The Queen of Cities: A Byzantine AAR

Stuyvesant

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• Aug 23, 2014

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• #101

Ouch. That's a painful thing to do for the good of the Empire. I'm sure the vultures are starting to circle, after so many Romans have killed themselves in civil wars and uprisings in the last few years.

It's too bad that Kyrillos's intrigue is so low - the best way to regain the throne would be through a swift knife in Porphyrios's back, which would be cheap(ish), wouldn't cost the lives of thousands of invaluable troops, and wouldn't require you to make concessions to others in the Empire.

Oh well, perhaps you can marry off some old crone to Porphyrios, so that he can't get any heirs?

 

guillec87

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• Aug 23, 2014

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• #102

kill the Emperor and inherit the throne

 

Asantahene

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• Aug 23, 2014

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• #103

This is a magnificent AAR told in the best fashion of some of the best historians. I'm thinking Paul Murray Kendall or Alison Weir. Truly gripping!

Count me in mate!

And what a heinous twist of fate. Glad you are going to continue the tale from the deposed Emperor's perspective. Have read the whole thing in 1 go so enthralled have I been. Bring on the next instalment

 

Last edited: Aug 24, 2014

RossN

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #104

Part Three - The Reign of Emperor Porphyrios

A mosaic of the Emperor Porphyrios, completed after his death.​

The Emperor Porphyrios had many qualities that in happier times would have made him a fine ruler. Intelligent and ambitious but surprisingly humble and gregarious in person time might have cemented his position. Despite his undoubted abilities he was widely though not universally hated. Loyalist partisans of the deposed Kyrillos loathed him as a usurper, followers of Prince Bardas saw him as a stumbling block to their own candidate and the religiously Orthodox of all factions despised him as an excommunicant. The Ecumenical Patriarch Photios II had been no great friend of the Emperor Kryillos whose father had blinded his predecessor but he was even less an admirer of civil war and at Kyrillos's order had excommunicated Porphyrios when the adventurer had first invaded. That judgement was not lifted when Porphyrios had triumphed and the Senate had recognised him. For the moment at least the Church remained chilly and aloof.

The new Emperor's greatest gift was for organisation. The immense task of building an army had depended on a talent for logistics, for managing money, for long term planning. In his brief reign Porphyrios comprehensively overhauled the military, turning his horde of adventurers and mercenaries into a professional, permanent standing fighting force of over twenty thousand men [1]. He abandoned the traditional Makedon reliance on the Varangian Guard, most of whom had in any case perished at Constantinople and Smyrna. Wisely he kept on the most trustworthy of his generals, Niketas, David and Heketorios. All three were soldiers of lowly origin who had flocked to Porphyrios's banner and proven themselves capable military men. Lacking any relationship with the Roman aristocracy they could be counted on to be totally loyal to their Emperor. The army would provide no trouble for Porphyrios, while representing a lot of potential trouble for anyone planning a coup.

That same army was probably intended for war with the Arabs who were now firmly established in Armenia. Porphyrios knew he had to wait however. He needed time to stabilise his rule, win the blessings of the Church and above all marry and produce an heir. He was only eighteen years old and in good health but the early death of the Emperor Symeon had showed youth was no guarantee of a long life. Unfortunately for Porphyrios there were few obvious brides amongst the great Roman familes and his throne was far too shakey to marry a political nobody as Kryillos had done. It was a problem and as 936 turned into 937 and Constantinople was wracked by an unusually hard winter that blanketed the streets in a foot of snow he struggled to resolve that problem.

In Gallipolli the Doux of Thrace (who was only called that by the most devout of Porphyrios's men) still held a shadowy Imperial court in exile. Kyrillos would not appear in Constantinople unless personally summoned by the Emperor, and that Porphyrios would not do. The tragedy was that if not for their deep and bitter rivalry both men might well have been boon friends for they fundamentally agreed on many things. Yet the throne lay between them; the usurper could never relax his stance towards his nephew, the ex-Emperor could never forgive his uncle. So Kyrillos stayed in Gallipoli and in mid-January rumour began to spread in the Forum that he was planning on relocating to Edessa. Porphyrios could afford to breathe a little easier but he it did stop him proclaiming a law disbarring inheritance via the female line. Kyrillos was not mentioned by name in the law, but it was obvious he was the target. Kyrillos's own heir was his younger sister Apollonia, and it was yet a further step against a potential coup[2].

The untimely death of Emperor Porphyrios.​

On the evening of the 25th January 937 the Emperor gave a dinner party at the Grand Palace for members of his faction, mostly army officers and minor senators. As the evening wore on the Emperor grew increasingly ill and had to cut the evening short, complaining of stomach pains. Doctors were called for but by the time they arrived at the Emperor's bedchamber is was too late. Porphyrios had passed into a coma and despite all efforts could not be arrived. He died in early hours of the morning, and before nightfall a messenger had ridden through the snow to Gallipoli and presented Kyrillos with his usurpers ring. The Doux of Thrace was Emperor again and by the time he arrived in the capital, having ridden as soon as word reached him the Senate had declared for him.

Naturally there was suspicion of poison by Kyrillos (or a sympathiser acting on his behalf) but nothing was ever proven. In any case such a conspiracy if it existed undoubtedly depended on the support of much of the Roman aristocracy, including many nominal supporters of Porphyrios. it would help explain why Kyrillos took no action against the usurpers favourites and did not attempt to change any of the laws or reforms that had been introduced.

Kyrillos as Emperor once more, early 937.​

The great danger was not from the Senate or Church which at once supported Kyrillos but from the army, led by Porphyrios's men. If Niketas, David and Heketorios had marched on Constantinople from their base at Smyrna then Kyrillos would have to flee once again, and choose an exile much further than Gallipoli. Yet they soon swore loyalty to their new Emperor. Cleverly Kyrillos had identified that all three generals wished to marry into the Roman aristocracy and he quickly conjured up noble brides for each, debutantes from respectable families. Each general was also confirmed in his position[3].

Against all the odds Kyrillos had regained his throne and this time he looked set to keep it. His rivals were dead or elderly, he was popular with the public and Senate, and as the year wore on the Empress fell pregnant giving the promise of an heir born to the purple, the first since the future Leon VI in 867. The Empire would need some years of recovery before the Romans could resume an aggressive foreign policy but for the first time in over a decade things were stable and peaceful at home.


[1] After Porphyrios died I discovered that his horde had stuck around. I now have a standing army of 21,316! It doesn't regenerate losses but it also does not cost me money.
[2] A change in the law to Salic Gavelkind, apparently passed under Porphyrios.
[3] Niketas, David and Heketorios were Porphyrios's generals and it felt appropriate to leave them in place. All three were lowborn and had the marriage ambition, hence the creation of brides and matrilinier marriages for all three.

 

Last edited: Jul 12, 2017

RossN

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #105

guillec87: well, I hope you are happy now!

DKM: I'm afraid I used foul. In fairness I had been trying to assassinate the usurper prior to his usurpation.

Stuyvesant: Fortunately literally dozens of fellow conspirators proved willing to help assassinate Porphyrios. I was surprised it happened so quickly and so successfully though!

Asantahene: I'm honoured! Delighted to have you reading and hope you continue to like what you read!

 

DKM

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #106

Great Job regaining the throne so quickly! Also, when I said don't use foul, I was talking about don't use a faction to enforce your claim as you would decentralize the Empire. I'm perfectly okay with assassination. I just thought that he had children already thus assassination wouldn't have worked if he did.

 

volksmarschall

Chasing Mountains, Brews, Books, and Byron

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #107

Alison Weir...popular history is so looked down upon in the academy because these contribute no new knowledge to academic intrigue and are often filled with presentism to make the work 'popular' at the sake of actual academic and historical evaluation and intrigue... Avoid popular histories if you are actually concerned with the latest trends in the historical discipline... popular histories are one reason why so many people still think there was a "Dark Age," when, in reality, by the 1970s and 1980s, academic historians and other such scholars had largely moved beyond that old popular label (not that Weir writes in Late Antiquity, it's just a structured analogy).

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So much scheming and backstabbing and plotting! Classic of the Byzantine Court! Now that you are emperor again, the question remains, for how long until a new pretender rises? Aggressive foreign policy... oh great, neoconservatism in the 10th and 11th century...

 

Last edited: Aug 24, 2014

Henry v. Keiper

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Dec 13, 2003

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #108

The Empire would need some years of recovery but the Romans could resume an aggressive foreign policy but for the first time in over a decade things were stable and peaceful at home.

Click to expand...

Excellent

 

RossN

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #109

Sorry Henry v. Keiper that first 'but' should have been 'before'. i've fixed it now. o

Incidentally the Empress will give birth in 938 (ie. next update). If it is a boy I'm probably going to go with the name 'Romanos' but I'm happy to hear suggestions for a daughter.

 

guillec87

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #110

I am happy now!

 

Henry v. Keiper

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #111

RossN said:

Incidentally the Empress will give birth in 938 (ie. next update). If it is a boy I'm probably going to go with the name 'Romanos' but I'm happy to hear suggestions for a daughter.

Click to expand...

Geez, spoiler alert! :angry: I ain't following this no more! (no not really...)

 

Stuyvesant

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #112

That was a very pleasant surprise! I was anticipating a long and rather dull exile in Gallipoli, so this is good news indeed. Oh, and you got a nice disposable army out of the deal, which is a good bonus.

Now how long will this new-found calm in the Roman Empire last?

 

DKM

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #113

Stuyvesant said:

Now how long will this new-found calm in the Roman Empire last?

Click to expand...

I'd give it a month. Take or take three weeks.

 

Specialist290

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #114

Porphyrios, we hardly knew ye. Good riddance. As volksmarschall says, his brief rise and fall were all appropriately byzantine. Here's to hoping Kyrillos is finally somewhat secure on his throne.

As for names for a possible daughter: "Sophia" seems like it would be an obvious and appropriate choice. "Anna" would get my approval as well, as it's always been a favorite of mine.

Speaking of which: Given that you're under agnatic now, who's the current heir to the throne, as pictured in your last screenshot?

 

RossN

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #115

Specialist290 said:

Speaking of which: Given that you're under agnatic now, who's the current heir to the throne, as pictured in your last screenshot?

Click to expand...

My 67 year old great uncle Prince Bardas - the same man the recent civil war was fought to install!

 

Asantahene

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #116

Great twist of fortune's wheel in his favour eh? Both the reclamation and a massive standing army. ¡Hasta la victoria siempre!

 

GulMacet

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #117

You have a free army. Nice! Use it to squash dissenting nobles, assert power and expand the Empire in all directions (especially in that of the heathen Arabs)!

 

Specialist290

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #118

RossN said:

My 67 year old great uncle Prince Bardas - the same man the recent civil war was fought to install!

Click to expand...

Hah! That has to be the icing on this whole sordid plotters' cake.

 

RossN

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #119

Part Four - War in the East

A Roman attack on an Arab fortress.​

The Emperor Kyrillos waited four more years to strike at the Arabs. After his restoration he waited for his armies to recover strength, for new barracks and fortifications to be built and for the Roman people to regain the prosperity to support a long and costly foreign war. In this time of peace his family grew with the birth of a daughter Anna (in January 938) and his first son and heir Adrianos (in February 941). A second son, named Symeon would follow in June 942.

The Abbasid Caliphate of Damascus had grown in power and reach during the last generation. Quite apart from their conquest of Armenia, the collapse of the Tulunids allowed Damascus to regain control of Egypt, though this made them uncomfortable neighbours with the rival Wahabid Caliphate based in Carthage[1]. However while the Caliphate expanded the government was shaky. Ramadan II the old foe of the Romans had died young, leaving the throne to his infant son Ubayd. The boy Caliph was entirely dominated by Mahdi, the Emir of Baghdad. Mahdi was a gifted soldier and far sighted man and would have made a fine Caliph, but he was merely regent and nearly four decades older than his nephew Ubayd. He was also beset by the tyranny of distance; he was in Baghdad and the Caliph was in Damascus. Mahdi could not abandon his own base for long periods but the citizens of Damascus refused to part with their Caliph. So an awkward system of dual capitals arose.

Emir Mahdi of Baghdad, the true ruler of the Abbasid Caliphate.​

By March 941 Kyrillos at last felt ready to act. While many in the Empire expected and hoped the Emperor would try and recover Antioch that was not part of his plan. Kyrillos was pious and knew the religious importance of the city; he had visited it as a pilgrim. However as a statesman he saw that Antioch would strain the ability of the Romans to hold it. It was close to the Arab capital of Damascus the Caliph would feel continually threated and the Romans were not yet strong enough to risk constant war. Like Porphyrios he saw the importance of defeating the Arabs in eastern Asia Minor, ultimately hoping to re-establish a land route to Georgia and bring the Christian (if heretical) Armenians under Roman rule. However his initial targets were more modest. The Emperor wished to seize the northernmost territory of Mesopotamia, the three provinces of Karin, Khilat and Taron. This mountainous country would provide a formidable border in the event of another Arab invasion. On 22nd March the Romans declared war. As under Symeon it was a holy war, to relieve the Armenian Christians of infidel rule.

The standing army was augmented by the Varangian Guard (reformed after the restoration), the Emperor’s personal Kataphraktoi retinues and the levies raised from the themes. At peak strength the Romans fielded over forty five thousand soldiers, though no one battle saw the full concentration of forces. Against them the Abbasids were able to raise nearly as many and their subjects Kaysite Emirate also fielded over six thousand men. The Romans concentrated their main force at Edessa before marching south to besiege Damascus itself. The remainder of the army concentrated on capturing the eastern border provinces.

The battles of Mazikert (29th January 942) & Arca (26th February 942): the worst Roman and Arab defeats respectively.​

The Roman-Arab War of 941 to 943 was a brutal bloody affair, waged for the most part in rugged terrain. The weather was frequently unbearable, and many soldiers died from thirst in summer and from exposure in winter. The local Armenian peasants likely suffered the most, forced to provide food for both sides and constantly suspected of favouring the enemy, though Kyrillos at least tried to enforce discipline in his armies (by letter; he spent the war in Constantinople.) Some territory was the sight of near constant combat. Koralla was the sight of at least three major battles as the Arabs tried to besiege Trapezous and the Romans were forced to draw their forces from elsewhere to relieve the city. The war swung back and forth for many months as either side suffered a bruising defeat. The Arabs even inflicted a shock defeat on the Roman navy off Cyprus and managed to land enough troops to sack Famagusta. It was a great blow to Roman prestige but in the long run may have been a fatal mistake as the fourteen thousand Arab soldiers in Cyprus would have been much more use elsewhere. They were withdrawn, though by that time it was too late.

The war produced surprises. Doux Eustathios II of Charsianon, a major rebel during the civil war against the young Kyrillos proved a loyal and capable commander, perhaps the best of the war. Likewise the former generals of Porphyrios acquited themselves well, being key to the capture of Damascus.

The Roman sack of Damascus in January 943 was a tremendous blow to the Caliphate. The boy Caliph himself had escaped with his court to Baghdad but the loss of his capital, the historic centre of Umayyad rule was a shock to the entire Muslim world. For the Christians it was a miraculous victory and chroniclers as far away as Ireland interrupted their local records to mention the capture of the city and the loot that passed into Roman hands including countless works of Arabic scholarship. By April the Arabs were on their last legs and on the 16th of that month Mahdi was willing to sign a peace ceding Mesopotamia. The Romans had pushed their frontier deep into the east and revealed that even with their recent growth the Muslims were not invincible.

It had been a long and costly war and perhaps more brutal than the Romans had expected. By the end the standing Roman army, including the Varangians and Kataphraktoi numbered only twenty thousand[2]. The Emperor Kyrillos, in celebrating his victory assured the Senate that there would be no more expensive foreign adventures in the near term. The peace would be quite busy enough with the navy to be strengthened, Cyprus to recover and the new provinces to be integrated to the Empire. This last was a difficult task as the new populace was either heretical Christian or Muslim but the Emperor had considerable hopes, investing much money in the area. Karin, Khilat and Taron all became part of the Emperor's personal territory, which as it also included Edessa meant that fully half the eastern border answered directly to Kyrillos - a deliberate strategy.

The Roman Empire at the end of the Arab War, April 943.​

[1] The Wahabids are the Shia Caliphate and have essentially taken over what used to be the Aghlabid Sultanate. The Tulunids have survived but are mostly confined to Algeria, with a couple of remaining cities in Egypt.
[2] During the war I lost about 40% of the 'free' army I inherited from Porphyrios, though I do have six Kataphraktoi retinues and the Varagnians permanently raised so my standing army is still pretty powerful.

 

Last edited: Jul 12, 2017

RossN

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• Aug 24, 2014

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• #120

DKM: Ah, I understand now. A very good point i'd forgotten about.

volksmarschall: Hopefully the Romans can enjoy a few years of peace and prosperity now.

Henry v. Keiper: Heh.

Stuyvesant: Well it did last four years.

I still can't believe the stroke of luck to be honest.

Specialist290: I did go with Anna. Of course with a second son I'll have to be careful to avoid splitting the inheritance. And Bardas ultimately lived to be seventy!

Asantahene: Thanks! This game likes to throw up surprises and I'm just along for the ride!

GulMacet: Hah, there you go!