The Year of Development
Part 8: Conclusion
The year 1937 concluded for Italy with great eventfulness. Between the heady rush of technology at the end, the launching of two light carriers and the Spanish Civil War with its wealth of opportunity, Italy seemed on the brink of significant existence in Europe not felt since the dying days of the Roman Empire in the west. Italy was in an immeasurably better position than at the year’s beginning, when its prestige was in humiliated tatters on the battlefields of Abyssinia and Somalia and its navy was third-rate in the Mediterranean behind those of Britain and France. Italy’s development throughout the year was profound.
The conquest of Abyssinia by General Grossi and a regenerated Armata dell’AOI restored some luster to the tattered image of the Regio Esercito. Grossi’s quick work in East Africa took Europe by surprise. There is one story that sums up the shock of the victory well enough to bear repeating. Ernest Hemingway was said to have decided to go to Abyssinia to fight Fascism late in 1936, seeing some sort of hope to defeat it there. He landed at Mombasa in late January 1937 and slowly made his way northward toward Abyssinia. He had no reason for speed; the Italians were stymied, after all. He reached the Abyssinian border in late March, by sheer coincidence near an outpost. He went over to it to announce his desire to fight the Italians, but found that the border post was manned by Italians, who were quite curious as to his business in Italian East Africa. Hemingway immediately backtracked and returned to Mombasa, stunned. This tale is apocryphal, but illustrative. The British also took a greater interest in Italian military affairs from this period, as the Armata dell’AOI was redeployed to the Libyan-Egyptian border with its army headquarters in Tobruk and corps headquarters close to the border.
The beginning of the Spanish Civil War in early November put all of Europe on edge as states chose sides in what was becoming an ideological gulf that began dividing the continent. Despite official pledges not to intervene, both Germany and Italy did so, on the side of the Nationalists. The Soviet Union also took part, giving aid to the Republicans. The democracies stood back. Those that intervened did so exclusively for their own benefit, though to the naïve democratic states the main motivators were ideology. Germany aimed to whet its Luftwaffe into a deadly force; the Soviet Union hoped to create a socialist state in the west from which it could covertly operate. It also took the Spanish republic’s entire reserve of gold. Italy used its intervention on the side of the Nationalists as a cover for its preparations of an even bigger intervention. The pariah revisionist states of Europe were pushing their strategies forward as the status quo powers looked on half with fear and half with complacence.
Europe, already in the throes of the Spanish drama, was piqued further by the launch of the two Italian light carriers, whose construction Mussolini had somehow managed to keep secret from the rest of the world. The two carriers were unveiled at Palermo, causing a shockwave that shook the Mediterranean political scene. French naval headquarters at Toulon was thrown into a panic, their Mediterranean fleet suddenly eclipsed. The Royal Navy in the Mediterranean, based out of Alexandria and Tel Aviv, could feel the lurch in the balance of power. Italy was beginning to become a threat, not just to those neighbors who were worried of its stated irredentist policies but also to Europe as a whole.
Mussolini was aware of the impact Italy was beginning to make in Europe. He knew his next step, but he was unsure how it would be received in other European capitals. Italy was at the brink of becoming possibly the most significant power in the Mediterranean. There was no one step Italy could take to achieve this goal, however. The politics of the Mediterranean were a deadly, complex minefield with no discernable pattern. Leaders simply had to know, and if they did not then they would soon become lost. Mussolini understood the minefield in part. He knew it well enough to be confident that his forthcoming step was to be his last. After it, he would either have to back down or prepare for a leap of faith.