack three days earlier, received Spanish offers of negotiation as early as August 4th. Unwilling to bend on the doctrine of Unconditional Surrender for Axis countries that had been laid down at Buffalo, McCahill asked Bradley to convince the Spanish that the period of NATO control would be mercifully short.
The Spanish agreed after an assurance from McCahill that NATO control would last no longer than a month. So Spain became the second domino to fall in the Axis, albeit little could be done with the victory, as troops in Spain and plans for an invasion through the Pyrenees were sorely lacking. NATO forces were forced to be content with a watch on the Pyrenees and a hastily assembled general election that saw the Spanish Republican Party make major gains against the majority Conservative Party in parliament, and form a minority government.

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5. Alejandro Lerroux, Prime Minister of Spain (1942-1951).​

The suddenness NATO victory in Spain stunned the European members of the Axis who, with the major exception of Germany, halted all operations against the Soviet Union in order to redirect attention to their now seemingly threatened homelands. It was this pause in combat to the south of Moscow that allowed Stalin to rush twelve under-armed and malnourished, but battle-hardened divisions to the outskirts of Moscow, and launch an attack in early September on the southern flank of the German lines that ground the advance to Moscow to a halt. The two-month bloodbath of Obninsk-Gagarin would cost the lives of some 250,000 Soviets and 150,000 Germans before its end on November 12th, when German troops broke through Soviet lines at Mozhaysk, and the back-and-forth that had characterized Obninsk-Gagarin fell back into slow German advance.
As Obninsk-Gagarin raged on, NATO grappled with what to do to relieve pressure on the Soviets without sacrificing NATO troops in “pointless” campaigns. For this reason, a push through the Pyrenees was ruled out in October by Secretary of Defense Jarvis as “an invitation for an even more pointless repeat of [the Southern Campaign of] 1915.” The final plan approved, for February 1943, was an attempt at another quick toppling of a weaker Axis power; Italy. The great question was whether or not the Soviet Union could last that long.

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6. Soviet snipers in the Moscow suburbs, early December 1942.​

In December 1942, that was not an easy question to answer, as German troops finally carved their way, street by street, into the Moscow suburbs. There, they faced the Soviet Union’s war machine at its most brutally effective; unbending, persistent, and possessing seemingly inexhaustible energy. Determined to take the city at all costs, Hitler ordered a halt on all other operations in Russia, and threw any spare men into Moscow. The Soviet Union however, proved it could one-up even this, raising the equivalent divisions in new men from all around the nation, and nearly emptying parts of the front of resources and men to reinforce Moscow.
To this day, it is unsure whether Stalin knew of the depth of Hitler’s obsession with Moscow, and cunningly took advantage of the fact that the rest of the thousand-mile front would go silent, or whether Stalin’s obsession was just as deep, and this drove him to the lengths he and his High Command went in December 1942. Whatever is the truth, when the winter struck hard and fast in mid-December, there were nearly 750,000 Soviet and 400,000 German soldiers freezing and fighting to the death in the streets of the Soviet capital. As 1942 turned to 1943, the fate of the entire Russian Campaign, and the world, seemed to rest on the outcome in Moscow.

[1] – This “unjust imposition of Anglo-Saxon power on France” severely angered Generals Charles De Gaulle and Henri Giraud, who had been engaged in a power struggle for the recognition as President by the council of French generals that was acting as parliament for the Fourth Republic. This Parliament of Generals approved Pierrot unanimously, as he was seen by no one as a threat. Pierrot and his new political rival Charles De Gaulle however, would prove to become the most important characters in French post-war politics.

[2] – President Silva, unwilling to suffer invasion, signed Spain into the Axis on April 1st 1942. When the Spanish surrendered to NATO with little resistance, President McCahill is said to have remarked that it made “the Axis Pact seem the most elaborate April Fool’s Prank ever pulled.”

[3] – Albania and Montenegro too were occupied after the Axis failed to capture Moscow.

[4] – The Nordic Union, formed by Sweden, Norway and Finland in 1920, and joined by Denmark in 1922, was a loose trade and military partnership.

[5] – The invasion was named after the General-in-Chief of Germany at the time of the Russo-German War, Paul von Hindenburg.

[6] – While the original acceleration had not included the latter measure, British concerns about the cross-Channel invasion, which now included the majority of British Empire units outside of Burma and the South Pacific, prompted McCahill to agree to Churchill’s suggestion of making the Mediterranean Campaign a “full-scale practice run” for the liberation of Northern Europe.

[7] – Initially, Wellesley included an invasion of Italy, which would have necessitated a nearly 2:1 US to NATO troop ratio.

---------------------------------------

Exceptional Situation(s):

Come on now. It’s not like the Soviets were gonna sit this one out. So we have a foothold in Europe, albeit a pretty strategically useless one, for now, and a planned invasion of Italy. I’ll try to get the 1943 update to you a little faster than this one.
 
((Horray! Glad to see you quit your... Stalin! And yay, Spain! NATO, YAY!))

Congratulations to our valiant soldiers for their heroic efforts across the many fronts our nation is now engaged in; with Spain now aligned to NATO, we have a foothold in Europe and greater control of the Mediterranean. And while I am not at liberty to discuss the plans for this year fully, I can send my assurances to the Soviet Premier that this year will the current pressure on Moscow relieved; however, we shall not, as I said before, engage in pointless, needless assaults that merely kill American soldiers for no real benefit; our campaigns are built around precision, speed, and limiting damage. In that regard, I have full faith in General Bradley, and wish him the best of luck in commanding our European Theatre.
 
Christmas message from President McCahill broadcast live to every state in the nation via radio from the White House.

There is a clock in front of me, here, in the oval office. It is tall and stands proud amid the portraits of those who have preceded me, and every second, without fail, it makes a noise. Tick. Tock. Tick. Tock. A quiet noise, but persistent nonetheless; a constant reminder of the relentless march of Time.

And with every passing second, for us it counts towards a brighter tomorrow. In Spain, the bells chime with liberation. In Sicily, the clocks mark the start of a new beginning. In Africa, they tell of the time they have been free. All the time, our soldiers are making progress towards a better future. A future free of tyrants. A future where all the people of all the world are live in liberty and freedom. A future where the Spanish and the Tunisians and all the other races of the world are in control of their own future. A future where countries can cooperate in an atmosphere of mutual trust. With every tick of that clock, our soldiers make us proud. With every tock, we have the interests of the entire world in our minds.

Yet, Time can also be a hard master; where I hear the ticking of that old grandfather clock, the Greeks hear nothing but the infinite clanking of the chains of enslavement. The French now have whole calendars that are made of the cells of oppression. With every second that goes by, the German tanks get ever closer to capturing Moscow. There must be no delays. There must be the same spirit that has carried us this far. There must be a willingness to support our allies in defence of the world. We must save Europe from herself. There is but one outcome: victory.

And with every tick and every tock of that great clock, I am reminded of this, be it January 1st or December 31st, or even today. On Christmas Day, we must not forget the great service our soldiers have done for us, or the struggle that is to come. We must always remember the debt we owe to those who have served their country, both on the front and in the factories. We must honour those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the name of liberty and we must never forget them. But most of all, this Christmas day, we must celebrate the service of all those who are striving to make the world a better place, be it in your community or far flung corners of the globe.

I thank you America, for all you have done these past 3 years, and for all you will do for the liberty of this world,

Merry Christmas
 
May I ask President McCahill to reconsider the cross-channel invasion. Personally I think once we have seen a successful invasion of Italy that moving up Occitania from Spain and Italy would be a more effective strategy than the great uncertainty of a massive amphibious assault, the likes of which have never been seen before. Hugging the coast we could cut France from the Mediterranean, and capture the key port of Marseille in a pincer movement.
 
((Thank Gosh, this isn't dead.))

I am happy with the progress to end fascism in Spain, and uneasy with the invasion of the Soviet Union. They are holding strong, and I praise them for doing so, but we must act soon because they may not last long. I agree that an Italian campaign should pursue to see the immediate fall of a fascist state and to relive the Russians on the Eastern front. I also bid all Americans, a Merry Christmas. But, don't forget of our men and women overseas protecting our future.

- Christina Blancharde-Fredrick; Speaker of the House of Representatives
 
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News from General Henry G. Bradley


After the great NATO Victory in Spain, I would like to write this quick message to the American People in regards to our men on the front. The Leadership of NATO Forces, as well as the leaders of all the other Allied Forces are working flawlessly together, as one, and I can assure you that we do have a plan going forward, a plan that will result in the inevitable defeat of the Axis Powers. No group of nations, has banded together with such cohesion and unity as I have seen by the Allied Powers. As Commander of NATO Europe, I will do my absolute best to ensure that both our American Soldiers, and the rest of the Soldiers in the Allied Forces, achieve a quick and powerful victory!

God Bless the Allied Powers!


General Henry G. Bradley, Commander NATO Europe
 
May I ask President McCahill to reconsider the cross-channel invasion. Personally I think once we have seen a successful invasion of Italy that moving up Occitania from Spain and Italy would be a more effective strategy than the great uncertainty of a massive amphibious assault, the likes of which have never been seen before. Hugging the coast we could cut France from the Mediterranean, and capture the key port of Marseille in a pincer movement.

I understand your concerns; however, I feel that there are three reasons why this strategy would be unworkable and a naval based tactic more effective - firstly, we would be committing to cross dangerous and easily defended positions in the Pyrennees and the Alps or through narrow strips of coast, rather than open plains where I feel Secretary of Defence Jarvis's policy of "precision, speed, and limiting damage" can more easily be carried out. Secondly, a naval invasion would allow us to use our naval and air superiority to full effect, retain the element of surprise and strike quickly and effectively at key locations like Paris or Lyons, and thirdly, that the invasions of Brazil, Spain and Sicily have required and received the utmost dedication from all involved; these provide an excellent template to build upon and give me confidence of success. That is not to say I am implacably opposed to further land based assault, for, should my chiefs of staff advise such, I would have less qualms about sanctioning it; yet, for the moment the defence secretary and I see no reason to drastically alter plans that are already being drawn up.
 
I agree with the President; the logistical problems from cross channel assault pale in comparison to the challenges of crossing either the Pyrenees or Alps. I also have concerns about our ability to break through any heavily defended Italo-German line in mountainous terrain with the key routes of our supply probably damaged from bombing runs and other attacks. A cross channel move is much more sound, though it may take longer to organize; however, I am not at all opposed to an attack to knock Italy out of the war sooner rather than later (it would also relieve pressure of Moscow).

However, whatever the final decision is, I and the rest of my department will work tirelessly with our British and Soviet counterparts, as well as any resistance forces able to communicate with us, to make that operation a complete success.