Thanks for your kind words!
I'm going to start working on the first proper update now; it'll be up either today or tomorrow.
-
We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Thanks for your kind words!
I'm going to start working on the first proper update now; it'll be up either today or tomorrow.
Chapter 17: The big split
1 January 1876, Senate Chamber, Rome
Trajan III, Emperor of the New Roman Empire, was only half-aware of the proceedings below him. The election results for the Senatorial elections had just been made available, and some Senators were celebrating while others cursed their bad luck or even wept openly.
The Liberals had taken a serious hit; Spurius Porcius Cato had had great difficulty in keeping his faction's support. Some of his most devoted followers had joined the Socialists, as he was not the agitator his predecessors had been. The status quo is one thing when your faction is in power or at least a senior partner; it is quite another when you're slowly being shut out of power. Domestic political difficulties began to affect daily life for the Emperor and his family; the competition for the position of Marshal remained both fierce and unrelenting. The Marshal's position within Imperial politics was unique; as he could not be fired by the Curia and he was immune to shifts within the Senate or Curia, it meant a guaranteed salary and stability, as long as one kept the Emperor happy. The most logical candidate was the Chief of the General Staff, Paolo di Savoia. However, he'd been a political choice at the time, and was a virtual non-entity in terms of military ability. Everybody knew that Helmuth von Moltke had been the real Chief of the General Staff, but his public duel had prevented him from getting the position he probably deserved. No other General had really stood out lately; Nicola Zuppeli, the hero of Nuremberg, had no desire to leave the field of battle and had already refused appointments to the General Staff on a number of occasions.
And to think, a few days ago, Ferdinand would have been my first choice! Trajan neither knew nor cared where he'd gone; Minister of Security Arturo Orsatti's last report had the former scion of the Farneses fleeing to Ireland along with his wife. At the name of his Minister of Security, Trajan smiled briefly. He'd even considered Arturo for the position, but given that Arturo's last official rank in the legions was Captain, a lot of more senior officers would be angry. The fact was that power in the Empire was no longer gained solely through the army; just as important, and sometimes even more important, were your political connections. Although Trajan was theoretically the Emperor and didn't have to listen to anybody in this decision making process, disregarding the wishes of the politicians who put him in power was likely to be self-destructive. The question of who would become the new Prince of Constantinople was still very much up for debate, and until that was settled, he didn't want to antagonize anybody.
The Emperor looked up from his thoughts to see Otto von Bismarck gesticulating wildly. Trajan laughed quietly. I don't think he'll ever be happy. He stopped laughing and sighed. Then again, when will I be happy again?
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1 August 1876, office of the Roman Red Star, Rome
Iosif Stavros glared at his opponent. He'd been fighting with one of his writers for weeks now, ever since the paper had officially supported the new Marshal of the Empire: Helmuth von Moltke. Moltke was about as far from being socialist as any candidate for the post could have been, but he was tough and honest, and Iosif greatly respected the German officer. The man sitting across from him disagreed. Nikola Tesla was an up-and-coming scientist in the Ministry of Education. He was always talking about the possibilities of wireless telegraphy, and perhaps beyond; while not many took Tesla the man seriously, as a scientist he was without equal. Only twenty years old, he'd already made substantial improvements to a variety of inventions throughout the Empire. Tesla, while not a socialist, still joined the Agricolares for the simple reason of their opposition towards war. Only the Pecuniares shared this issue, but Disraeli had scoffed at the young Serb's inventions. Tesla had no problems at all taking such things personally, and vowed that when he'd discovered the formula for limitless energy, he'd use his new resources to destroy the British Chancellor.
Iosif sipped at his coffee, thought for a moment, and then tried a new tactic. "Nikola, I share your distaste for the horrors of war, but we cannot ignore human nature. Man will fight. He cannot help but fight. Therefore, we must do our best to make sure that the men who run our armies are the most stable and sensible, lest our armies be used for nefarious purposes."
Nikola crossed his arms. "All purposes of war are nefarious. Moltke may well be the biggest warmonger in the entire Empire! We'll be at war within a year, mark my words."
"What do you propose?"
Nikola threw the latest manifesto from the Jacobins on the desk. "The rebellions grow smaller, Iosif. I would prefer we scale back our unnecessarily huge army."
"I must think of our faction, my friend. If I begin demanding huge cuts to the army, we'll alienate voters. If we are to have a voice in the Senate, we must use it wisely."
Tesla snorted. "Approving endowed chairs for professors like Gottlob Frege and his analytic philosophy does not make up for this militarism."
"Let's face facts. Our faction's primary goal is better rights for workers. We cannot do this if we are excluded from politics!"
Nikola pounded his fist on the table. "Precisely! So we build our own power base! Let us push the Australia issue! Only South Australia has been granted statehood; if we help the entire continent join the Empire, we will have thousands of eager voters. Even better, let us use the oil wealth of Wallachia to bankroll the party."
Iosif set down his cup of coffee and sighed. "Nikola, why would you think the Senator there would support us? He's as conservative as the day is long."
Tesla grinned wolfishly. "Perhaps I have some material to... persuade the good Senator to our point of view."
Iosif very nearly asked what Tesla meant, then shook his head. "I don't want to know. If you can get him to join the Agricolares and pledge his state's wealth, then yes, I will allow you to write your editorial. Are you satisfied?"
Nikola nodded. "Very much so."
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
18 March 1877, a factory outside of Catalonia
Arturo Orsatti didn't often attend protests or demonstrations in person, but this particular little protest was an important one. The recent tax cuts for all Romans -- down to 15% for the poor, 20% for the middle class, and 30% for the rich -- made a lot of politicians and citizens happy, but not all of them. Liberal support continued to erode in the Senate as the tone of the Agricolares grew increasingly belligerent. Bismarck was a superb lightning rod for public opinion, and now that his good friend Moltke was Marshal, they were able to effectively manufacture a conspiracy to neutralize campaigns for worker's rights. Disraeli's outspoken distaste for all things Socialist only lent further support to their outlandish claims. Spurius was fighting a losing battle, simply enough. The conservatives got more conservative, the socialists more radical, and that strained the Provincares, the closest thing to moderates within the Empire.
Orsatti was in disguise. Two of his agents were clerks in the offices of the Red Star and had passed along this tip. Essentially, the owners of a liquor distillery in Catalonia had locked out their workers after a dispute over wages and working conditions.
The Minister of Security knew that this conflict would be a flash point. The leader of the protest was a middle-aged Spaniard named "Miguel" -- that was the only information that Arturo had on him. "Miguel" was identified by his agents as a notable within a rising movement in the Empire. Some individuals were simply not happy with the pace of social reforms, and had begun agitating more openly. Arturo's orders were clear; let them talk as much as they wanted, but at the first sign of trouble, the police would shut down the rally. Ricardo Martinez, the owner of the factory, was also a Senator, and a close personal friend to Edward Vickers, the Minister of Commerce, which only gave greater urgency. "Miguel" understood this, and kept egging on the guards. Both sides shouted at one another, but they were keeping their tempers in check.
Until a single, solitary rock sailed through the air and hit one of the guards in the face. Arturo never knew who threw the rock, but in the end, it didn't matter. The guards opened fire, cutting down most of the protesters. Arturo tried to stop them, but it was too late. At least fifteen people were dead, another thirty wounded. The crowd dispersed, but "Miguel" was nowhere to be seen. Orsatti signaled for his horse; he had to get to the railway station and get to Rome before word of the massacre did.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
23 November 1877, office of the Marshal, Florence
Arturo Orsatti sighed. The people of Rome had spoken. The Catalonian Catastrophe, as it was dubbed by one of the writers of the Red Star, among other things, had finally triggered the vote of no confidence he'd feared. The very first vote taken by the new Curia stripped the Ministry of Security from Arturo.
The rising by the Jacobins was the last straw. Orsatti also faced a small riot by some Reactionaries and, even worse, the backlash over a union busting incident in Romagna.
Orsatti was quoted in the Roman Times as having encouraged the infiltration of "gentlemen" into the Agricolares and other socialist organizations. The worst part of it was that Arturo couldn't even deny it; he'd said exactly that at a pub just outside of Florence. He hadn't known a reporter was present, but they were. Orsatti had been Minister of Security for 17 years. He was 45 years old and had no job. The stress had been too much for Caroline; she'd left for England at the end of 1876 to live with her family. Arturo was not to see her any more. That was why he was at the office of Helmuth von Moltke, Marshal of the Empire, to see about getting reinstated into the legions. He knocked on the office door, and was surprised to see the Marshal himself answer the door.
"Guten morgen, Herr Orsatti. How can I be of service?"
Orsatti saluted the Marshal. "Sir, I'd like to return to the legions. There's nothing for me in Rome any longer."
The Marshal nodded slowly. "I see. There are not many openings for a 45 year old Captain."
Arturo winced in silent pain. His huge frame shuddered ever so slightly. "I am aware of this, sir. Give me garrison duty in some remote outpost, if you must."
Helmuth knew the quality of the man in front of him. He was aware that the Emperor had considered the man in front of him for the Marshal's office. Yet at the same time, the ex-Minister's public image was at an all time low. If Arturo were to be brought back into the legions, this image would need some repair. "Mr. Orsatti, I have an idea. You were well known as an innovator within the army. The Emperor has asked me to appoint a liaison to a major arms plant to oversee the implementation of an assembly line. Your recent, ah, problems with labor notwithstanding, I believe you would be an excellent candidate for the post."
Orsatti tried to contain his relief. "Thank you, sir. I won't let you down."
Helmuth waved down Orsatti's gratitude. "I have an awful premonition, Mr. Orsatti. The wars we've seen in the past have been destructive, as we both know. However, I cannot help but think that they will grow much more deadly. I think that, someday, the Great Powers will ally against one another in an orgy of destruction."
"Sir?"
"In this 'Great War', industry will be critical. More important, in fact, than soldiers or training. That is why this post carries with the rank of Colonel."
Orsatti's eyes widened. Yes, he'd been a Minister -- the equivalent of a General -- but he hadn't been in the army for years. Skipping ahead three ranks would make him a lot of enemies. "Are you certain, sir?"
Moltke grinned tightly. "We cannot be certain about what the future will hold, Colonel. But I do not want us to be caught unprepared. This program is being established in Alexandria, which will get you away from the political morass you find yourself in for a few months. When you return, we will have much to discuss."
The new Colonel saluted one last time, then turned and left.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1 January 1878, Cyprus
It was midnight. The results from the Senatorial election were in; the newest faction in the Roman Empire had secured almost no votes, but that didn't matter. That faction wasn't about voting anyway. The name it had chosen -- the Populares -- was a calculated choice. The Populares of the 18th and early 19th century were among the most violent groups ever in the Empire. They'd killed Marius I back in 1793 and then went underground. Some of their former sympathizers had done well for themselves, but the real heart and soul had simply disappeared. When the Jacobins rose, there were whispers that the Populares were back, but the Jacobins were immature fools.
"Miguel" -- all the members used aliases instead of their real names -- looked around the room with satisfaction. The Communist idiots in Saxe-Coburg-Gotha were a little too open for "Miguel"'s taste, but they'd set the stage for Communism to spread in the Senate.
In truth, the Populares had to do something. The Agricolares had won a huge social reform, and some of the more timid members of the Populares had left for their more "conservative" brethren.
"The Emperor may be corrupt, but he is no fool. He knows that the Jacobins are ignorant louts and can be bought off with material goods. Too many are just angry. They have no vision, they have no plan, they have no future."
One of the communists rose his hand. "Miguel, what do we do now?"
"We wait, my friend. We rise up when we are ready. We encourage wars, so that the imperialists might be distracted when we do."
"Yes, Miguel."
"Esteban, use your contacts in Mexico. George, use yours in Washington. I think it's time that Mexico and the United States had another fight."
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2 February 1879, Galveston Bay
Commander Nikolai Alekseyev patted the bulkhead in front of him. His ship wasn't much -- a Commerce Raider -- but it was his. Unlike the last war with Mexico, Nikolai knew exactly what he was doing, and so did the Roman Navy. Nobody quite knew why the war had started -- key Mexicans and Americans started screaming about Idaho, of all places -- but it had, and the Americans had immediately requested Roman assistance. Some in the Empire were worried about a Great War, but Mexico had no real allies.
His first battle was a glorious defeat of the Mexicans at the First Battle of Galveston Bay.
His Raider had screened the Roman transports; not only was the Mexican fleet there sunk, but the Romans had landed the Legio XL 'Corsica' in Houston. 30,000 Guards directly threatened Mexico's capital. Commander Alekseyev's ship sunk its first enemy ship at the Battle of Mobile Bay; it was only a frigate, but it still meant he got to put it in the ship's log. That there had been no casualties on his own ship made the fight all the sweeter. Only a couple of dings in his armor, and new metallurgical processes made steel cheaper and more efficient every day.
Houston fell in January of 1879, but for some reason Mexico wouldn't surrender. The Second Battle of Galveston Bay was even more decisive. The Mexicans had only 112 ships at the beginning of the war; now they had a dozen or so.
Nikolai was wounded in his left leg when he put into Houston for new supplies; a Mexican sharpshooter snuck past the guards and just narrowly missed the Commander's kidney. Until he recovered, he was attached to Admiral Filomarino's staff and directed to prepare the surrender documents for the Mexican leader. Nikolai didn't know which would happen first -- his leg's healing or the enemy's surrendering.
He was inclined to bet on the former.
---------------------------------------------------------------
20 July 1879, Shreveport, Mexico
Commander Alekseyev grinned with pleasure as he sat at the table. First, because he could sit without pain. Second, because he was part of history. The Mexicans surrendered, finally, after a grueling siege of Shreveport.
Unlike the last war, this one was both quick and relatively painless; no Roman soldiers had lost their lives to Mexican bullets, a significant victory. Nikolai wasn't sure why the Mexicans surrendered when they did. Maybe it was 20 new ironclads being commissioned -- the Classis XIII 'Felix' -- or the fact that, despite fighting a war, the Empire could still invest in new railroads.
Whatever the reason, the USA now included Idaho. What value that was to the Americans, Nikolai couldn't say, but it surely meant something to somebody. As he translated the American's speech into Latin for the Roman diplomat, he couldn't help notice that he wasn't the only happy guy. One of the Mexican President's aides was smiling like the cat that got the canary. What does he have to be happy about? His side lost!, thought Nikolai. He turned back to his job, but his eyes kept coming back to the aide.
What was he up to? What was he planning?
And why did he look so damned familiar?
----------------------------------------------------------------------
It's good to get a real update done! I'll try to get one more in later this week.
Great update!! I was wishing for one real update. 
One question: "Miguel" is going to be an invented character or a real one? Because I guess you won´t say who is he until next update at least.
PD: It is curious that your Admiral surname is Filomarino; it means in Spanish at least (and italian too I think) "who likes sea or water". :laugh:
One question: "Miguel" is going to be an invented character or a real one? Because I guess you won´t say who is he until next update at least.
PD: It is curious that your Admiral surname is Filomarino; it means in Spanish at least (and italian too I think) "who likes sea or water". :laugh:
Some good setup, your writing is as good as ever. I like the foreshadowing that the discovery of Great War brings.
To bad that Orsatti's career is taking such a turn for the worse, at least he got a better retierement plan than the previous Minister of Security
As great an update as ever, Avindian! And yay, the USA expands again! Is Idaho connected to the rest of the USA?
Great update!! I was wishing for one real update.
One question: "Miguel" is going to be an invented character or a real one? Because I guess you won´t say who is he until next update at least.
PD: It is curious that your Admiral surname is Filomarino; it means in Spanish at least (and italian too I think) "who likes sea or water". :laugh:
"Miguel" is invented; at least, he isn't somebody I'd intended to base on a real person. I caught that too about Roberto, but the name comes from the AHD engine. Well done (as always) PI!
Thanks very much! It was the principle reason I risked the new beta (and so far have had no problems). For those who aren't aware, Great Wars involve two GPs per side. Any GP can join on any side, the infamy cost for war goals is greatly reduced, and there's no white peace -- if you use it, you basically get Cut Down To Size.
Very true. Don't worry, we haven't seen the last of him!
It is not. It's an island of Americanness in a sea of Mexico.
Chapter 18, part 1: The National Liberals and the push towards war
23 February 1880, Turin
Turin was the industrial heartland of Piedmont provincia. Its most successful factory made fabric, but that didn't concern Colonel Arturo Orsatti. There were two critical factories in Turin that he was inspecting today; an explosives factory and an ammunition factory. He was supervising the new steel alloys recently invented by some of the brilliant scientists at the Ministry of Education. The other new advance -- refrigeration -- was less important to the ammunition factory he was currently at, but no less important to the army as a whole. If meat could be better preserved, that meant happier and better fed soldiers. Happier and better fed soldiers fought better and were less likely to die, a very desirable outcome.
At the moment, though, he wasn't doing much of anything. He was waiting for the shift manager to return from his lunch break. To pass the time, he picked up a pamphlet from the manager's desk; it said "Join the National Liberals, the only true force for Roman greatness!" Orsatti chuckled, but not too loudly. The National Liberals were a very respectable new faction.
For a lot of Romans, "National Liberal" were the only two English words they knew. The faction was founded by a group of Australians from the newly integrated provincia of Southern Australia. They had two major causes: anti-socialism and jingoism. They thrived on the idea that war had built the Roman Empire, and that until Roman borders were secure, the Empire must be willing to fight. Socialists, as the most vocal pacifists in the Empire, were the enemy, for opposing war meant treason to them. For the original founders, that meant expansion in the South Pacific, at least until the faction was taken over by some of the more militant Militares and Protectores. A charismatic Englishman named Cecil Rhodes, although not a founder, was the voice of the National Liberals. Rhodes was a proud owner of multiple factories in Britannia and had originally been part of the Pecuniares. However, he was an adventurer at heart, and what he most wanted was a colony of his own. If he'd been born a few years earlier, he would almost certainly have joined the Syndicate. As it was, his charisma took the fledgling faction to new highs. If the new faction did well in the upcoming elections, it could well gain a cabinet seat.
Arturo Orsatti leafed through the pamphlet. He liked a lot of what Rhodes had to say, partially because his position meant greater advancement for army officers, but more because he rejected socialism. If you pressed Arturo, he'd admit he didn't know why he didn't like socialists very much. He hated the Populares, but they were traitors to Arturo's thinking: they meant to overthrow the Empire, after all. The socialists accepted the Empire, and the Agricolares had never been anything but civil, but he couldn't help but feel that the socialists had some sort of plan, should they ever get in power. Something just didn't feel right.
Arturo looked up at the clock. 2:30 PM. Who takes a lunch break that long? I'll have to report this. The Colonel stood up, brushed off his uniform, and reached for his hat when a soot-stained worker threw open the door.
"Colonel, sir! The Jacobins! They've risen again!"
Orsatti scoffed. "They rise every two weeks, or so it seems. They're no real threat."
"Sir, I beg to differ. The factory is surrounded."
Orsatti still didn't trust the worker, but poked his head out the window. He blinked several times, as if the huge crowd surrounding the ammunition plant was a figment of his imagination. "You're right, lad. Has anybody sent word to the garrison?"
"No, sir. Nobody can get in or out."
"Damn! How will we put down the rising without our soldiers?" Then Orsatti looked farther. "My God. Milan is burning! James, I certainly hope you can contain this."
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
11 March 1880, home of Nikola Tesla, Rome
Nikola Tesla beamed with pride. His latest experiment was a success; he'd found a way to harness the raw power of nature!
"Isn't this delightful, my little friend?" The response from Tesla's friend was not surprisingly a soft coo. His house was full of pigeons of every shape, size, and color. Like most geniuses, his eccentricity was tolerated when he was productive and got him harassed when he wasn't. Most of his feathered friends didn't come to his work site, so Tesla did as much experimenting as he could at once, then went home to analyze the results. He was briefly concerned the Jacobins might smash his generator, but thankfully the Minister of Security, James O'Connor, took a private interest in the matter, stationing a squad of legionaries outside the door. For himself, Tesla couldn't care less about politics; all he wanted was the freedom to experiment as he thought best. "One day, my friend, we shall build you a home lit year round!"
Tesla returned to his notes; if he wanted to publish a paper and get more funding, he needed to get right to work before somebody else beat him to it.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
4 November 1880, Office of the Chancellor, Rome
Benjamin Disraeli understood at some level what the Emperor was trying to accomplish; that didn't mean he liked it. There was a very real chance he could lose his job. He'd cut taxes to 10% for the poor, 15% for the middle class, and 30% for the rich; his hope was that tax cuts would keep the people in check and prevent another massive uprising. A group of Whites tried to attack the government themselves, but without the long dead von Horgen to lead them, only very tiny numbers showed up.
However, that had still required a slight increase in taxes; back to 35% for the rich while the other groups had the same tax rate. New foreign investments in the United Provinces of Central America required more currency as well, but nobody bothered the great Bismarck; instead, they dumped all their problems on poor Disraeli. The National Liberals had gained some surprising support from some of the more volatile Jacobins, of all people; certain populations that favored the Jacobins did so not because they believed in democracy, but because they believed in the value of war. They wanted the Empire to grow, but only the Jacobins, with their vision of democracy from the Atlantic to the Pacific, offered that opportunity. The ruthless repression of the Jacobins combined with the pro-war message of the National Liberals made them a powerful force. They still operated in the Conservative bloc, along with Disraeli's Pecuniares and the Militares, but they wanted to head the bloc instead of merely being a supporter.
Another big change came too; the Agricolares, recognizing their growing power, got a new law passed in the Senate: the largest bloc in the Senate would nominate the Deputy Chancellor, who could no longer be of the same bloc as the Chancellor. The Provincares were alone as Liberals. Disraeli liked Spurius Porcius Cato, who was quiet and unassuming, letting Disraeli do as he wished. A Socialist Deputy Chancellor would probably be much more aggressive.
For all these reasons, the Chancellor had pleaded with the Emperor not to call the early elections, but the Emperor wanted to take advantage of the National Liberals; a lot of prominent Romans were joining the faction, and that meant that he had to at least give them some semblance of power. He also had a reasonable expectation that the National Liberals would, upon gaining that power, use their influence among the more conservative Jacobins to prevent another rising. Even a seasoned politician like Disraeli didn't quite understand the linkage between the Jacobins and the National Liberals, but he didn't have to understand it to know that it meant trouble.
Whether he liked it or not, the Emperor had ordered early elections. All Disraeli could do was campaign as best he could.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
4 May 1881, Office of the Minister of Commerce, Venice
Cecil Rhodes felt like a conquering hero. In all reality, Edward Vickers had been Minister of Commerce for a very long time, but the fact remained that, of the Conservative bloc, the Militares were the smallest after the election.
The Conservatives still dominated the Senate as well, and more and more were National Liberals.
Rhodes had lost the Chancellorship by the slimmest of margins, and threatened to abandon the Conservative bloc without a cabinet position. His new post was already paying dividends, as orders for full production of the combustion engine were placed.
Rhodes didn't know Daimler personally, but he knew a great idea when he saw one. Rhodes even offered to purchase the first working prototype for his own personal use. With improving relations with the UPCA, Rhodes envisioned a future where Roman goods traveled the world, with himself at the center. All he had to do was keep promoting the right people, pushing the right agenda, and making the right connections. He'd even had dinner with the Emperor and his family.
Cecil Rhodes was already finding power more intoxicating than any Mediterranean wine.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
20 May 1882, Floor of the Senate, Rome
Spurius Porcius Cato was not normally a passionate speaker, but on this particular issue, he had to be. Benjamin Disraeli simply didn't understand how finance worked, or so the leader of the Provincares thought. Disraeli had just returned the taxes of the rich to 30%; that was his prerogative, provided it passed the Curia, which it did with no problem. Spurius even recognized, intellectually, that he benefited from the decision. But he'd been fighting -- and losing -- the ideological battle for free markets for too long to accept this most recent blow. There was a dirty secret that most of the capitalists in the Empire didn't want the voters to know: government subsidies would protect any investor and any industry, successful or unsuccessful. The Ministry of Commerce had no problem 'adjusting' subsidy rates to make sure that the rich stayed rich, no matter how high their taxes. Spurius demanded some sort of compensation if the rich were getting their taxes cut.
The Ministry of Commerce was the shining beacon of success in Imperial politics. The Foreign Ministry had successful signed an alliance with the UPCA, even added them to the Roman sphere of influence, but had backpedaled out of two wars with Zanzibar and Mewar.
Bismarck was castigated in the Times and Red Star for backing down; war fever had gripped the Empire, in no small part thanks to Rhodes. When Dai Nam refused entrance to Roman industrialists, Rome was given an even more perfect casus belli than the insults given to the Roman ambassadors to Zanzibar and Mewar; Bismarck again declined to take advantage. Roman suffragettes had successfully won their cause a few seats in the Senate; as a Provincares, Cato was pleased, but it had further alienated some of the most conservative voters in the faction. The Socialists had won their minor victory, thanks to the Minister of Education's funding of X-rays, but their proposal to fund an obscure branch of philosophy met with extreme hostility, even loathing by most voters, who wanted either new industrial technologies or a stronger military. "Phenomenology" provided neither.
Spurius had one possible issue he could win some political capital on; subsidies. The Roman Empire was spending £500 a day to keep factories running. Yes, the Empire had an overall surplus of £656 a day, but if the National Liberals got their way and forced the Empire into another war, that surplus would vanish overnight. That was what he'd come to debate today; ending the subsidies.
Iosif Stavros scoffed at the proposal. "Ending the subsidies, Spurius, would only put a lot of Romans out of work."
"That's why we passed the unemployment subsidies, Iosif. To support workers in their time of need."
Bismarck and the Conservative bloc politicians objected on the basis of their constituents. Fortunately, Spurius had an ace up his sleeve; a factory owner in his district was going to announce that tractors, or mechanized farm equipment, would be available the next day. The capitalist, a close friend of the Provincares, promised to sell them at cost to the provinciae hardest hit by the subsidy cuts. He'd even personally pledged a sizable portion of his profits to workers who might lose their jobs. Cleverly, he also explicitly refused to sell tractors to any Senator's provincia who rejected the new law. With this bit of politicking, the Deputy Chancellor won the day. All factory subsidies were cancelled.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
8 December 1882, Uzice, Serbia
Trajan III didn't get many opportunities to leave Rome, but this was a special day. Uzice had had the distinction a few weeks earlier of being the first town in the Empire with electrical lighting; for political purposes, they'd somewhat fudged the date so that the Emperor could claim he was there when it happened. The Emperor had asked Tesla why his new lighting couldn't be used in Rome first; Tesla had replied that, like any new technology, it was important to make sure that it was tested in a small market before it spread throughout the Empire, much like the first tractors were delivered to Gibraltar in August. Universally positive public relations opportunities were so rare as to almost be extinct; the Emperor couldn't afford to miss this one.
The subsidy plan proposed by Spurius Porcius Cato had backfired, at least in one city.
Several Populares had incited the riot; their leader called himself "Abdul," which made sense in a predominately Muslim and Arab region. Four squads of the city's garrison were needed to put down the insurrection, but it was indeed put down. However, even more disturbing came out of Chile -- the Anarcho-Liberals announced their own congress, which unfortunately gave the Republicares the right to sit in the Senate.
Trajan had always had a soft spot for the Liberals, but this new split would probably finish them as the largest non-Conservative bloc in the Senate. Spurius made one last ditch effort to keep his faction on top, by offering to cut not only the taxes of the rich to 25%, but to eliminate middle class taxes entirely. However, the middle class had mostly turned Conservative out of fear of the Socialists and Communists, so it too backfired. Trajan didn't have anything specific to fear about a Socialist Deputy Chancellor, and his working relationship with his current cabinet was strong. As long as the Populares didn't get a big enough vote to gain a cabinet spot, he was okay. The 10% per seat rule remained in effect. Although his Marshal, Helmuth von Moltke, was theoretically immune from that consideration, nobody else was.
Trajan craved stability, for he had some interesting plans for 1883. He kept them to himself for now, but the National Liberals would get their wish sooner rather than later.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
1 July 1883, office of the Deputy Chancellor, Rome
Iosif Stavros, the new Deputy Chancellor of the Roman Empire, wasn't sure what made him happier; the new position or the new gadget on his desk. The new gadget was called a "telephone"; a British citizen named Bell had developed it for the Empire's use. They weren't being privately manufactured yet, but every single Ministry had at least one. The plan was to have every garrison also have a telephone line directly to the Marshal's office by the end of 1883; those legions with permanent camps would also get one. It had already revolutionized communications; Iosif could call his friend and colleague, the new Minister of Education, Eduard Bernstein, and get a response in seconds. Iosif felt sad that Spurius Porcius Cato had not just lost his cabinet seat and Senate seat, but his role at the head of the Provincares. There was no new leader at the moment, so for the first time in the Empire's history, there were no liberals in the cabinet. Stavros got over his concerns very quickly as he looked at the framed copy of the 1883 Senatorial election he had on the wall.
His first success as Deputy Chancellor was getting enough of the Provincares and even a few of the more radical Pecuniares to sign off on an Imperial health care system.
To satisfy the demands of the Marshal and the Militares, Disraeli had agreed to new military technology; Stavros took the opportunity to trumpet the cause of the navy, which unlike the legions, did not have the capacity to repress citizens of the Roman Empire.
Stavros was very careful not to say that the legions did oppress Rome, only that they could. With his new post came even more delicacy in compromise. Privately, Stavros hated Cecil Rhodes, but he couldn't say that out loud. Even the Red Star had become just a touch more conservative. Stavros himself no longer edited the newspaper, as he was much too busy. A Russian emigre named Pleshakov or Plekhanov or something was running the paper on a daily basis. Stavros still made sure that the newspaper stuck to its mission, even occasionally overruling the odd article for being too bombastic. If he hated or feared anybody more than Rhodes, it was the Populares, who would happily destroy their "brothers" for even a chance at seizing power.
Still, the perks, at least to the new Deputy Chancellor, outweighed the responsibilities.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
28 July 1884, Office of the Foreign Minister, Rome
Otto von Bismarck did not share his nominal superior's enthusiasm for the new technologies of the nineteenth century. He appreciated the affect telephones could have; in fact, he'd even personally invested in an Algerian factory that made them. What he missed was the personal touch of sitting down and chatting with colleagues. Whenever Bernstein wanted to brag about his latest philosophical nonsense, Bismarck didn't like that he couldn't just smack his countryman.
Bismarck mistrusted Bernstein, especially for his newest theory. To Bismarck, it sounded more Populares than Agricolares. Bernstein insisted the research was purely academic, but Bismarck didn't accept that. Still, he was a cabinet Minister and thus Bismarck's political equal, so unless Bernstein was outright treasonous, there was nothing to be done.
Bismarck had his own problems. He'd tried to manufacture a casus belli against Bavaria, but failed miserably in the attempt, getting caught a matter of weeks after he'd begun.
Bismarck's overarching goal was to shorten the borders of the Roman Empire. If his feared "Great War" came to pass, there was a lot of territory to defend, even with the Roman militia. He and his friend Moltke often discussed this over lunch, but nobody else seemed to accept the dangers of a multi-front war. Bismarck did his best to keep Russia friendly; if any one country could threaten the Empire, it was her eastern neighbor. Bismarck wasn't exactly afraid of the Russians, but he had a healthy respect for the sheer size of their population. He'd vocally supported the navy's use of steel to armor battleships, and even personally met the first man allowed to command one, Captain Nikolai Alekseyev. The fact that a Roman of Russian origin was chosen to helm the ship was no accident. That, too, was Bismarck's design.
His most recent move was to request Russian assistance in their war against Mexico.
The Third Mexican War hardly required the Russian army's help, but it did remind the Tsar that alliances were a two-way street; an important reminder for the future.
Bismarck glared at the telephone, but grudgingly picked it up to call Marshal von Moltke.
He had a war to win.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Part 2 will be up next week!
I can't believe nobody's commented here; I updated three days ago!
In any case, I'm writing here to remind you all of the 2012 Q2 ACAs! You don't have to vote for me (although I'd be pleased if you did), but do go anyway. There are some great writers that deserve recognition, and you can find some gems to read (or even better, inspire your own!)
In any case, I'm writing here to remind you all of the 2012 Q2 ACAs! You don't have to vote for me (although I'd be pleased if you did), but do go anyway. There are some great writers that deserve recognition, and you can find some gems to read (or even better, inspire your own!)
I can't believe nobody's commented here; I updated three days ago!
In any case, I'm writing here to remind you all of the 2012 Q2 ACAs! You don't have to vote for me (although I'd be pleased if you did), but do go anyway. There are some great writers that deserve recognition, and you can find some gems to read (or even better, inspire your own!)
Apparently no one likes you anymore... except me! Good update!
I can't believe nobody's commented here; I updated three days ago!
In any case, I'm writing here to remind you all of the 2012 Q2 ACAs! You don't have to vote for me (although I'd be pleased if you did), but do go anyway. There are some great writers that deserve recognition, and you can find some gems to read (or even better, inspire your own!)
It must be that people is with exams or on holidays, so they have no much time. :rofl:
Great update, but I thought second part was going to be soon, so I waited for it to comment.
What happens with Orsatti? Is he dead?
And about the parties: three conservative parties? Are you going to merge some of them or you only want them at command?
Finally, are you going to make any other political reform? Because provinciares name suggest that they want to change the senate to a two by state system, I thought.
Ah, I didn't realize my second part comment had forestalled yours.
Orsatti is not dead. I probably should have said that. When I originally was writing the update, I intended to have a scene in which Orsatti and Alekseyev agree to work together on the industrial board, but instead I gave Alekseyev the first cruiser command and forgot about Orsatti.
The engine created three conservative parties; I hope my narrative has made them different enough that you understand where I'm going with them. If I'm not mistaken, the AI will only add one more party -- the Fascist party. We'll have to see.
I've had no opportunities for political reform, and the Provincares are in a bit of decline at the moment, but that is certainly something they'd want, you're right.
Part two might be up tonight; definitely tomorrow.
Good to know Orsatti is alive!!
I thought you were creating the parties. By their names it is evident you know how to modify them. Well, I hope you change the parties more than for adding fascist, at least names. In my opinion it makes politics more interesting, To create, delete and merge parties....
In any case, I wait for next update.
I thought you were creating the parties. By their names it is evident you know how to modify them. Well, I hope you change the parties more than for adding fascist, at least names. In my opinion it makes politics more interesting, To create, delete and merge parties....
In any case, I wait for next update.
Good to know Orsatti is alive!!
I thought you were creating the parties. By their names it is evident you know how to modify them. Well, I hope you change the parties more than for adding fascist, at least names. In my opinion it makes politics more interesting, To create, delete and merge parties....
In any case, I wait for next update.
I only changed the names. A merger might be possible; I'd have to take a look at the localization file. Sometimes the engine makes parties go defunct.
Chapter 18, part 2: The wrath of the legions
2 August 1884, office of the Chief of the General Staff, Florence
General Paolo di Savoia, Chief of the General Staff, did his best to hide his distaste for his situation, and thought he had succeeded. At one point, di Savoia was one of the most revered battlefield commanders in the Imperial legions. Everything went wrong, oddly enough, when he got promoted. When then-Marshal Trajan appointed him to be Chief of the General Staff, he made Helmuth von Moltke his deputy, and therein laid the problem. Di Savoia concentrated on the administrative functions of his office while the actual planning was done by von Moltke. Paolo had planned all his life to become Marshal of the Empire, and the decision to accept the "lesser" role in the arrangement with von Moltke was predicated on the thought that, as the senior officer, Paolo would get the office he most wanted. He hadn't counted on von Moltke's raw ability and competence. Instead of fearing his subordinate, the Chief of the General Staff instead tried to hone his abilities as a staff officer, which would be of much greater use when Paolo inevitably became Marshal.
Only that hadn't happened.
The untimely demise of Emperor Constantine XII had catapulted Trajan, and not Ferdinand, into the Emperor's spot. Ferdinand was a man who worshiped tradition, almost to the degree of fetishizing it. That meant that seniority alone would have been sufficient. Trajan valued merit, and more importantly, the sexier aspects of the General Staff's mission. Moltke leapfrogged di Savoia into the Marshal's spot, effectively killing Paolo's career. Paolo was an excellent officer in his own right, but recognized that Moltke was better. He'd never have another opportunity at the top slot; Moltke was younger than Paolo, and there were plenty of other brilliant young military minds lining up behind Moltke. Di Savoia's last gasp was to get named as a battlefield commander against Mexico, but he was rebuffed due to his advancing age and ill health.
That made Colonel Arturo Orsatti almost completely insufferable. It wasn't that Orsatti had done anything to him, at least intentionally. Paolo even had some sympathy for the Colonel; his father had died in the Jacobin revolution, and the family's goldsmithy destroyed. One of Arturo's brothers was rebuilding in a less damaged section of Milan, but it would take years to recover the father's business. That didn't mean much to Arturo -- he'd been the Senator from Lombardy for over a decade and thus was a hereditary noble -- but it did mean that Arturo had nothing to focus on except the legions. He had no wife, no family of his own.
No distractions, Paolo growled under his breath. Paolo was obsessed with the trappings of luxury his birth into nobility had granted him. Unlike most officers, he was a proud member of the Protectores. He'd married a respectable woman, had three respectable children, two respectable homes (one in Turin, the other in Florence), and a respectable mistress. He attended every social function, laughed at all the bad jokes and ate all the bad food. He did this to maintain his status. So when Colonel Orsatti reported to Paolo di Savoia for a new assignment, his term with the industrial board having expired, he was decidedly mixed in his reception. Part of di Savoia saw Orsatti as a superior soldier, deserving of a carefully nurtured path to the stars of a General. The other part saw him not just as a threat in the long term, but a serious rival for his own position. Paolo knew he would be fine after the legions, but he'd never as much simple power as he did now.
Paolo looked up at the clock -- 2:00 PM -- and almost the moment the hour struck he heard the Colonel's knock on his door. "Enter."
Arturo Orsatti towered over his nominal superior. Since Paolo was six feet tall, that was no easy feat, but nonetheless he did. "I am reporting for my new assignment, General."
Paolo checked two folders on his desk. One was the order to attach the Colonel to his staff. The other, a brigade command in the field. The Marshal wanted Orsatti in an important role, but left the actual role up to his Chief. Paolo knew that, if he gave Orsatti the staff officer job, he'd outshine his superior within months, gain General's rank, and take his job. The same could happen if Orsatti got the field command; then again, he could also be killed. Especially if he had front line duty. Orsatti wasn't the sort to lead from behind; just the opposite, and his evaluation showed that. Paolo carefully scanned each assignment, then nodded. "Colonel, I'm naming you commander of the 1st Calabria Guards in General Giardino's Legion. I know it's been a while since you've been in the field, but I know you can handle it, and it's a great way to get noticed." Giardino's another threat to my job, di Savoia left unsaid.
Orsatti smiled. "Yes, General."
The decision made, Paolo got down to business. "You've heard the reports of the battle of Spa, I assume, but General Capello's report is right here. You might find it interesting, since you'll almost certainly be facing the Dutch."
"Your Legion -- the Legio XXIX 'Gaul' -- is currently stationed in Orleans; we'll get you on a train within the hour. Your brigade is the lead element of his legion. Here's your movement path."
Arturo smiled again. In any other European army, he'd be leading a "division", but the Roman Legions didn't have them. It was ten men to a squad, ten squads to a century, five centuries to a battalion, two battalions to a regiment, three regiments to a brigade, and as many brigades as necessary in a legion. His new legion was a large one -- 36,000 men, with five brigades of infantry, five brigades of artillery, and two brigades of cavalry. Umberto Giardino was a brilliant defensive general, but could attack as well. Giardino had spent a two year stint as General of the Corps of Engineers, and another two years as Commandant of the Germanicus Academy. Few officers were as well educated or decorated as Giardino. He'd be tough, but if Orsatti could prove himself to the General...
"I said, any questions, Colonel?"
Arturo was startled back to the present. "Er, sorry, sir. No, sir. I'll leave for the depot immediately."
"Very good. Godspeed, Colonel."
"Thank you, General."
-------------------------------------------------------------
22 August 1884, Middleburg
Although he didn't know, General di Savoia was absolutely right about one thing -- Arturo Orsatti never led from the rear. He checked his rifle carefully. Another magazine and I'll need to change the barrel, he thought. He could do that very easily, but it would take time, and most importantly slow his brigade down. General Capello's pursuit and envelopment of Joost Köhler's army raised the bar for every legion.
Arturo swore. His cavalry charged into the enemy's flank, while Roman machine guns prevented a counter charge by enemy infantry. The problem was, a clever Dutch commander had captured a Roman machine gun in a skirmish a week ago, and held down his portion of the line. Roman artillery battered the enemy position, but hitting the machine gun was unusually difficult. That meant two things: the only way to get rid of the Dutch crew was to attack them head-on, and that the assault would be bloody, maybe even suicidal. As the brigade's commander, he'd get hit, probably more than once. Arturo sent for his three regimental commanders. After they arrived, he laid out the problem before them.
"Gentlemen, General Giardino is counting on us. We have to take that position. The enemy is well entrenched, and their machine gun is one of our latest models. There are only about 1000 Dutch soldiers there, but with that machine gun, we almost have to use the whole brigade. That could leave the artillery prone to a counterattack. What's our plan?"
The youngest of the three officers -- a freckle-faced Lieutenant Commander, who'd taken over when his Commander was killed earlier in the day -- raised his hand. "Sir, won't the cavalry roll up the enemy line?"
The oldest Commander shook his head. "No, son. Cavalry charges simply don't work any more. Attacking the flank is a diversion, nothing more. We can't spare more than about two centuries of cavalry; the rest are being held back for pursuit. It's up to us."
Arturo scanned his commander's faces. "How are we doing for supplies?"
Arturo's deputy, a Lieutenant, took charge of that query. "Sir, all three regiments are at about 25% of their ammunition. That's fine. What's less fine is that the replacement barrels for our rifles just aren't here. The Quartermaster sent them to another brigade, insisting we wouldn't need them."
Arturo thought of his own rifle. "Anybody having overheating problems?"
One Commander nodded. "About 5% of my men have useless rifles."
"We have to take this gun out. There's nothing else for it." Arturo studied a map carefully, then nodded to himself. "Here's what we'll do. The freshest regiment will lead the attack. The other two will attempt to confuse and draw machine gun fire away from us. We'll actually slip behind that tree line" -- pointing to a magnificent grove of pines -- "behind us. With our regiment obscured, the other two will sit quietly until we're in position. Hell, maybe we'll get lucky and those idiots will charge us. If they don't, I'll send a runner to order the two regiments still in the line to open fire on the machine gun. Once I hear your rifles firing, the regiment with me will hit them in the rear and secure the position. Our brigade will then reform here, in a U-shape, until the other brigades can come forward. Questions?"
There weren't any. Arturo nodded to himself, changed rifles with a Commander, and began to move.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
2 November 1884, Salerno, Sicily
Captain Nikolai Alekseyev beamed like a new father as he watched the keel of his new cruiser being laid.
The Marshal had ordered forty cruisers built as soon as designs were available. Although Rome had won the Battle of the Gulf of Mexico, they'd lost a Commerce Raider in the process. The cruisers were merely in the planning stage at the time, but the "loss" had really spurred development, especially with focus shifting to Mexico after the victory at Middleburg.
Nikolai made it a point to check the newspapers for the name of his friend, Arturo Orsatti, who he'd met a while back at the offices of the Roman Times. Orsatti was promoted to General -- one of the first Colonels in a very long time to be promoted on the battlefield -- and his tactics were being taught at the Van Dijk College of War. Orsatti was named the Commander of his Legion, since Giardino was injured during the battle, as well. Nikolai's own injured leg would have kept him out of a command in the legions, so he was grateful to be in the fleet. He knew when it rained, and he walked with a pronounced limp, but it was nothing too stressful. He didn't have to wear a peg leg or anything.
He was especially excited about the electric lights being installed. Alekseyev met Nikola Tesla briefly at a party, and the two hit it off. While Alekseyev didn't care for Tesla's pigeons very much, he knew the man was a genius, and made sure that the latest and greatest gizmos out of Tesla's lab were added to his ship. In return, the Captain used his influence as a Senator to make sure Tesla got plenty of funding. It worked well for both men.
Alekseyev's thoughts went out to his friends out in Mexico; they were landing soldiers in addition to fighting off the Mexican navy, and this time, it looked like Roman soldiers would get their hands dirty.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
1 January 1885, office of the Marshal, Florence
Helmuth von Moltke was furious. Trajan III had specifically asked the President not to put Roman troops under American commanders. Unfortunately, the President did exactly that. Although the Battle of Houston was technically a victory, the casualties were so horrendous that Moltke called the Emperor to demand that Exelmans be fired, if not executed for incompetence.
At sea, Roman fortunes were better.
Yet, to Moltke's dismay, what were the politicians in Rome discussing? The war? No, of course not. Some silly railway program sponsored by Disraeli and the Pecuniares.
At least Moltke could be grateful that the Conservative bloc stayed together. The Socialists grew, but most at the expense of the Liberals. Moltke was a proud member of the Militares and told anybody who asked he was.
But the person he was most furious with was the Emperor. Trajan III insisted on going on with his silly 50th jubilee. There was a war going on! Wars were no time for extravagance! And worst of all, Moltke had to waste his time preparing reports on the legions and fleet instead of winning the war.
It was unseemly.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
A short update, I know, but we have to stop for the fifty year update! I'll start on that next week; as always, requests are welcome!
As always, a fine update.
Are there any other wars going on at the moment? I am also curious about African colonization: who is leading the way?
Are there any other wars going on at the moment? I am also curious about African colonization: who is leading the way?
Since you're into requests, I'd like to know what became of the younger Datti... Since at the time it seemed he actually bought the family story and wasn't a jacobin; some quiet retirement in the distant mountains, perhaps?
Done and done.
I don't actually recall who you're referring to. The oldest one (Gaston) is the leader of the Jacobins. I thought I only gave Sylvia three sons; if you're asking about Gabriele, that's yet to be determined.
Wasn't Sylvia's brother a member of the General Staff?
I'm talking about him...
EDIT: Found him, in Chapter 14:
IIRC it was mentioned, somewhere, that he was unaware of the whole family plot.
Last edited: