King of Kings
The flame of truth burns brightly in Iran once more. We have defeated those who they said could not be defeated.
Persia was finally recognized by Miran Shah and the Timurid Empire as an independent state on the 12th day of November in the year 1406. Throughout the country, Zoroastrians and Muslims joined in celebration, as they were free from the oppressive Timurids. However, the country was ravaged by war, and Muslims looked upon their new monarch with suspicion. Furthermore, though Khosrow began his campaign for independence intending to claim all of Persia, none of the surrounding countries recognized the legitimacy of Khosrow's rule, primarily because he was not a Muslim. Persia's reemergence as a Zoroastrian nation was a major shock to the other established countries in the region, and they looked upon the new country with a mixture of suspicion and fear. This caused considerable diplomatic and internal difficulties for Khosrow for the rest of his reign.
Khosrow thus resolved to unambiguously stake his claim to all of Persia and proclaim his rule over the territories which he now controlled. Summoning his wife and son and several notables and allies which were to be the core of the new nobility, Khosrow made his way toward the ancient ruins of Parseh, northeast of Shiraz. Known as Persepolis to the Romans and Franks, it was once Persia's capital, and an appropriate location for Khosrow to formally reclaim Persia's age-old legacy.
Making sure all his guests were assembled, Khosrow rode in escorted by his bodyguard, 200 elite cavalry armored in the style of Savaran cataphracts, and he sat on his throne. He wore a richly-embroidered blue robe and trousers and an imposing winged merlon crown with a korymbos reminiscent of that of the Sassanian kings. The army then marched around the old city, proclaiming victory over the enemy as Khosrow and the other dignitaries looked on. Afterwards, a Zoroastrian priest walked in front of Khosrow, and behind him came a man and a woman, the man holding a vessel which carried a flame, and the woman holding a golden wreath. The man placed his vessel on the ground, ahead of Khosrow. The priest and his two followers then prostrated themselves in front of the king, with the woman holding the wreath up. The priest then rose and took the woman's wreath and walked up to Khosrow. Khosrow then rose to his feet, and grasped the wreath with his hand. Before the priest let go of the wreath, he told Khosrow, “With this, the divine Ahura Mazda invests in you and your heirs the sacred right to rule.” Letting go, the priest then turned and addressed the army and Khosrow's gathered followers.
Long live Khosrow I of Khorasan, Shahanshah of Iran and Aniran!
Long live Tahmina of Gilan, Shahbanu and Queen of Queens!
Long live Khosrow son of Khosrow, Prince of Persia!
A great cry came out from all the Persians witnessing this event. It may be even said that this cry was heard among all of Persia and all the other royal courts in the world, as Khosrow in no uncertain terms claimed rulership of all of Persia, including the provinces of Hamadan, Lurestan, Khuzestan, Laristan, Hormozgan, Kerman, Khorasan, and Golestan. Over the following weeks and months, more and more foreign rulers sent dignitaries to Khosrow's court to formally recognize him and his empire. Traders and merchants soon followed, and before long Fars became a hub of trade for the entire region. Khosrow also chose Tehran as the new capital, as it was more centrally located, yet still close to his base of support in Mazandaran.
Throughout the seven years of fighting Khosrow had implemented the makings of a focused government policy, though there was little opportunity to fully implement it until peace came. One of the first laws decreed by Khosrow was that all male subjects of the crown older than age fifteen were subject to mandatory recruitment into the army. In practice, Khosrow sought volunteers, and when resorting to forced recruitment, he only recruited Zoroastrian Persians, as he was doubtful of the loyalties of Muslims. Khosrow also took in female volunteers, wanting to resurrect the ancient Iranian tradition of warrior women as a contrast to the Arab customs of keeping women at the home and segregated from men.
Khosrow, in his quest to revive the dwindling Zoroastrian faith, extended substantial support to Zorastrian clergy, and after the war this matured into a full-fledged integration of the Zoroastrian church and the Iranian state. All Zoroastrian priests were responsible to the crown, and later emperors would work closely with the Zoroastrian clergy in order to expand the faith's influence. This also brought unity to the Zoroastrian church, since it was not a unified organization like the Orthodox Church of the Romans or the Catholic Church of the Franks. Khosrow himself venerated Ahura Mazda almost exclusively, though later emperors would support various cults of the Yazatas. Nevertheless, due to Khosrow's influence, and also the influence of Islam, the Zoroastrian religion in Persia became decidedly monotheistic, with the Yazatas playing a role similar to the saints in pre-reformation Christianity.
Interested in reviving Persian culture, Khosrow encouraged the growth of the arts. He built several lesser monuments throughout Iran and lent support to various painters, poets, and musicians. His palace was the old residence of the Timurid governor of Tehran, and though it was roomy, it was quite modestly decorated. Khosrow filled the palace with Persian carpets, tapestries, paintings, and sculptures. He also had a band of musicians live permanently in the palace, so that he would be able to hear their music at any time.
In his style of governing, Khosrow could not substantially change from how past rulers did things, primarily because local nobles and landowners were firmly entrenched and resistant to any form of change. Khosrow did move to limit their power, with limited success.
Landowners, both nobles and lesser gentry, held most of the influence in the country, though commercial interests still had some power, and were not completely overwhelmed. In general, social mobility was limited. Most peasants were tenants to landlords, and though the peasants' living conditions were not as bad as in other countries, nearly all peasants remained in their station their entire life. In the war of independence and in the subsequent early wars, though, many people of low birth ascended to the aristocracy, as the established aristocracy was almost wholly Muslim and a large portion of it was killed or fled into exile.
Khosrow championed a return to the old Persian traditions. In many instances, this meant a break with the present norm, such as the inclusion of noblewomen in positions of civil and military authority. Nevertheless, starting with Khosrow, the Persians had a disdainful sense of superiority towards other nations, and embraced their traditional values. Though these sentiments were not as crippling as they would prove to be in other countries, they would hinder Persian progress in technological advancement.
Despite the growth of a commercial class in Fars and throughout the other provinces, Iran's economy would remain almost completely based on agriculture and low-scale manufacturing. Though only moderately conservative in most other respects, the way a Persian earned his daily bread was almost wholly based on traditional methods of doing business.
Before and during the Timurid occupation, most Persians tended to look to the seas in order to make their fortune. Khosrow refocused his country's focus towards the land almost as a matter of necessity. The new Persian military did not have a focus particularly bent toward offensive or defensive action, though it relied more on numbers than the individual skill of its soldiers. This attitude, of course, hardly existed in the cavalry.
As more countries sent envoys to the Persian emperor, Khosrow resolved to reopen contact with an old adversary.
Today, in the court of Basileus Manouel II Palaiologos, we received a trade delegation from Persia. When we inquired as to which kingdom of Persia they hailed from, they said that they were from the realm of the Aryans, known to us Romans by no other name than Persia. They spoke of how after the great war between our two countries eight centuries ago, the Arabs came out of the desert and overwhelmed their kingdom and pushed our frontiers back to Anatolia. All this is well-known to us, but now they claim that their kingdom is the rightful successor to the Persian empire of old, and that they are not followers of Mohammed, but of Zoroaster, the prophet of the ancient Persians. Their king, Chosroes of Chorasmia, wishes for our two countries to forget the enmity of the past which has cost both countries so dearly, and he expresses a sort of kinship with us, as both he and us Romans face the Arabs and the Turks as our most dangerous enemies. In particular, he feels that opening up our realm to merchants from Persia would be an appropriate gesture of friendship.
Ioannes Phokas, Roman court official
It took around one month for the delegation to finally be granted their wish, though in all reality, this was a token gesture, as Persia could not support sending a succession of merchants to Constantinople.
Khosrow took several measures to expedite the country's recovery from the war. First, he cut spending on the army, allowing some of his veterans to return to their homes, at the cost of a lower pool of available military leadership and tactical and technological development. Khosrow also tightened the supply of money, stopping the inflationary minting of currency that was a necessity during the war. More money was available to the crown, especially as more Persians, both Zoroastrian and Muslim, saw Khosrow as the legitimate ruler of Iran. Even foreign observers acknowledged that Persia was growing more powerful and was becoming an important actor in the region.
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The entrenched Muslim aristocracy and clergy, however, remained hostile to Khosrow's rule. They strove to regain their former influence, though Khosrow repeatedly thwarted their ambitions. After two years of peace, they rose up in revolt.
The rebellion had weak support, and it was crushed in just a bit less than a year, though the rebels managed to briefly take control of Shiraz in Fars, Yazd in the Dash-i-Lut province, and Rasht in Gilan. Khosrow seized the opportunity to systematically eradicate the Muslim elites as an opposing force in Persia. After bloodily putting down the rebellion, he seized the rebels' lands and gave them out to his own Zoroastrian supporters. He then banished all those who took part in or aided the rebellion.
Zoroastrianism was now in a much stronger position in Persia, though Khosrow was reluctant to risk another rebellion by making any concerted conversion efforts. Instead, he focused on making a stable course for the country to follow and recover from the effects of the war. For several years, there was peace in Persia, and the only enemy the Persians had to fight were the pirates. However, events in the crumbling Timurid empire would soon shatter the peace once more.