European Senate
First High Level Talks on Montenegro between Senate Factions
01:45 Paris Time
October 18 2003
President Kohler was sitting at the head of the table like he had done for the last four hours. What had started out the night before, had dragged on into the early hours and although it was all at the familiar Château de Rambouillet, it was all still rather discomforting. This was one of the State Residences, as they had become referred too. It was more akin to the laughter of children from ministers and officials from across Europe on visit, or the jokes of old friends at the expense of their rivals, maybe even the odd visit by a dignitary which naturally brought out celebration in the manor and the locals. It was not a place for debates and talk of war and calamity. He swore while the debates raged that he would never soil this place again with such things.
He shifted around in his chair, the dark brown leather making a quiet sound vaguely embarrassing, though hardly audible over the ongoing debate between the Senators and the Chancellor. With his hair a mess from agonizing internal discussions, and the occasional running of his hand through his hair to scratch at his neck when he had come to a decision, and then reversed it along a new train of thought.
Across the room, Zapatero still looked flustered in his seat with his eyes darting wildly between Senator Andcus Kahlke, who had taken it upon himself to be the voice of the moderates and the diplomatic branch of the Senate, and Senator Santiago, who was up in arms for the pro-war faction. With a trickle of sweat running down his forehead as he sat in the dark leather chair, he moved to bury his head in his hands. In doing so, Zapatero briefly exposed the darkened shirt around his neck and the loosened blue and white checkered tie, undoubtedly a sweat ridden mess.
"You know as well as I do that time is running out for Montenegro! We have to be quick and decisive at this moment. Serbia, and her anything but official allies in the Coalition of Nations are applauding themselves as a sovereign state has been subjugated to their will. The very fact that we are debating the necessity to intervene is a cause for them to rejoice. While we sit here round a glass table debating and arguing, they dine and celebrate in the capital of Montenegro. It is an insult to Europe, and insult to the people!" Senator Santiago exclaimed, glaring hard with his chestnut eyes at Zapatero and Kahlke.
It had been quite some time since Santiago had removed his tie and jacket, and both rested neatly on the corner of his chair, listening in to the goings of an empire. Nonetheless, he still looked quite the leader. His white shirt was slightly undone at the collar, the air of formality having evaporated at least two hours ago. His short black hair had still managed to keep its posture however, standing on guard and at the ready along the length of his forehead, before falling back into the ranks of hairs lying flat on his head. Unlike Zapatero however, he was missing the streak of sweat running down his tanned skin.
Across from him, Senator Kahlke raised his voice once more. With his jacket and tie still holding fast, and with a slight adjustment of the thin rimmed glasses he stood. The glasses distracted Kohler for a moment. He quite liked them. Without the rim around the bottom of the lens' and then the thin black rim running along the top, it gave the Senator a look of sophistication in his suit, and went well with his blue eyes and neatly trimmed brown hair.
"You simply do not understand, do you? Any assault by us to liberate Montenegro will only alienate Serbia, and the rest of the Balkan states farther from us - and drive them into the open arms of the Russians. Everyone knows Croatia is looking at Slovenia with a hungry stomach. Do we want another state running to Russia for aid? And what happens when we go into Serbia without international support? I doubt Russia or the United States will react well, and that's putting it delicately." He raised his voice towards the end.
Serbian Military personnel man a check point in Podgorica as it comes under a brief attack by Montenegrin holdouts.
"The best course of action is clearly to save European lives, time, and money from some expedition into Serbia like this is some bygone era of gallivanting heroics. Montenegro got along fine in Yugoslavia, and they'll get along fine in Serbia. If we have to act, then let the Eastern states act for us. We can easily reach an agreement with Poland and the Ukraine for their Coalition to intervene. At that point, we step in to negotiate and emerge the victors, having not wasted a drop of sweat or blood and gaining all the credit." He said, as if it was such a simple affair.
"No, I can't do that. They'll soon be in enough trouble with Russia." Kohler said, looking squarely at Kahlke. "And no I can't explain that statement with a Senator." he added, dispelling the curious look the man gave.
"Well then let's at least figure out what we do agree on." Zapatero said, undoubtedly eager to head back to his room. "If we can at least sort that out for a moment, then we might be able to make some progress." He lifted his head from his hands as he finished.
"I believe we have agreed to proceed with the embargo, as per the bill before the Senate. As for the naval blockade and no fly zone, that too seems to be acceptable for everyone. Correct?" asked the President as he glanced between the three men opposite him. All nods of agreement.
"Good. In that case, I will pass along the orders when the bill has passed. Kahlke, I trust you to keep your people in check." He said with a quick glance. "And you, Santiago, I trust that you will lull the interventionists. No matter what happens, we will not be toppling the government of Serbia. It's too damn messy, and we can't afford the diplomatic fallout."
"That still leaves open the option for a limited mission, Sir." Interjected Senator Santiago rather hesitantly. The room went silent for a moment as all the men noted the President's statement. Zapatero raised his head from it's still rather slouched position to an upright curiosity. Kahlke too looked rather concerned for a moment.
"I will not rule out a limited intervention, should the Senate push for such a motion. You will however, receive no support from my Cabinet in the matter and you will have the socialists and the progressives in the Senate to contend with." He said flatly before glancing at Kahlke. "And do not take that as a message of support. I was elected a member of the Conservative League." he added, looking at Zapatero for a moment.
"Chancellor, if I may have a word in private while this meeting is adjourned." He said, gesturing to the two Senators.
Naturally, Kahlke walked away deflated from the arrangement. He had received limited support from Zapatero, contrary to his expectations. The Chancellor had stood by for much of the meeting while Santiago had attacked his policies and suggestions. The voice of the second most powerful man in Europe should have been brought to his side and guided the President, but Zapatero had refused to take on a conflicting agenda. It kept him where he was.
On the other hand, Senator Santiago left with new confidence. An alliance in the Senate between the Conservative League, and the European League for Action could easily be arranged, and that would bring them to a standoff with the Progressives and Socialists for the rest of the year, and for the coming election. Not only that, but it seemed to him that the President had given a limited support to the intervention. At the very least he had done little to refuse his proposals, though he had complained about several Senators comments - mostly about a proposed invasion and outright annexation of Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo into the European Union. If anything, the debate had strengthened his own position in the Senate, bringing him to the forefront of his party, and undoubtedly helping his own electorate of Madrid in the elections next year.
Despite the powers of the President in foreign policy, the Senate was still the main force of power at home. The position of the Chancellor, as head of the Senate's largest party and with responsibility for domestic policy, often leads to a very complicated relationship in the government.
As the two men left the room, Kahlke with papers and proposals under one arm while Santiago left with a jacket hung over his shoulder and a tie tucked inside one of its sleeves, Kohler looked hard at Zapatero. "Chancellor, I know the answer to this question and were I not required to ask this, I would not bother. But, what is the position of the Senate and Chancellery on this matter?"
"Truthfully Sir, the Senate is split. While the Conservatives and League for Action had been split by several issues before it seems that they have put their differences aside for now. With that done, they have almost three quarters the total number of seats of the Socialists and Progressives. Given some other support by tertiary parties I would say that ..." Zapatero paused for a moment, considering what he might say.
"I would say that the Senate is at an impasse. Any action that is to be taken during the situation must come directly from the office of the President." The confession hung in the air, like the terrible news of the death of a relative or some other god awful tragedy.
This had never happened before. The President was always meant to follow the will of the Senate and listen to the advice of the Chancellor. When the President and Chancellor were of the same party, then naturally said party dominated the political scene of the nation, with the Chancellor largely focused on domestic issues (except in a crises) while the President looked abroad and gave his approval of changes at home, rarely intervening. The last Senatorial elections had divided the offices and now with a Conservative President, a Socialist Chancellor and a fractured Senate, the discretion to act traveled up the chain of command until it was resting at his feet. The fact that this was even an issue for the European Union, was an issue that would undoubtedly be raised for reform in the coming election.
President Kohler pushed himself up from his chair and turned so that his back was facing Zapatero. Looking out the window behind him, he could hardly see anything. Just the reflection of an old man, tired and eager to leave politics with a good legacy in the following year. "Chancellor, I love my country. Not many people can say that they had hoped for this Union, but I had hoped since I had aspirations. Now I feel compelled to drag her into a war. Our first since the Summer War. I hope you are never put in a position to decide such a thing."
"I hope so too, Sir." Zapatero added. Looking at the back of Kohler, and quite unsure of what was coming.
"If we intervene in Serbia now, then it will either sate the appetites of the people or what's will drive them into a blood rage. It is a dangerous precedent Jose. This whole business is dangerous."
They stood there in silence for several moments. Each thinking about the future and the inherent dangers it held for them. For Europe. It would not be easy, but if she could fight her way through, the rewards for Europe could be boundless.
"The Senate will pass a limited intervention measure." Kohler concluded, nodding gently as he thought to himself.
"Get me Henri."
_________________~ Comments ~ ___________________
So, a lot of reading for this one.
The Henri referred to is Henri Bentegeat, the Chief of Staff for the President and Chancellor of the Senate. Just to avoid confusion on that.
As for the rest of it, I imagine this will raise some questions about the political nature of the EU. In this regard, it is quite a fair bit like Germany. The President has a limited role at home, and mostly follows or compromises with the Chancellor of the Senate in domestic policy, as the Chancellor can fall prey to a non-confidence vote during the 5 year terms served by a government. Outside of domestic policy, the President is in control of Foreign Policy. He is also the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, but requires Senate approval for a deployment overseas or domestically. This form of governance falls into conflict when the Chancellor - who even though he focuses on domestic policy, is still a major influence on policy as he represents the Senate to the President - is unable to make a recommendation for policy while the Senate is so divided.
I was trying to work it out in my head, but this is generally what I came up with. It will probably be reformed to be simpler at some point soon. Might turn out more like the US model, or I might keep this model if people like the idea of it.